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BT 


CHARLES  ANTHON,  LL.D., 

JAY-PROFESSOR   OK   THE   ORKEK   AND    LATIN     LANGUAGES  IN    COI.U11DIA    COL1.KOB, 
NKW-YORK,  AND   RECTOR   V?   THE    GRAMMAR-SCHOOL 


A  NEW  EDITION, 

WITH      IMPROVEMENTS. 


NEW.YORK: 

HARPER  &  BROTHERS,  82  CLIFF-STREET 
1840. 


Entero<l,  according  to  Act  ot  Congress,  in  tr»e  year  1836,  to/ 

CHARLES  ANTHON. 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  ot  the  Southern   District  ot  New-York. 


TO 

HIS     FRIEND, 

J     N.    REYNOLDS,    ESQ. 

AS 

A  TESTIMONIAL  OP  REGARD 

r  OR 

TALENT,  INTEGRITY,  AND  DECISION  OF  CHARACTER 

THIS    WORK    IS    SINCERELY    INSCRIBED, 

BY 

THE    EDITOR. 


2091539 


ci 


a&  lo 


PREFACE. 


4 

>  Wgrtinpsm  odJ  ;<•>> 
THE   present   edition   of  Cicero  contains  the  four 

orations  against  Catiline,  together  with  those  for  Ar- 
chias,  Marcellus,  the  Manilian  Law,  and  Murena. 
In  making  this  selection,  the  editor  has  been  guided 
by  the  statutes  of  Columbia  College,  which  require 
all  the  orations  that  have  just  been  enumerated,  with 
the  exception  of  the  last  two,  to  be  read  by  candidates 
for  admission  into  the  Freshman  Class.  As  the  stat- 
utes of  other  colleges  differ,  in  this  refpect,  but  little 
from  our  own.  and  as  the  orations  against  Catiline  are 
almost  universally  read,  it  is  hoped  that  the  work  here 
presented  to  the  public  will  prove  a  useful  auxiliary 
to  the  youth  of  our  country  in  general.  The  orations 
for  the  Manilian  Law  and  for  Murena  have  been  added 
as  favourable  specimens  of  Cicero's  more  elaborate 


2FACE.      v.  - 
>\k    "Vs*    Osk^jOS*-, 

•  eloquence,  Especially  the  latter;  and  they 
may,  Tt^is  conceived,  be  read  -with  advantage  at  the 
beginning  of  an  under-graduate  course 

In  forming  the  text  of  the  present  work,  the  editor 
has  taken  Ernesti's  for  his  basis,  but  without  any 
slavish  adherence  to  the  opinions  and  decisions  of 
that  distinguished  commentator.  Wherever  a  reading 
presented  itself,  calculated  in  the  editor's  opinion  to 
throw  more  light  on  the  meaning  of  Cicero  than  the 
received  lection  could  impart,  he  has  not  hesitated 
to  adopt  it ;  and  he  flatters  himself  that  the  result 
of  his  labours,  in  this  department,  will  prove  accept- 
able to  all  who  are  qualified  to  pass  an  opinion 

upon  his  efforts. 

•  • .  i  •/» 

The  commentary,  it  will  be  perceived,  is  far  from 
being  a  scanty  one.  If  there  be  any  author  that 
stands  in  neJI  of  full  and  copious  illustration,  it  un 
doubtedly  is  Cicero  in  the  orations  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  The  train  of  thought  must  be  continu- 
ally laid  open  to  the  young  scholar,  to  enable  him 
to  appreciate,  in  their  full  force  and  beauty,  these 
brilliant  memorials  of  other  days ;  and  the  allusions, 
in  which  the  orator  is  so  fond  of  indulging,  must  be 


PREFACE. 


carefully  and  fully  explained.  Unless  this  be  done, 
the  speeches  of  Cicero  become  a  dead  letter,  and  time 
is  only  wasted  in  their  perusal. 

u    aoilAtteuNr  Is  lOTOtcrfw  aJqm»i*8  y«o  Jttorfnw 

The  editor  is  induced  to  make  these  remarks,  from 
the  conviction,  that  the  system  of  commenting,  which 
he  has  pursued  throughout  the  present  work,  will,  as 
in  the  case  of  his  previous  efforts,  be  condemned  by 
some  on  the  ground  of  its  affording  too  much  aid 
to  the  learner.  The  truth  is,  however,  the  editor 
had  no  alternative  left  him.  If  there  be  any  one 
cause,  which  has  tended  more  powerfully  than  the 
rest  to  bring  classical  studies  into  disrepute  among 
us,  it  is  the  utter  incompetency  of  many  of  those 
who  profess  to  be  classical  instructors.  It  is  very 
natural  that  such  preceptors  should  be  strongly  averse 
to  bestowing  too  much  assistance  upon  their  pupils; 
and  perhaps  it  is  lucky  for  the  latter  that  such  a 
state  of  things  should  exist;  but  certainly,  for  the 
credit  of  our  common  country,  it  is  high  time  that 
some  change  should  be  effected,  and  that  if  the 
learner  cannot  obtain  from  oral  instruction  the  inform- 
ation which  ought  to  be  afforded  him,  he  may  procure 
it  at  least  from  the  notes  of  his  text-book.  We  may 
be  very  sure  of  one  thing,  that  the  style  of  classical 


PREFACE. 


instruction  which  prevails  at  the  present  clay  in  so 
many  of  our  colleges  and  seminaries  of  learning,  of 
translating  merely  the  language  of  an  ancient  author, 
without  any  attempts  whatever  at  illustration  or  anal- 
ysis, will  never  produce  any  fruits  either  of  sound 
learning  or  intellectual  improvement. 

C.  A 


<  yd  biuoiie  * 
tstit  .-j 


LIFE  OF  CICERO. 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  CICERO. 


DR.    BARTON. — HENRY    ARLINGTON. 

H.  GOOD  morning,  my  dear  Doctor,  I  have  waited  upon  you,  at  diis 
early  hour,  to  display  a  purchase  which  I  recently  made,  and  to  ask  your 
opinion  respecting  it.  I  have  here  the  entire  works  of  Cicero,  in  one 
atoiit  octavo,  by  a  German  scholar  of  the  name  of  Nobbe. 

Dr.  B.  I  have  seen  the  edition,  Henry,  and  am  disposed  to  think  very 
favourably  of  it,  both  as  regards  the  text  itself,  and  the  typographical  ex- 
ecution of  the  volume.  I  examined  it  at  Parker's,  yesterday,  in  company 
with  Ashton,  of  Brasen-Nose. — But  do  tell  me,  how  stands  your  acquaint- 
ance with  the  life  and  writings  of  "  the  man  of  Arpinum?" 

H.  I  am  not  as  much  at  home  there,  Doctor,  as  I  ought  to  be.  With 
the  general  outlines  of  his  character  and  labours,  I  am  as  well  acquainted, 
probably,  as  most  young  men  of  my  age  are  ;  hut  still  there  are  many 
points  about  which  I  would  like  to  consult  you,  when  you  are  perfectly 
at  leisure  for  the  task.  Indeed,  Doctor,  to  be  candid,  I  wish  you  would 
favour  me  with  a  conversation  about  Cicero,  similar  to  the  one  in  which 
Sallust  was  our  theme. 

Dr.  B.  With  all  my  heart,  Henry,  for  I  happen  to  be  quite  at  leisure 
just  now,  as  the  delegates  of  the  press  will  not  meet  to-day,  owing  to  the 
indisposition  of  the  Cambden  Professor  of  History,  Dr.  Cardwell. 

H.  I  regret  the  cause,  my  dear  Doctor,  and  yet  cannot  but  deem  my- 
self extremely  fortunate  in  finding  you  thus  disengaged.  With  your 
permission,  I  will  occupy  this  comfortable,  old-fashioned  arm-chair,  and 
will  place  my  Cicero  on  the  table  between  us  as  a  sort  of  connecting  tie. 

Dr.  B.  There  is  no  need,  my  dear  boy,  of  any  such  tie  in  the  present 
case,  as  a  far  more  powerful  one  already  exists.  Besides,  I  know  not 
how  it  is,  but  whoever  occupies  that  plain  old  seat  where  you  are  now 
reclining,  seems  endeared  to  me  by  what  Gaisford  would  call  the  "genius 
tedilis"  for  it  was  there  that  my  old  friend  Copleston  of  Oriel  used  to 
sit,  and  discourse  of  "  high  philosophy,"  before  he  was  transferred  to  that 
more  elevated  sphere  of  action,  which  he  honours  by  his  talents,  and 

zi 


\U  LIFE    AND    WRriWGS    OF    CICERO. 

adorns  by  his  numerous  virtues.     God  grant,  my  dear  Henry,  that  youi 
own  career  may  be  as  distinguished  and  successful  a  one. 

H.  If  patient  industry,  and  a  conscientious  discharge  of  duty,  can  gain 
for  me  an  honourable  name,  I  trust  I  shall  never  disappoint  your  expect- 
ations, my  own  and  my  father's  friend,  although  I  can  never  hope  to 
attain  to  that  lofty  superiority,  which  has  been  reached  by  the  eminent 
individual  whose  name  you  have  just  mentioned. — Let  us  proceed,  now, 
my  dear  Doctor,  to  Cicero. 

Dr.  B.  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero  was  born  in  the  103d  year  before  the 
Christian  era,  at  Arpinum,  a  Latin  city,  the  inhabitants  of  which  enjoyed 
the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship,  and  the  privilege,  consequently,  of  voting 
at  the  comitia.  The  birth-year  of  Cicero  was  also  that  of  Pompey,  who 
was  a  few  months  his  junior  ;i  while  Arpinum,  the  orator's  natal  place, 
was  likewise  famous  for  having  produced  the  celebrated  Marius,  the 
well-known  opponent  of  Sylla,  and  the  deliverer  at  the  same  time  and 
scourge  of  his  country. 

H.  Was  it  not  Pompey  who  made  some  allusion  to  this  circumstance, 
Doctor,  of  Arpinum's  having  produced  both  a  Cicero  and  a  Marius. 

Dr.  B.  It  was.  He  took  occasion  once  to  remark,  in  a  public  speech, 
that  Rome  was  under  the  strongest  obligations  to  this  municipium,  be- 
cause two  citizens  had  come  forth  from  it,  who  had  each  in  his  turn  pre- 
served Italy  from  ruin.2  And  Valerius  Maximus  makes  a  similar  remark 

H.  I  remember  his  words  :    "  Conspicuaefelicit.atis  Arpinum  unicum, 
sive  liter  arum  gloriosissimum  contemtorem,  sive  abundantissimumfontem, 
intueri  velis."3 

Dr.  B.  Yes,  that  used  to  be  a  favourite  quotation  with  Russell,  of 
Magdalen.  The  contemlor  literarum  is  Marius,  the  fans  abundantissi- 
mus,  Cicero. — Our  orator  was  of  a  family,  which,  though  it  had  never 
borne  any  of  the  great  offices  of  the  republic,  was  yet  very  ancient  and 
honourable  ;4  of  principal  distinction  and  nobility  in  that  part  of  Italy  in 
which  it  resided,  and  of  equestrian  rank  from  its  first  admission  to  the 
freedom  of  Rome.  It  appears,  that  the  father  of  Cicero,  having  his 
ambition  probably  excited,  by  the  successful  career  of  his  fellow-towns- 
man Marius,  was  the  first  who  thought  of  obtaining  some  degree  of  lustre 
for  his  family,  by  bestowing  a  careful  education  on  his  two  sons  Marcus 
and  Quintus,  and  one  which  might  enable  them  to  enjoy  the  highest 
offices  in  the  gift  of  the  Roman  people. 

1 .  Ci  ^ero  was  born  on  the  third  of  January,  (Ep.  ad  Att.  7,  5,)  and  Pompey  on 
the  last  of  September  following.    Pigh.  Ann.  Plin.  37, 2. 

2.  Cie.  de  Leg.  2.  2.  3. 

3.  Vol.  Max.  2,  2,  4. 

4.  "  Haec  est  mea,  et  hujttsfratria  mei  germana  patria :  hine  enim  orti  stirpe 
antiquissima  sumus  :  kic  tacra,  hie  genus,  hie  majorum  multa  vestigia."    Cie, 
tie  Leg.  2,  2,  3. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  Xlll 

H.  But  how  could  they  procure  this  education  at  Arpinum! 

Dr.  B.  They  obtained  it  at  Rome,  in  the  dwelling  of  Caius  Aculeo, 
their  maternal  uncle,  and  an  eminent  lawyer  of  the  day  ;  and  their  cous- 
ins, the  young  Aculeos,  were  educated  with  them,  according  to  a  method 
approved  of  by  Crassus,  the  celebrated  orator,  and  by  the  very  instructors 
whom  he  himself  had  employed. 1  The  language  and  literature  of  Greece 
formed,  of  course,  a  prominent  part  of  their  early  studies,  and  in  this 
they  were  carefully  instructed  by  the  poet  Archias,  who  came  to  resiae 
at  Rome  when  Cicero  was  only  five  years  of  age,  and  to  whose  fostering 
care  the  latter  beautifully  alludes  in  the  memorable  oration  where  he 
defends  the  poet's  citizenship. 

H.  Do  you  not  think,  Doctor,  that  he  rates  somewhat  too  highly  the 
merits  of  this  Archias  ]  Dodgson,  of  Christ-Church,  one  of  Dean  Ire- 
land's scholars,  insists  that  the  poet  was  only  an  individual  of  second- 
rate  abilities. 

Dr.  B.  Why,  I  am  inclined  to  think  so  myself.  But  vanity,  you  knovy, 
was  the  great  failing  in  Cicero's  character,  and  Archias  most  probably,  in 
the  true  spirit  of  his  country  and  his  age,  had  ministered  so  abundantly 
to  the  personal  feelings  of  the  Roman  orator,  as  to  entitle  him  in  the  eyes 
of  the  latter  to  a  more  than  ordinary  return  of  the  language  of  praise.  Be 
this,  however,  as  it  may,  we  cannot  but  admire  the  kind  feeling  so  strongly 
displayed  in  his  spirited  eulogium  upon  the  character  and  abilities  of  his 
early  preceptor. — But  let  us  proceed.  Cicero  is  said  to  have  attracted, 
at  an  early  period,  the  attention  of  the  two  greatest  orators  of  their  day, 
Licimus  Crassus  and  Marcus  Antonius,  who  did  not  disdain  to  interest 
themselves  in  behalf  of  a  youth  so  conspicuous  for  zeal  and  the  early 
development  of  talent.  He  had  already  given  a  proof  of  this  ability  by 
his  poem  of  Pontius  Glaucus,  which  he  is  said  to  have  composed  while 
still  almost  a  boy,  and  which  existed  as  late  as  the  time  of  Plutarch. 2 

H.  But,  Doctor,  you  surely  would  not  consider  Cicero's  poetry  a 
very  safe  standard  by  which  to  estimate  his  intellectual  excellence. 

Dr.  B.  I  am  well  aware,  my  young  friend,  of  the  difference  of  opinion 
which  exists  in  relation  to  the  poetry  of  Cicero,  and  that  it  is  very  much 
the  fashion  with  modern  scholars  to  deny  him  any  merit  in  this  species  of 
writing.  He  has  been  often  ridiculed  on  account  of  an  unlucky  line,  that 
occurred  in  a  poem  which  he  composed  on  the  subject  of  his  consulship  ; 
and  I  have  no  doubt  you  can  quote  it  for  me. 

H.  "  0  fortunatam  natam  me  consule  Romam." 

Dr.  B.  Right.     You  remember  probably  the  sarcasm  of  Juvenal,3  that, 

1.  "  Cumquenos  cum  consobrinis  nostris,  Aculeonis  JiUis,  et  ea  disceremua, 
gttae  Crasso  placerent,  et  ab  its  doctoribue,  quibus  itte  uterelur  enidiremnr."  D» 
Or  at.  2,  1. 

2.  Pint.  Vit.  Cic.  2. 

3.  Sat.  10, 123.  se?. 

B 


XIV  LIFE    AND    WHITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

if  he  had  uttered  every  thing  in  this  way,  he  would  have  oeen  sale  Irom 
the  swords  of  Antony's  followers  ;  and  also  Quintilian's  language,  who 
censures  the  line  as  an  example  of  defective  versification  ;i  still,  I  can- 
not, I  confess,  see  the  justice  of  condemning  a  writer  far  a  single  line  of 
poetry,  and  it  appears  to  me,  that,  if  our  modem  bards  were  tried  by  thia 
ordeal,  a  large  number,  who  have  obtained  very  comfortable  quarters  on 
Parnassus,  would  be  compelled  to  descend  to  the  plain.  Voltaire,  in  the 
preface  to  his  Catilina,  places  Cicero  by  the  side  of  the  best  poets  of  hia 
time,  and  thinks  he  may  even  dispute  the  palm  with  Lucretius  himself.2 

H.  Allow  me  to  ask,  Doctor  Barton,  whether  you  would  consider 
Voltaire  as  a  very  strong  authority  in  the  present  case  1 

Dr.  B.  I  know  what  you  mean  by  your  question,  Henry.  The  works 
which  my  friend  Dr.  Wynter,  of  St.  John's  College,  recommended  you 
to  read,  has  given  you  a  very  low  opinion  of  Voltaire's  general  accuracy, 
and  I  confess,  that,  in  matters  of  real  scholarship,  his  authority  is  of  no 
weight  whatever.  As  a  poet,  however,  he  may  be  allowed  to  give  us  his 
opinion  respecting  a  brother  poet,  and  may  be  considered  a  much  safer 
guide  in  matters  of  taste  than  where  learning  and  research  are  demanded. 

H.  Perhaps,  Doctor,  some  light  may  be  thrown  upon  this  subject  by 
the  estimation  in  which  Cicero's  poetry  was  held  among  his  contem- 
poraries. 

Dr.  B.  Strange  as  it  may  appear  to  you,  Cicero's  contemporaries  all 
tnought  that  his  poem  entitled  Marius,  an  extract  from  which  appears  in 
the  treatise  on  Divination,4  and  on  which  by-the-bye  Voltaire's  opinion  is 
founded,  was  a  production  that  had  the  fairest  chance  of  descending  to 
posterity. — Indeed,  the  alliance  between  oratory  and  the  poetic  art  is  so 
strict,  that  it  is  difficult  to  excel  in  one,  without  having  at  the  same  time 
some  disposition  for  the  other.  Both  demand,  in  fact,  the  very  same 
qualities,  an  ardent  imagination,  a  fertile  invention,  and  grandeur  and 
elevation  of  style.  Thus,  for  example,  the  genius  of  Demosthenes  was 
essentially  tragic,  and  he  appears  as  much  of  a  poet  as  an  orator,  in  some 
of  those  strains  of  continued  eloquence,  which  no  human  effort  has  yet 
surpassed,  and  which  have  covered  his  name  with  one  undying  blaze  of 
glory. — We  must  bear  in  mind,  too,  that,  in  Cicero's  days,  the  ancient 
rusticity  of  the  Latin  muse  was  only  beginning  to  assume  a  more  polished 
exterior,  and  to  familiarize  itself  insensibly  with  harmony  of  numbers  and 


1.  Inst.  Or.  9,4,41. 

2.  "  Ce  que  peu  de  personnea  savent,  c'est  qne  Gicertm  etait  encore  un  des 
premiers  poe'tes  d'un  sie'cle  ou  la  belle  po£sie  comniengaita  naitre.    II  balanoait 
.a  reputation  de  Lucrece.    Y-a-t-il  rien  do  plus  beau  que  ces  vers  qui  nous  sont 
restee  de  son  poeine  sur  Marius,  et  qui  font  tant  regretter  la  perte  de  cet 
ouvrage  1" 

3.  Lettres  de  quelquos  Juifs,  a  M.  de  Voltaire.    3  torn.  12  mo. 

4.  die.  de  Div.  1,  47 


LIFE    AND     WRITINGS    Ok     CICERO.  XT 

the  other  embellishments  of  art.  The  perfection,  however,  to  which 
poetry  was  carried  after  the  death  of  Cicero,  having  absolutely  excluded 
all  mediocrity,  it  need  not  surprise  us  that  he  retained  so  little  reputation 
in  a  species  of  writing  which  he  found  in  so  uncultivated  and  almost  bar- 
barous a  state.  Our  judgments  of  things  are  formed  in  this  world  solely 
by  comparison.  Cicero  passes  with  many  for  a  bad  poet,  because  he  does 
not  enjoy  the  same  rank  as  Virgil  and  Horace,  Tibullus  and  Ovid,  and 
this  manner  of  judging  him  seems  to  have  originated  at  the  court  of  Au- 
gustus, where,  to  throw  ridicule  on  the  character  of  a  patriot  like  Cicero, 
was  sure  to  be  received  with  favour  by  him  who  sat  upon  the  throne. 

H.  I  find  a  good  deal  of  truth  in  your  remarks,  my  dear  Doctor,  and 
will  give  the  subject,  one  day,  my  attentive  consideration ;  meanwhile 
allow  me  to  ask  what  portions  we  have  remaining  of  Cicero's  poetry. 

Dr.  B.  But  few.  There  are  fragments  of  his  translation,  into  Latin 
hexameters,  of  the  Phaenomena  of  Aratus  ;  the  extract  already  mentioned 
from  his  poem  entitled  Marina,  and  another  from  that  on  the  subject  of 
his  consulship,  together  with  a  few  scattered  lines  from  other  perform- 
ances.1— But  I  arn  afraid  I  have  indulged  too  much  in  the  garrulity  of  age 
on  this  particular  topic,  let  us  return  to  the  more  immediate  history  of  the 
Roman  orator.  It  was  the  custom,  in  those  days,  for  young  persons  of 
good  families,  after  they  had  assumed  the  manly  gown,  to  attach  them- 
selves to  some  distinguished  member  of  the  senate,  whom  they  accom- 
panied to  all  places  of  public  resort,  the  forum  in  particular,  and  from 
whose  example  they  learned  to  occupy  themselves  with  the  affairs  of  the 
republic  or  those  of  private  individuals.  The  senator,  to  whom  Cicero 
had  been  recommended,  was  the  celebrated  lawyer,  Quintus  Mutius 
Scaevola,*  surnamed  the  Augur,  by  way  of  distinction  from  one  of  his 
relatives  who  was  Pontifex  Maximus.  How  much  he  profited  by  the 
society  and  the  wisdom  of  this  excellent  man,  is  acknowledged  by  him 
in  grateful  terms,  in  the  beginning  of  the  dialogue  on  the  subject  of 
friendship. 

H.  Did  the  study  of  jurisprudence  form  at  this  time  his  sole  employ- 
ment 1 

Dr.  B.  It  did  not.  The  great  object  which  he  had  in  view  rendered  it 
absolutely  necessary  for  him  to  obtain  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  the 
various  writers  that  adorned  the  literature  of  Greece  ;  and  this  course  of 
reading  formed,  during  the  whole  of  his  life,  his  favourite  relaxation  after 
the  labours  of  the  senate  and  the  bar,  and  his  chief  consolation  amid  the 
political  convulsions  of  the  republic.  Among  the  Greeks,  who,  at  this 
period,  gave  instruction  at  Rome  in  their  national  literature,  besides  his 
old  preceptor  Arcoias,  was  Phaedrus  the  Epicurean,  and  he  was  in  j>ar- 

1.  de.  Op.  ed.  Erntsti,  vol.  7,  p.  1120,  tegq. 
4  Brut.  c.  89. 


XVI  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

ticular  the  first  Greek  philosopher,  whose  lectures  were  attended  by  the 
youthful  Cicero, 

H.  I  have  heard  it  said  also,  Doctor,  that  Cicero  in  early  life  performed 
military  service.  Is  the  statement  a  correct  one  1 

Dr.  B.  It  is.  Two  careers,  at  this  period,  presented  themselves  to 
those  of  the  Roman  youth  who  were  possessed  neither  of  fortune  nor 
family  influence  ;  the  path  of  arms  and  that  of  eloquence.  Oratorical 
talents  were  sure  of  finding  at  Rome  a  thousand  opportunities  of  display  - 
ing  themselves,  either  in  the  defence  of  friends,  or  in  the  accusation  of 
powerful  offenders  ;  and  they  conducted  their  possessor  to  honours  and 
public  favour  as  promptly  and  as  effectually  as  the  career  of  military 
exploits.  Such,  however,  was  the  peculiar  constitution  of  the  republic, 
that  the  ablest  general  was  compelled  to  cultivate,  in  some  degree,  tho 
art  of  public  speaking  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  most  eloquent  orator 
could  not  remain  a  stranger  to  the  art  of  war.  Every  young  man,  des- 
tined for  the  movements  of  the  bar,  had  to  commence  by  making  sdme 
campaigns  abroad,  and  Cicero  made  his  in  the  war  of  the  allies,  under 
Cneius  Pompeius  Strabo,  father  of  the  well-known  Pompey,  and  under 
Sylla,  the  celebrated  competitor  of  Marius.  At  the  conclusion  of  this 
period,  the  republic  was  endangered  without,  by  the  contest  with  Mithri- 
dates,  and  within  by  civil  strife.  Five  years  of  trouble  thus  ensued, 
during  which  Cicero,  whose  youth  entitled  him  to  the  privilege  of  remain- 
ing neutral  between  the  two  factions,  devoted  all  his  time  to  rhetoric  and 
philosophy. 

H.  Under  what  instracters,  Doctor  ? 

Dr.  B.  He  had  now  for  his  preceptors  many  learned  Greeks,  whom 
the  war  with  Mithridates  had  compelled  to  abandon  their  country.  The 
chief  of  these  was  Philc,1  of  Larissa,  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  the 
Academy  at  Athens,  and  who  was  now  a  very  successful  teacher  of  phi- 
losophy in  the  Roman  capital.  The  ardour  with  which  Cicero  embraced 
the  Academic  tenets  is  easily  explained  by  the  utility  which  he  was  likely 
to  derive  from  them  in  the  discussions  of  the  forum.  Philo  however  was 
not  his  only  master.  The  Stoic  Diodotus2  taught  him  how  to  wield  the 
arms  of  dialectic  science,  and  under  this  rhetorician,  who  lived  and  died 
beneath  his  roof,  Cicero  daily  exercised  himself  in  extemporaneous  decla- 
mation. These  exercises  were  in  the  Greek  language,  Diodotus  probably 
being  not  well  acquainted  with  the  Latin  ;  but  still  they  were  "no  doubt 
of  the  greatest  advantage  to  Cicero,  in  enabling  him  to  enrich  his  native 
'diora  with  the  treasures  of  the  Hellenic  tongue. 

H.  I  thank  you.  Doctor  Barton,  for  thus  dwelling  upon  the  earlier 
studies  of  Cicero.  The  narrative  may  serve  to  animate  the  youthfu 

1.  Cic.  de  Or.  3,  28.— Brut.  89.— JEp.  ad  Fam.  13, 1.— Tusc.  Diip.  2,  3. 

2.  Btut.W.—Ep.  ad  Fam.  13,  16.— Ep   ad  Alt.  2,  20.— Acad.  4, 36. 


MFE    AND     WRITINGS    OF    CICKKO.  XV11 

aspirants  of  our  own  day.  How  forcibly  are  we  struck  by  the  contrast, 
when  we  compare  the  preparatory  toil  of  a  Demosthenes  and  a  Cicero 
with  that  of  the  orators  of  our  own  times.  Theirs  was  the  heroic  age 
of  eloquence,  an  age  destined  never  to  return.  The  ancient  candidate 
for  the  prize  of  oratory  devoted  his  whole  faculties  to  a  mastery  over  the 
instruments  of  persuasion.  He  neglected  none  of  the  means  of  success, 
however  slight  or  insignificant  in  appearance.  He  explored  every  avenue 
of  the  mind,  and  took  possession  of  all  the  inlets  of  delight  through  the 
medium  of  the  senses.  If  he  figured  as  a  statesman,  the  study  of  elo- 
quence included  the  whole  mental  discipline.  If  he  appeared  as  an  advo- 
cate, and  won  the  cause,  it  was  to  the  arts  of  persuasion  he  owed  the 
victory.i  x 

Dr.  B.  True,  Henry,  but  then  how  different  is  the  training  of  the 
modern,  whether  he  appear  in  the  senate  or  the  forum.  His  path  is 
crowded  and  encumbered  with  the  materials  of  almost  unlimited  extent 
and  variety,  which  the  labours  of  centuries  have  accumulated,  and  which 
he  is  required  to  shape  to  the  ends  of  judicious  speech.  He  is  thrown  on 
a  scene  of  business,  and  into  affairs  of  complexity,  from  the  moment  of 
•iis  entrance  on  a  public  career.  He  has  to  combine  and  arrange  a  vast 
number  of  details,  inconsistent  with  all  unity  of  application.  He  cannot 
pursue  eloquence  as  a  separate  branch  of  intellectual  discipline,  and  of 
preparation  for  the  conflicts  of  life.  The  ancients,  having  in  their  polit- 
ical assemblies  no  balancing  of  interests,  no  complicated  adjustments,  no 
compromises  of  policy,  no  schemes  of  concession,  gave  themselves  up  to 
a  single  point  of  discussion.  They  were  never  diverted  from  a  certain 
unity  of  intellectual  view  by  the  distractions  and  divisions  which  pervade 
our  mixed  assemblies.  Theirs  was  a  singleness  of  purpose  effected  by 
simplicity  of  means.  What  weapons  of  signal  power  and  proof  did  not 
these  circumstances  lend  to  the  eloquence  of  antiquity.g 

H.  I  perceive  the  force  of  your  remarks,  my  dear  Doctor,  and  that  the 
labours  and  efforts  of  modern  oratory  ought  to  have  been  rated  more 
highly  by  me. — But  let  us  proceed  with  Cicero. 

Dr.  B.  The  first  oration  which  Cicero  pronounced,  at  least  of  those 
extant,  was  delivered  in  the  presence  of  four  judges  appointed  by  the 
praetor,  and  with  the  celebrated  Hortensius  for  his  opponent.  It  was  in 
the  case  of  Quintius,  and  the  orator  was  at  that  time  but  26  years  of  age. 
The  first  public  or  criminal  trial  on  which  he  spoke,  was  that  of  Roscms 
of  Ameria,  the  succeeding  year,  when  he  appeared  on  the  defence,  and 
displayed  great  courage  in  attacking,  during  his  speech,  a  certain  Chry- 
aogonus,  a  favourite  slave,  to  whom  Sylla,  then  in  the  height  of  his  power, 


1-  Southern  Revietr,  ffo.  10,  page  325. 
2.  Ibid. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

had  given  freedom,  and  whom  he  had  permitted  to  buy  the  properly  of 
the  father  of  Roscius  as  a  forfeiture. 

H.  This  was  certainly  bold  conduct  in  so  young  an  advocate. 

Dr.  B.  It  was  indeed.  From  dread  of  the  power  of  Syila,  the  accused 
had  difficulty  in  prevailing  on  any  patron  to  undertake  his  cause,  but 
Cicero  eagerly  embraced  this  opportunity  to  give  a  public  testimonial  of 
his  detestation  of  oppression  and  tyranny.  The  oration,  however,  was  too 
much  in  the  florid  Asiatic  manner,  which  the  example  of  Hortensius  had 
rendered  fashionable  in  the  forum.  The  spirit  displayed  by  Cicero  in 
conducting  this  defence  met  with  general  applause,  and  was  remembered 
by  himself  in  his  old  age  with  a  feeling  of  such  delight,  that  he  recom- 
mends to  his  son,  as  the  surest  path  to  true  honour,  to  defend  those  who 
are  unjustly  oppressed,  as  he  himself  had  done  in  many  causes,  but  par- 
ticularly in  that  of  Roscius  of  Ameria,  whom  he  had  protected  against 
Sylla  in  the  height  of  his  authority. 1 

H.  And  did  no  evil  consequences  result  to  the  orator  from  this  cour- 
ageous defence  1 

Dr.  B.  None  whatever.  It  must  be  confessed,  indeed,  that  Cicero 
quitted  Rome  soon  after  this,  partly  it  is  said  on  account  of  his  health, 
which  had  suffered  by  his  close  application  to  study,  and  partly  for  im- 
provement. Perhaps  he  deemed  it  but  common  prudence  to  withdraw 
for  a  season  from  the  immediate  presence  of  the  all-powerful  Sylla.  He 
travelled  into  Greece  and  Asia  Minor,  where  he  spent  two  years  in  the 
assiduous  study  of  philosophy,  under  the  ablest  instructers  in  either 
country,  and  where  he  also  acquired,  under  Grecian  masters,  the  art  of 
commanding  his  voice,  and  giving  it  greater  compass  and  variety  than  it 
had  hitherto  attained. 2 — The  first  cause  which  he  plead  after  his  return 
to  Rome,  was  that  of  Roscius,  the  celebrated  tragedian,  which  involved 
a  mere  matter  of  civil  right,  and  was  of  no  peculiar  interest  or  importance. 
All  the  orations  which  he  delivered  during  the  five  following  years  are 
lost,  of  which  number  were  those  for  Marcus  Tullius  and  Lucius  Varenus, 
which  Priscian  mentions  as  being  extant  in  his  time. 

H.  I  perceive,  too,  that  even  the  speech  for  Roscius,  the  actor,  is  not 
complete,  since  the  ill-omened  words,  "  Desiderantur  non  paiccd,"  are 
appended  to  it. 

Dr.  B.  They  are  indeed  words  of  evil  import,  but  we  shall  have  pre- 
sently to  speak  of  losses  far  more  serious  and  deplorable.  Let  us  go  on 
meanwhile  with  the  biography  of  our  orator. — Cicero  had  attained  the 
quaestorship  at  the  age  of  thirty,  an  office  forming  the  first  step  in  the 
•scent  to  consular  honours.  His  election  was  most  honourable  to  him, 
as  he  was  chosen  by  the  unanimous  suffrages  of  the  tribes,  and  stood  first 

1.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  279,  Land.  ed. 
tf.  Brutus,  91. — Dunlop.  ubi  mipra. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  MX 

on  the  list  of  competitors.  1  The  provinces  of  the  quaestors  being 
always  distributed  by  lot,  the  island  of  Sicily  fell  to  the  share  of  Cicero,* 
where  he  displayed  so  much  prudence  and  sagacity,  so  much  activity  in 
the  discharge  of  his  official  duties,  and,  what  was  most  rare  in  those  times, 
so  much  integrity  and  disinterestedness,  as  to  excite  the  admiration  of  all 
the  Sicilians. 

H.  Was  it  not  during  his  government  in  this  island  that  he  discovered 
the  tomb  of  the  mathematician  Archimedes  1 

Dr.  B.  It  was,  Henry.  Before  he  left  Sicily,  at  the  close  of  his  quaes 
torship,  he  made  the  tour  of  the  island,  to  see  whatever  it  contained  that 
was  worthy  the  attention  of  a  liberal  and  cultivated  mind.  On  reaching 
Syracuse,  his  first  request  was,  to  be  shown  the  tomb  of  Archimedes  ; 
but  neither  magistrates  nor  people  could  indicate  its  position,  and  Cicero 
himself  was  the  first  to  discover  it,  by  the  sphere  and  cylinder  engraved 
on  the  marble,  and  by  a  half  defaced  inscription. 3 — You  sigh,  Henry. 

H.  I  am  thinking,  Doctor,  of  the  proud  boast  of  him,  who  engaged  to 
move  the  universe,  if  a  foothold  were  afforded  him,  and  of  the  neglected 
tomb  where  that  same  individual,  after  little  more  than  a  century,  was 
slumbering  forgotten  in  his  narrow  resting-place. 

Dr.  B.  True,  but  his  name  has  never  died,  and  it  was  this  very  immor- 
tality that  led  the  Roman  quaestor  to  his  neglected  grave. — At  the  ago 
of  thirty-seven,  Cicero  obtained  the  office  of  aedile.  Before  entering  on 
the  functions  of  this  magistracy,  a  glorious  opportunity  was  afforded  for 
the  display  of  his  eloquence,  in  the  prosecution  against  Verres,  the  prae 
tor  of  Sicily,  accused  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  island  of  many  flagrant 
acts  of  injustice,  rapine  and  cruelty,  while  he  exercised  among  them  the 
functions  of  the  praetorship.  Applications  for  redress,  however,  in  cases 
of  this  kind,  rarely  brought  any  relief  to  the  oppressed  nations  bowed 
down  beneath  the  tyranny  of  Rome.  The  decision  in  such  cases  depended 
upon  judges  generally  implicated  themselves  in  similar  enormities,  and 
better  calculated  therefore  to  afford  impunity  to  the  guilty,  than  relief  to 
the  aggrieved.  This  undue  influence  received  additional  weight  in  the 
case  of  Verres  from  the  high  rank  and  connexions  of  the  culprit.  Unap- 
palled,  however,  by  these  difficulties,  Cicero  entered  boldly  on  the  man- 
agement of  the  prosecution.  He  had  been  solicited  to  undertake  the  case 
by  a  petition  from  all  the  towns  of  Sicily,  except  Syracuse  and  Messina, 
both  of  which  had  been  occasionally  allowed  by  the  plunderer  to  share  the 
-poils  of  the  province.  The  issue  was  completely  successful,  and  after 
he  opening  speech  of  Cicero,  and  the  depositions  of  the  witnesses, 


1.  "  Me  cum  quaestorem  in  primis — cunctis  suffragiis  populug  Romanus  faci» 
ot"     Or.  in  Pis.  1.— Compare  Brut.  92. 

2.  "  Me  quaestorem  Siciliensis  excepit  annvs."    Brut.  92. 

3.  Tusc.  Quaest.  5,3. 


XX  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

Verrcs,  driven  to  despair,  submitted, without  awaiting  his  sentence,  to  a 
voluntary  exile. 

H.  But  what  is  this  oration  against  Caecilius,  which,  I  find  here,  on 
opening  my  Cicero,  has  been  placed  at  the  head  of  the  orations  against 
Verres,  and  why  is  it  called  "  Divinutio  ?" 

Dr.  B.  There  was  one  Caecilius,  a  mere  creature  of  Verres,  who  had 
been  his  quaestor  in  S>cily,  and  who  pretended  to  have  received  certain 
personal  injuries  from  him,  and  to  have  a  very  intimate  knowledge  of  all 
his  crimes.  He  claimed,  on  these  grounds,  to  be  appointed  accuser,  in 
preference  to  Cicero,  intending  of  course  to  manage  the  prosecution  in 
such  a  way  that  Verres  might  easily  escape. 

H.  An  ingenious  contrivance  certainly. 

Dr.  B.  Yes ;  but  it  emanated  from  Hortensius,  who  was  counsel  for 
the  accused.  The  rival  claims,  therefore,  of  Caecilius  and  Cicero  had 
first  to  be  decided,  and  this  mode  of  deciding  was  technically  termed 
"  Divinatio"  because,  as  there  were  no  facts  in  the  case,  the  judges, 
without  the  aid  of  witnesses,  divined  as  it  were  what  was  nroper  to  be 
done.i 

H.  But,  Doctor,  did  you  mean  to  be  understood  as  saying,  that  only 
one  of  the  orations  against  Verres  was  ever  pronounced  1 

Dr.  B,  I  did.  Of  the  six  speeches  against  this  individual,  only  one 
was  actually  delivered.  The  remaining  five,  which  he  intended  to  pro- 
nounce after  the  proof  was  completed,  were  subsequently  published  in  the 
same  shape,  as  if  Verres  had  actually  stood  his  trial  and  made  a  regular 
defence.  Of  these,  the  most  interesting  is  that  "  De  signis,"  where  an 
account  is  given  of  the  statues  and  paintings  and  works  of  art  which 
Verres  plundered  ;  while  the  finest  is  undoubtedly  that  "  De  suppiiciis," 
which  is  full  of  striking  passages  and  the  most  vehement  pathos.2 

H.  These  orations,  however,  Doctor,  must  sound  very  oddly  in  some 
parts  to  a  modern  ear. 

Dr.  B.  They  do  indeed,  Henry,  I  can  assure  you.  Thus,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  second  oration,  Cicero  speaks  of  a  report  having  been  spread, 
that  Verres  was  to  abandon  his  defence,  but  that  there  he  sat  braving  his 
accusers  and  judges  with  his  characteristic  impudence.  The  effect  of  this 
is  very  amusing,  when  we  recollect  that  Verres  had  absconded  before  one 
word  of  all  this  could  be  pronounced.3 

1L  Still,  Doctor,  it  is  very  comfortable,  for  us  ordinary  mortals,  to  know 
that  so  much  of  the  brilliant  eloquence  of  Cicero  was  carefully  elaborated 
and  wrought  out  in  private,  before  the  occasion  arrived  for  its  being 
flashed  forth  upon  a  dazzled  auditory.  The  more  I  am  allowed  to  look 

1.  Ascon.  in  Or.  contra  Caectt. 

2.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p  283,  seqq. 

3.  Id.  ibid. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXI 

behind  the  curtain,  and  to  survey  from  a  nearer  point  of  view  the  work- 
shops of  great  minds,  the  more  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  "  Sublimity," 
or,  as  we  ought  more  correctly  to  render  it,  "  Elevation  of  style,"  u  in 
reality  a  very  mechanical  kind  of  operation. 

Dr.  B.  Yes  ;  my  old  friend  Parr  thought  that  Sublimis  came  Irom 
super  limum,i  but  I  rather  think  sub  lima  the  more  rational  etymology, 
and  that  the  finest  passages  in  the  literature  of  every  nation,  are  precisely 
those  which  have  been  most  carefully  subjected  to  the  private  application 
of  the  file. — But  to  return.  At  the  expiration  of  the  two  years  which 
were  required  by  law  to  intervene  between  the  aedileship  and  the  office 
of  praetor,  Cicero  was  elected  to  this  latter  station. 2  It  was  while  in- 
vested with  this  magistracy,  that  he  advocated  with  all  his  eloquence, 
against  the  views  of  the  senate,  to  whom  he  was  sincerely  attached,  and 
against  the  true  interests  of  the  republic,  his  cherished  idol,  the  famous 
bill  of  the  tribune  Manilius,  which  granted  to  Pompey,  for  enabling  him 
to  terminate  the  Mithridatic  war,  a  power  that  seemed  incompatible  with 
public  freedom. 

H.  I  have  never  liked  the  character  of  Pompey,  and  it  would  delight 
me,  Doctor,  if  your  sentiments  respecting  him  were  to  prove  in  accord- 
ance with  my  own.  Do  tell  me  what  you  think  of  the  man. 

Dr.  B.  Sallust  paints  his  character  in  a  very  few  words  :  "  Oris  probi, 
ammo  inverecundo,"  meaning  to  imply,  that  his  probity  was  more  upon 
nis  tongue  than  in  his  heart.  Pompey,  in  fact,  respected  virtue  suffi- 
ciently, not  to  offer  it  any  open  outrage  or  insult,  but  he  never  loved  it 
enough  to  sacrifice  to  it  in  secret.  Hence  arose  that  profound  dissimu- 
lation, in  which  he  always  enveloped  himself,  and  that  system,  so  well 
supported  by  him,  of  never  wishing  apparently  to  become  possessed  of 
any  object,  except  by  his  own  merit,  while  in  reality  he  was  grasping  at 
and  bearing  off  every  thing  by  dint  of  private  intrigue.  If  he  was  inferior, 
however,  to  Caesar  in  military  talents,  he  was  always  superior  to  him  in 
the  comparative  purity  of  his  morals,  and  in  the  moderation  of  his  senti- 
ments. Caesar  wished  to  be  the  master  of  the  world,  Pompey  only  the 
first  citizen  of  the  republic.  He  was  constant  in  his  friendships,  a  mod- 
erate enemy,  and  peaceable  citizen,  as  long  as  he  had  no  rival  to  fear. 
Intrepid  in  conflict,  he  was  always  generous  after  victory,  and  hence  he 
gave  to  Mithridates  a  splendid  funeral,  and  burnt  all  the  correspondence 
between  Sertorius  and  the  chief  men  of  Rome. — To  return  to  the  point 
from  which  your  question  called  me  off,  Cicero,  at  the  period  alluded  to, 
was  midway  in  his  career  of  public  honours  ;  the  consulship  was  before 
him,  and  the  hope  of  attaining  to  this  darling  prize  of  his  ambition,  thiough 
the  influence  of  Pompey,  must  have  exercised  some  degree  of  control 

1.  Parriana,  by  E.  H.  Barker,  vol.  2,  p.  475,  aeqq. 

2.  Or.  pro  Leg.  Manil.  1 


JUCli  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

wver  the  movements  of  the  orator.  At  all  events,  the  Romans  of  that 
day  gave  him  little  credit  for  sincerity  in  his  extravagant  eulogiums  upon 
that  favourite  commander. 

H.  To  what  foreign  province,  Doctor,  was  Cicero  sent  on  the  expira 
lion  of  his  praetorship  ? 

Dr.  B.  He  would  not  accept  of  any  government,!  but  remained  at 
Rome,  where  he  strove  more  and  more  in  every  way  to  conciliate  the 
favour  of  the  people.  He  was  now  preparing  to  sue  for  the  consulship, 
the  great  object  of  all  his  hopes,  and  his  whole  attention  was  employed 
how  to  obtain  it  in  his  proper  year,  and  without  a  repulse.  There  were 
two  years  necessarily  to  intervene  between  the  praetorship  and  consul- 
ship ;  the  first  of  which  was  usually  spent  in  forming  a  general  interest, 
and  soliciting  as  it  were  in  a  private  manner  ;  the  second  in  suing  for  it 
openly,  in  the  proper  form  and  habit  of  a  candidate.  The  efforts  of 
Cicero  were  crowned  with  success,  and  he  was  chosen  consul  with  almost 
the  same  honours  as  in  his  antecedent  elections  to  magistracy.  His 
principal  opponent  was  Catiline. 

H.  And  his  colleague  in  office,  Anlonius.     Was  it  not  so  1 

Dr.  B.  Yes ;  the  same  Antonius,  who  was  in  secret  league  with  the 
party  of  Catiline,  and  had  to  be  bought  off  by  Cicero  with  the  opulenf 
province  of  Macedonia.2 

H.  I  will  not  occupy  your  time,  Doctor,  by  any  questions  relative  to 
the  conspiracy  of  Catiline  ;  of  that  daring  movement  I  have  obtained  an 
accurate  idea  from  the  pages  of  Sallust.  I  will  merely  request  of  you  to 
give  me  a  brief  sketch  of  the  subsequent  life  of  Cicero  and  then  pass  to 
an  examination  of  his  writings. 

Dr.  B.  I  think  this  will  be  our  more  advisable  course,  Henry,  as  time 
would  fail  us  were  we  to,  endeavour  to  do  full  justice  to  both  ;  and,  besides, 
allusion  will  occasionally  be  made  to  the  history  of  his  later  years  in  our 
remarks  on  his  literary  efforts. — The  extraordinary  but  well-merited  hon- 
aurs  conferred  upon  Cicero  for  finishing  this  formidable  conspiracy,  could 
not  fail  to  excite  against  him  the  opposition  of  the  envious,  as  well  as  the 
jealousy  of  the  more  ambitious  portion  of  his  fellow-citizens.  They  took 
tare  not  to  reproach  him  at  first  with  any  act  of  injustice  in  his  public 
career,  but  merely  expressed  themselves  fatigued,  and  indeed  completely 
worn  out,  by  his  continual  eulogiums  upon  his  own  patriotic  efforts.  In 
the  forum,  at  the  meetings  of  the  senate,  before  the  tribunals  of  justice, 
nay  even  in  the  private  circles  which  he  frequented,  the  names  of  Catiline 
*nd  Lentulus  were  constantly  on  his  lips.  He  introduced  his  own  praise? 
mto  his  writings.  Almost  every  treatise  of  his,  composed  after  this  event, 
tontains  some  allusion  to  his  public  services.  Even  his  speeches  lost  in 

1.  Or.  pro  Mitren.  20. 

2.  Sallvit.  B.  C.  26. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XX111 

inis  way,  through  the  excessive  vanity  of  the  man,  a  large  portion  of  that 
pleasing  and  persuasive  influence  by  which  they  once  were  characterized 
It  was  like  a  kind  of  fatality. 

H.  When  did  he  first  experience  the  evil  effects  of  this  line  of  conduct  I 
Not  surely  during  his  consulship  1 

Dr.  B.  When  he  was  about  to  retire  from  it.  On  such  occasions,  it 
was  usual  for  the  magistrate,  who  was  laying  down  his  office,  to  make  a 
speech  to  the  assembled  people,  detailing  the  various  public  services 
which  he  had  rendered  during  its  continuance,  and  showing  that  his  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  of  his  magistracy  had  been  a  faithful  and  conscien- 
tious one.  The  tribune  Metellus  interrupted  Cicero,  when  on  the  point 
of  making  such  an  harangue,  and  commanded  him  to  be  silent.  The  only 
alternative  left  the  orator,  was  to  swear  in  a  loud  voice  that  he  had  saved 
the  city  from  conflagration,  and  his  fellow-citizens  from  the  sword.  In 
this  oath  the  populace  joined  with  one  accord,  and  Cicero  was  conducted 
home  by  them  in  triumph,  amid  the  mortification  of  his  enemies  and  the 
joy  of  his  friends.i 

H.  A  noble  triumph,  Doctor,  and  well  worthy  of  the  man  whom  Catu- 
lus  had  styled,  in  a  full  senate,  the  father  of  his  country 

Dr.  B.  Caesar,  Pompey,  and  Crassus,  who,  three  years  after,  formed 
the  coalition  known  in  history  as  the  first  triumvirate,  secretly  favoured 
the  designs  of  Cicero's  enemies,  whose  numbers  the  latter  had  increased 
by  his  unyielding  and  rigid  discharge  of  duty,  and  to  whom  was  now  to 
be  added  the  profligate  Clodius,  that  bold  and  bad  man,  whose  tribune- 
ship  was  fraught  with  ruin  to  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  deliverer  of  his 
country.  Ever  since  the  period  of  his  acquittal  from  the  charge  of  sac- 
rilege, the  malignant  star  of  Clodius  was  in  the  ascendant,  and  that  cf 
Cicero  began  to  wane.  During  the  progress  of  the  accusation  a  dea-T  / 
animosity  had  grown  up  between  them,  and  Clodius  was  not  a  mau  to 
neglect  any  favourable  opportunity  of  revenge.2 

H.  Was  not  this  man  a  descendant  of  the  haughty  race  of  the  Claudii, 
who  had  ever  shown  so  little  regard  for  the  liberties  of  the  people  1 

Dr.  B.  He  was  ;  but  profligacy  and  ruin  had  compelled  him  to  take 
refuge  among  the  very  class  on  whose  rights  his  patrician  forefathers  had 
so  repeatedly  trampled,  and  the  corrupt  and  impoverished  noble,  the  head 
of  the  Claudian  family,  voluntarily  degraded  himself  from  his  rank,  and 
obtained  adoption  into  a  plebeian  house. 

H.  But  what  were  his  objects  1 

Dr.  B.  They  were  two ;  to  humble  the  aristocracy  and  take  vengeance 
upon  Cicero.3  Being  elected  to  the  tribuneship,  this  pestilent  dema- 

I    Or.  in  Pis.  Z.—Ep.  ad  Fam.  5, 2. 

2.  London  Quarterly  iZeinew,  No.  112,  p.  364. 

A  Ibid 


XXIV  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICLRO. 

goguc  obtained  the  passage  of  a  law,  making  it  criminal  in  any  ono  to  havs 
put  to  death  a  Roman  citizen  without  a  trial  before  the  people,  and  in- 
flicting the  penalty  of  exile.  The  blow  was  aimed  at  Cicero,  who,  how- 
ever, in  ordering  the  punishment  of  Catiline's  accomplices,  had  only 
obeyed  the  mandate  of  the  senate,  and  the  illustrious  Roman  was  com- 
pelled to  bend  to  the  storm  and  go  into  voluntary  banishment.  Imme- 
diately after  his  departure  a  law  was  passed  which  exiled  him  to  the 
distance  of  five  hundred  miles  from  Rome,  and  declared  all  his  property 
to  be  confiscated.  His  villas,  accordingly,  were  pillaged  and  burnt,  hia 
dwelling  at  Rome  was  demolished,  and  a  temple  to  Freedom  was  erected 
on  its  site. 

H.  But  where  was  the  aid  which  he  expected,  and  ought  to  have 
received  from  Pompey ! 

Dr.  B.  As  long  as  that  profound  dissembler  believed  that  there  was 
danger  lest  Cicero  might  throw  himself  into  Caesar's  hands,  he  gave  him 
the  strongest  assurances,  confirmed  by  oaths  and  the  most  solemn  prot- 
estations, that  there  was  no  danger,  and  that  he  would  rather  lose  his 
own  life,  than  suffer  any  harm  to  approach  the  person  of  the  orator.  But 
growing  cool  and  reserved,  as  the  plot  against  Cicero  drew  towards  a 
crisis,  and  pretending  to  believe  that  the  latter  had  formed  designs  against 
his  safety,  he  withdrew  to  his  villa,  and  abandoned  him  to  his  fate.i 

H.  Why  did  not  Cicero  demand  a  personal  interview,  and  upbraid  him 
with  his  monstrous  duplicity  1 

Dr.  B.  He  did  obtain  such  an  interview ;  but  as  for  upbraiding  the 
wily  hypocrite,  he  wanted  firmness  for  that.  He  threw  himself  at  the 
feet  of  Pompey,  and  supplicated  for  aid.  But  the  answer  he  received 
was  perfectly  in  character  :  Pompey  felt  himself  compelled  to  act  in 
nothing  against  the  wishes  of  Caesar.2 

H.  And  where  were  his  other  friends  I 

Dr.  B.  All  zealous  for  his  welfare,  but,  as  might  naturally  be  expected, 
divided  in  opinion  as  to  the  course  which  he  ought  to  pursue.  LucuVhis 
advised  him  to  remain,  and  defend  himself  by  force.  Cato  and  Horten- 
sius  urged  him  to  yield  to  the  storm,  and  this  advice,  coinciding  with  the 
opinion  of  Atticus,  and  being  supported  by  the  fears  and  entreaties  of  hia 
own  family,3  made  him  resolve  to  leave  the  field  to  his  enemies  and  go 
into  voluntary  exile.  Withdrawing  in  the  night  season,  escorted  by  a 
numerous  train  of  friends,  who,  after  a  day's  journey  or  two,  left  him  with 
every  demonstration  of  regret,  he  turned  his  course  towards  Sicily,  intend- 


1.  Or.  pro  Dom.  11. 

2.  Ej>.  ad  Alt.  10,  4.    Plutarch  says,  that  P-jmpey  slipped  out  of  a  back  door, 
siid  would  not  see  him,  but  it  is  certain  from  Cicero's  account  that  he  was  admit 
t«!(l  to  an  interview. 

3.  Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  31.  * 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXV 

nig  to  make  it  his  place  of  refuge,  and  sure  of  finding  in  the  bosoms  of  its 
inhabitants  that  grateful  affection  which  had  been  denied  him  at  home. 
But  when  he  was  come  within  sight  of  the  island,  the  Roman  praetor 
seat  him  word  that  he  must  not  set  foot  within  it,  and  what  made  the 
shock  still  more  cruel  was  this,  that  the  magistrate  in  question  had  been 
an  old  and  familiar  friend,  was  under  important  obligations  to  Cicero,  and 
belonged  to  the  same  party  in  the  state. 1 

H.  But  why  did  the  praetor  take  this  step  1 

Dr.  B.  Through  fear  of  Clodius,  whose  enmity  he  had  already  experi- 
enced, and  the  weight  of  whose  power  he  now  dreaded  to  encounter.2 — 
Retiring  to  Greece,  Cicero  now  took  refuge  in  Thessalonica,  where  the 
hand  of  friendship  was  extended  to  him  by  Plancius,  then  quaestor  of 
Macedonia,  and  where  the  praetor  Apuleius,  though  he  dared  not  venture 
to  grant  him  openly  his  protection,  yet  connived  at  the  acts  of  his  quaes- 
tor, and  took  a  lively  interest  in  his  behalf.3  Two  months  had  hardly 
elapsed  before  his  friend  the  tribune  Ninnius*  made  a  motion  in  the  senate 
for  his  recall.  Pompey  also,  roused  by  the  insults  of  Clodius,  whose 
power  was  now  on  the  decline,  and  anxious  to  retrieve  his  own  credit 
and  ingratiate  himself  with  the  senate  and  people,  began  to  exert  himself 
in  his  behalf.  After  a  long  and  stormy  interval,  after  every  effort  had 
been  made  by  Clodius  and  his  factious  adherents,  the  cause  of  justice 
triumphed,  and  Cicero  was  recalled  from  exile  by  the  unanimous  suffrages 
of  the  centuries,  and  to  the  great  joy  of  a  vast  majority  of  his  coun 
trymen.5 

H.  I  have  heard  it  said,  Doctor  Barton,  that  Cicero's  conduct  while  in 
exile,  was  not  such  as  one  would  consider  either  manly  or  spirited. 

Dr.  B.  It  was  worse.  It  was  actually  pusillanimous.  He  deplored 
his  fall  in  the  most  desponding  and  lamentable  terms.  He  complained 
of  false  friends,  of  an  ungrateful  country,  of  the  utter  ruin  of  all  his  worldly 
prospects.  His  friends  were  forced  to  admonish  him  sometimes  to  rouse 
his  courage,  and  remember  his  former  character.  Nay,  to  such  an  extent 
was  this  feeling  carried,  that  Atticus  even  wrote  him  word,  of  a  report 
having  reached  the  Roman  capital,  that  his  affliction  had  disordered  his  sen- 
ses.5 The  truth  is,  the  excessive  vanity  of  the  man  had  received  so  rude  and 
severe  a  shock,  as  almost  to  unsettle  his  intellect ;  and  he  who  had  fondly 
hoped,  that  his  name  and  services  would  remain  ever  fresh  and  undying 
in  the  memory  of  his  countrymen,  could  hardly  believe  that  he  was  now 
an  exile  and  fugitive  from  the  very  country  he  had  saved. 

1  Ptut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  32. 

•2.  Or.  pro  Plane.  40. 

3.  Or.  pro  Plane.  41. — Post  red.  in  sin.  14. 

4.  Or  prc  Sext.  31. 

5.  Pro  dom.  33. — Post  red.  in  sen.  11. 

6.  Ep  ad  Fam  14.  4.     Ep.  ad  An.  3, 13 


XXVI  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

H.  But  his  return,  Doctor,  do  tell  me  of  that 

Dr.  B.  Ah '.  that  was  indeed  a  glorious  era  in  his  existence  The 
account  of  it  is  given  by  Cicero  himself.  The  whole  Appian  Way, 
from  Brundisium  to  Rome,  appeared  but  one  continued  street,  lined  on 
both  sides  with  crowds  of  men,  women,  and  children.  Nor  was  there 
a  praefecture,  town  or  colony,  which  did  not  send  deputations  to  con- 
gratulate him  on  his  return.  What  Cicero  himself  says,  was,  as  Plutarch 
remarks,  even  less  than  the  truth,  that  all  Italy  brought  him  back  upon  it? 
shoulders.  That  one  day,  observes  the  orator,  was  worth  an  immortality  ; 
when,  on  my  approach  towards  the  city,  the  senate  came  out  to  receive 
me,  followed  by  the  whole  number  of  citizens,  as  if  Rome  .itself  had  left 
its  foundations  and  marched  forward  to  embrace  its  preserver.1 

H.  For  what  length  of  time  had  Cicero  remained  in  exile,  Doctor 
Barton  1 

Dr.  B.  He  was  recalled  sixteen  months  after  his  departure  from  Rome  , 
but  he  did  not  actually  re-enter  the  city  until  seventeen  had  elapsed.  The 
law  for  his  recall  from  exile  was  passed  on  the  4th  of  August,  and  the 
day  of  his  return  was  the  4th  of  September. 

H.  And  where  was  Clodius,  Doctor,  during  the  period  that  elapsed 
after  Cicero's  restoration '! 

Dr.  B.  Doing  every  thing  in  his  power  to  raise  fresh  tumults  against 
him,  and  daily  committing  new  outrages,  until  an  end  was  put  to  his  evil 
career  by  the  swords  of  Milo's  followers. — Cicero,  after  his  return  from 
exile,  devoted  himself  for  several  years  to  the  affairs  of  his  numerous 
clients,  and  it  was  during  this  period  that  the  celebrated  trial  of  Milo  took 
place,  for  the  killing  of  Clodius,  when  the  orator,  intimidated  by  the  dis- 
play of  a  military  force,  and  the  outcries  of  the  factious,  made  but  a  weak 
and  ineffectual  defence. 

H.  Cicero  was  no  very  great  admirer,  I  believe,  of  warlike  movements. 

Dr.  B.  Why,  when  an  occasion  offered,  and  he  was  compelled  to  act, 
he  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  far  from  discreditable.  I  will  cite  you 
an  instance.  Pompey,  in  order  to  check  more  effectually  the  practice  of 
bribery,  had  procured  the  passage  of  a  law,  by  which  all  future  consuls 
and  praetors  were  disqualified  from  holding  any  province,  till  five  years 
after  the  expiration  of  their  magistracies  ;  and,  that  there  might  be  a  supply 
of  governors  during  this  interval  of  five  years,  the  senators  of  consular 
and  praetorian  rank,  who  had  never  held  any  foreign  command,  were  to 
divide  the  vacant  provinces  among  themselves  by  lot.  Cicero,  in  conse- 
quence of  this,  obtained  the  government  of  Cilicia,2  a  province  which 
included  also  Pisidia,  Pamphylia,  and  three  districts  of  Asia,  together 
with  the  island  of  Cyprus.  At  the  head  of  two  legions,  he  defeated  tlm 

1.  Or.  in  Pis.  22.— Post  red.  in  sen.  15. — Pro  Sext.  63 
2    Ep  ad  Alt.  5,  15.—  Ibid.  5,  17. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXvii 

Parthians,  who  had  advanced  as  far  as  Antioch,  and  then  turning  his  arms 
against  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountains,  an  untamed  race  of  banditti,  who 
had  never  acknowledged  the  Roman  sway,  he  took  two  of  their  towns, 
Erana  and  Pindenissus,  the  latter  their  capital,  and  which  cost  him  a  six 
weeks'  siege,  and  in  testimony  of  his  success  was  saluted  by  his  soldiers 
with  the  title  of  Imperator.i  He  would  have  obtained  a  triumph  also,  had 
not  the  troubled  state  of  affairs  at  home  prevented  one  from  being  con- 
ferred. 

H.  The  troubles  to  which  you  allude  were  those  no  doubt  which 
attended  the  commencement  of  the  civil  contest. — How  did  he  act  du- 
ring their  continuance  1 

Dr.  B.  In  the  first  outbreaking  of  this  memorable  war,  Caesar  and 
Pompey  were  both  anxious  to  gain  over  a  man  whose  good  opinion  was 
so  important  as  Cicero's.  The  orator  regarded  the  cause  of  Pompey  as 
that  of  the  republic  ;  he  disapproved  of  every  thing  which  had  been  done 
for  the  increase  of  Caesar's  power  ;  but  yet  he  plainly  foresaw,  that  a 
collision  between  these  two  commanders  would  end  in  the  ruin  of  the 
republican  party.  Hence  the  indecision  which  marked  his  conduct,  and 
necessarily  embroiled  him  with  both.  During  the  space  of  five  months 
he  was  debating  within  himself  whether  he  should  follow  Pompey  and  the 
senate  into  Epirus,  or  remain  in  Italy.  At  last  he  decided  for  the  first 
of  these  courses,  and  joined  Pompey  at  Dyrrhachium.2  Scarcely, 
however,  had  he  taken  this  step,  when  he  began  to  repent  of  it.3  He  did 
not  present  himself  at  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  a  sickness,  real  or  pretended, 
having  confined  him  at  Dyrrhachium,  where  Cato  was  encamped  with 
fifteen  cohorts.  When  the  issue  of  the  conflict  was  known,  Cato  offered 
to  Cicero,  as  a  personage  of  consular  rank,  the  command  of  the  forces. 
He  declined,  and  recommended  an  accommodation,  a  step  which  had 
nearly  cost  him  his  life  at  the  hands  of  the  son  of  Pompey.*  Returning 
upon  tliis,  abruptly  to  Italy,  he  found  in  this  country  a  safe  conduct  st-nt 
unto  him  by  Caesar,  who  was  then  in  Egypt,  and  couched  in  the  most 
honourable  terms.5 

H.  Ah,  it  was  this  that  Grant,  of  New  College,  showed  me  yesterday, 
at  the  Bodleian,  in  a  volume  of  Fabricius,  beginning  with  the  words,  "  M. 
Tullium  Ciceronem,  ob  egregias  ejus  virtutes,"  &c.6 — The  career  of  the 
orator  is  now  drawing  to  a  close,  Doctor,  and  I  will  only  beg  of  you  to 
give  me  a  rapid  sketch  of  his  history,  that  we  may  pass  on  to  his  works. 

Dr.  B.  Well  then,  it  shall  be  a  rapid  one  as  you  request. — Cicero, 

1.  Ep.  ad  Fam.  15,  \.-Ibid.  15,  4. 

2.  Ep.  ad  Fam.  6,  6.— Or.  pro  Marcell.  5. 

3.  Ep.  ad  Fam.  7,  3.—Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  38. 

4.  Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  39. 
6.  Ep.  ad  Fam.  14, 23. 

C.  G.  Fabric.  Antiq.  Man.  Irmig. 


XXV111  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

who  had  waited  at  Brundisium,  for  the  return  of  Caesar,  fror-i  the  beer  .1 
ning  of  the  year  to  the  month  of  October,  was  very  kindly  received  oy 
that  commander  when  he  reached  the  shores  of  Italy.  Returning  upon 
this  to  Rome,  he  took  no  part  whatever  in  public  affairs,  and  oniy  broke 
through  the  long  silence  which  he  had  preserved,  when  rendering  thanks  to 
Caesar  for  the  recall  of  Marcellus,  and  defending  Ligarius,  and  king  Dei- 
otarus. — The  assassination  of  Caesar  took  place  on  the  15th  of  March, 
A.  U.  C.  710.  Although  Brutus  was  on  terms  of  the  greatest  intimacy 
with  Cicero,  he  had  nevertheless  concealed  from  him  the  plan  of  the  con- 
spiracy; and  yet  the  moment  the  dictator  fell,  raising  on  high  his  blood- 
stained dagger,  he  congratulated  the  Roman  orator  on  the  restoration  of 
the  republic.  But  the  latter  soon  perceiving,  that,  instead  of  a  mild  and 
clement  master,  his  country  ran  the  risk  of  passing  under  the  sway  of  the 
ambitious  and  profligate  Antony,  availed  himself  of  the  privilege  of  a  free 
legation,  and  embarked  for  Greece.  The  representations  of  his  friends, 
however,  respecting  the  favourable  state  of  affairs  at  Rome,  induced  him 
to  return  to  Italy,  and  he  re-entered  the  capital  on  the  last  day  of  Au- 
gust.1 From  this  moment  to  the  day  of  his  death,  he  set  himself  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  designs  of  Marc  Antony,  against  whom  he  pronounced  or 
published  from  the  second  of  September,  710,  to  the  22d  April,  712,  four- 
teen harangues,  known  by  the  name  of  Philippics.  In  order  to  balance 
the  authority  of  Antony,  Cicero  favoured  with  all  his  influence  the  young 
Octavianus,  who  appeared  attached  to  him,  and  frequently  applied  to  him 
for  advice.  The  indifference,  however,  if  not  actual  contempt,  which  the 
senate  displayed  towards  this  youthful  and  aspiring  leader,  drove  him 
eventually  into  a  union  with  Antony  and  Lepidus.  Thus  the  second 
triumvirate  was  formed,  and  one  of  its  conditions  was  the  head  of  Cicero. 

H.  And  how  did  Octavianus  act  1 

Dr.  B.  HistoriansS  inform  us  that  he  did  not  give  up  Cicero  to  the 
swords  of  Antony's  hirelings,  without  the  greatest  reluctance,  and  only 
after  a  struggle  of  two  days  to  preserve  him.  But  all  this  affection  fcr 
the  orator  was  probably  unreal,  and  only  assumed  for  the  purpose  of 
excusing  in  some  degree  his  subsequent  abandonment  of  the  aged  patriot. 
Cicero  was  at  his  Tusculan  villa,  when  the  news  of  the  proscription 
reached  him,  secret  intelligence  having  been  sent  him  by  some  of  his 
friends.  At  first  he  resolved  to  sail  for  Greece,  where  Brutus  was  assem- 
bling around  him  the  surviving  followers  of  the  party  of  the  republic. 
Contrary  winds,  however,  prevented  the  execution  of  this  design,  and  he 
landed  again  on  the  Italian  coast,  and  spent  the  night  near  Circeii,  in 
great  anxiety  and  irresolution.  On  the  following  day,  the  importunity 
of  his  domestics  prevailed  upon  him  to  sail  for  Caieta,  where  he  went 

1.  Ep.  ad  Alt.  16,  7. 

2.  Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  46.—  Veil.  Pater c.  2,  G6.-Sueton.  Aug.  &. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXIX 

again  on  shore,  to  repose  himself  in  his  Formian  villa.  Here  he  slept 
soundly  for  several  hours,  when  his  attendants,  having  heard  of  the  arrival 
of  a  party  of  soldiers,  who  were  in  quest  of  him,  conveyed  their  aged 
master  towards  the  shore,  through  a  private  part  of  the  woods  ;  but  before 
they  could  succeed  in  reaching  the  ship,  the  soldiers  headed  by  a  tribune 
whom  Cicero  had  once  defended  in  a  capital  cause,  overtook  the  fugi- 
tives, and  executed  the  bloody  mandate  of  Antony.i 

H.  And  was  no  effort  made  to  save  him  on  the  part  of  his  followers  1 

Dr.  B.  The  attendants,  as  soon  as  the  soldiers  appeared,  prepared 
themselves  for  action,  being  resolved  to  defend  their  master's  life  at  the 
hazard  of  their  own  ;  but  Cicero  commanded  them  to  set  down  the  litter 
in  which  they  were  conveying  him,  and  to  make  no  resistance.2  When 
the  ruffians  approached,  surveying  them  with  a  look  which  almost  drove 
them  from  their  bloody  purpose,  he  bade  them  execute  the  errand  on 
which  they  were  sent,  and  extended  his  neck  from  the  litter  to  receive 
the  blow.  His  head  and  hands  were  severed  from  his  body,  conveyed  to 
Rome,  and  fixed  upon  the  rostra,  the  head  between  the  two  hands,  by 
the  orders  of  Antony  ! 

H.   His  age,  my  dear  Doctor. 

Dr.  B.  Within  one  month  of  sixty  four.  He  was  killed  on  the  seventh 
of  Decemoer,  ten  days  after  the  establishment  of  the  triumvirate.3 — Shall 
I  now  proceed  to  delineate  his  character,  or  will  you  first  have  a  bri»f 
analysis  of  his  literary  efforts  1 

H.  The  latter,  undoubtedly,  will  be  the  preferable  course,  for  I  shall 
then  be  better  able  to  appreciate  your  delineation  of  the  man. 

Dr.  B.  I  think  so  myself.  Now,  open  your  Cicero,  and  name  to  me 
in  succession  the  several  productions  of  the  Roman,  as  you  will  find 
them  arranged  there.  I  will  give  you  a  brief  account  of  each.  But, 
remember,  only  a  brief  one  ;  the  rent  ia  to  be  supplied  from  your  own 
private  reading. 

H.  I  accept  your  terms,  my  dear  Doctor,  and  will  do  my  best  to  fulfil 
my  part  of  the  agreement. — Now,  here  we  have  first  in  order,  a  treatise 
on  Rhetoric,  in  four  books,  addressed  to  Herennius. 

Dr.  B.  Which  treatise  Cicero  never  wrote.  If  you  ask  me  the  name 
of  the  true  author,  I  can  only  reply,  that  the  matter  is  involved  in  utter 
uncertainty.  You  will  see,  by  the  heading,  that  some  of  the  learned  have 
ascribed  it  to  Cornificius.  This  was  the  opinion  of  Aldus  Manutius, 
Sigonius,  and  Muretus,  who  made  the  writer  to  have  been  Q.  Cornificins, 
the  elder,  Caesar's  quaestor  during  the  civil  war.  Gerard  Vossius,  on  the 
other  hand,  contends  for  the  younger  Cornificius.  Scaliger  attributes  the 


1.  Plut.  Vtt.  Cie.  c.  48. 

2.  Liv.fragm.  ap.  Senec.  Suas.  1. 

3.  Veil.  Paterc  '?  64    -Pigh.  Ann.  ad  A.  U.  C.  710. 

c* 


SXX  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

work  to  Gallic,  a  rhetorician  in  the  time  of  Nero.  Schutz  is  in  favour 
of  M.  Antonius  Gnipho,  who  was  born  in  Gaul,  A.  U.  C.  640,  studied 
at  Alexandria,  aud  taught  rhetoric  in  the  house  of  the  father  of  Julius 
Caesar.  But  there  are  difficulties  attending  all  these  opinions,  especially 
the  last,  and  the  point  must  be  still  left  open  to  conjecture.  It  appears, 
however,  that  this  work  was  one  of  the  first  treatises  on  rhetoric  ever 
published  in  the  Latin  language,  since  its  author  cites  no  previous  Latin 
writer,  and  asserts  that  he  has  been  the  first  to  give  Latin  names  to  the 
figures  of  rhetoric.  The  first  and  second  books  are  extremely  dry.  The 
third,  more  engaging ;  and  the  fourth,  which  turns  upon  the  three  kinds 
of  style  suitable  for  discourses,  is  decidedly  the  best  of  the  whole.1 

H.  Next  comes  a  treatise  "  De  Inventions  Rhetorical 

Dr.  B.  On  that  part  of  rhetoric,  which  relates  to  invention.  This  is 
the  work  alluded  to  by  Cicero,  in  the  commencement  of  his  treatise 
"  De  Oratore,"  as  having  been  published  by  him  in  his  youth.  It  is 
generally  believed  to  have  been  written  by  him  when  twenty -four  years 
of  age,  and  to  have  originally  contained  four  books,  of  which  but  two 
remain.  Schutz,  however,  maintains  that  he  never  wrote,  or  at  least 
never  published,  more  than  the  two  books,  which  we  possess.  In  com- 
posing this  work,  Cicero,  as  far  as  an  opinion  may  be  ventured,  would 
appear  to  have  had  before  him  notes  taken  from  the  prelections  of  some 
instructer,  whom  the  anonymous  author  of  the  treatise  addressed  to 
Herennius  had  also  attended.  For  a  number  of  passages,  in  the  two 
books  "  De  Inventione,"  coincide  in  a  very  marked  manner  with  others 
in  the  work  to  Herennius  ;  unless,  indeed,  the  author  of  the  latter  was 
the  preceptor  of  Cicero.a 

H.  To  the  work  on  invention  succeed  the  three  dialogues  "  De  Ora- 
tore," inscribed  to  his  brother  Quintus. 

Dr.  B.  These  were  written,  A.  U.  C.  698,  when  Cicero,  disgusted 
with  the  political  dissensions  of  the  capital,  had  retired  during  part  of  the 
summer  to  the  seclusion  of  the  country.  The  speakers  in  these  dialogues 
are  the  orators  Antonius  and  Crassus,  (the  latter  of  whom  was  attended 
by  the  young  Sulpicius  and  Cotta,  at  that  time  the  two  most  promising 
speakers  at  .Rome,)  the  eminent  lawyer  Scaevola,  and  Catulus  and  Julius 
Caesar,  (grand  uncle  to  the  Dictator,)  the  last  two  distinguished  also  for 
their  eloquence,  and  who  joined  the  party  in  the  interval  between  the  first 
snd  second  dialogues.  The  principal  part  in  the  conversation,  however, 
is  borne  by  Crassus  and  Antonius  ;  the  former  advocating,  what  was  in 
fact  Cicero's  own  opinion,  that  an  almost  universal  knowledge  is  essen- 
tially requisite  to  perfection  in  oratory ;  the  latter,  who  was  a  mere 


J.  An  account  of  the  whole  controversy  may  be  seen  in  Dunlop,  Rom.  Lit 
uol.  2,  p.  366,  seqq.  and  in  Baehr.  Gesch.  Rom.  Lit.  p.  502,  seq. 
<i    Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  366  —Rehodl.  Hist.  Lit.  Rom.  vol.  2,  p.  117. 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXXI 

practical  pleader,  maintaining,  that  the  various  accomplishments  insisted 
upon  by  Crassus,  were  totally  distinct  from  the  proper  office  and  duties 
of  a  public  speaker.  According  to  him,  eloquence  is  not  an  art,  because 
it  depends  not  on  knowledge.  Imitation  of  good  models,  practice,  and 
minute  attention  to  each  particular  case,  are  laid  down  by  him  as  the  true 
foundations  of  forensic  eloquence  :  the  great  objects  of  an  orator  being, 
in  the  first  place,  to  recommend  himself  to  his  clients,  and  then  to  pre- 
possess die  judges  in  his  favour.  Crassus,  in  reply,  enters  on  the 
embeLishments  of  rhetoric  :  pronunciation,  elocution,  harmony  of  periods, 
metaphors,  sentiments,  action,  and  in  short,  whatever  can  impart  a  finished 
grace  and  dignity  to  a  public  discourse. i 

H.  Excuse  my  interrupting  you,  Doctor,  but  how  could  Cicero  if  he 
were  not  present  at  these  conversations,  obtain  such  accurate  information 
of  the  various  topics  that  were  discussed  ] 

Dr.  B.  He  is  supposed  to  have  heard  them  from  Cotta;  and  this 
fiction  is  the  more  convenient,  since  it  enables  him  to  shelter  his  own 
opinions  under  those  of  two  such  eminent  masters  of  oratory  as  Crassus 
and  Antonius. — Cicero  entertained  a  very  high  opinion  of  this  work,  and 
his  friends  considered  it  one  of  his  best.  It  is  peculiarly  valuable  to  us 
at  the  present  day,  as  containing  every  thing  of  importance  in  the  Greek 
works  on  rhetoric,  while  the  copiousness,  and  ease,  and  graceful  polish 
of  the  style  are  above  all  commendation.a — What  have  we  next  1 

H.  A  dialogue  entitled  "Brutus,  sive  de  claris  Oratoribus." 

Dr.  B.  Cicero  supposes,  that,  after  his  return  from  Asia,  M.  Brutus, 
the  same  who  subsequently  conspired  against  Caesar,  pays  him  a  visit, 
accompanied  by  Atticus,  and  that  these  two  request  him  to  resume  a 
conversation  which  he  had  previously  held  with  Atticus  alone,  and  in 
which  they  had  been  discoursing  of  the  most  eminent  orators.  Cicero 
complies,  and,  after  a  few  slight,  but  masterly  sketches  of  the  most 
celebrated  speakers  of  Greece,  enters  upon  a  full  detail  of  the  Roman 
orators  from  the  earliest  periods  to  his  own  time.  This  work  is  of  great 
value,  as  regards  the  history  of  Roman  eloquence,  but  it  is  not  as  interest- 
ing as  its  title  would  lead  you  to  expect.  It  contains  too  many  names, 
and  too  little  is  said  of  each,  so  that  it  resembles  in  some  degree  a  dry 
sort  of  catalogued 

H.  To  the  "  Brutus"  succeeds  the  "  Orator." 

Dr.  B.  In  this  production,  which  is  addressed  to  Brutus,  and  was 
written  at  his  request,  Cicero  treats  of  the  qualifications  that  constitute  a 
perfect  orator.  It  is  intended  to  complete  the  subjects  examined  in  the 
dialogues  "De  Oratore."  Cicero's  perfect  orator,  you  will  bear  in  mind. 


1.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  3S3,  seqq. 

2.  J>unlop.  vbi  supra. 

S.  Z>«»/«»  nnm.  Lit.  vol.  2,  r>  359.  —  SchoeU.  Lit.  Rom.  vol.  2,  p.  120. 


XXX11  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

existed  nowhere  but  in  his  own  imagination. — Come,  turn  over.  WliaJ 
do  yon  find  next  in  order  ? 

H.  A  treatise  entitled  "  Topica"  and  addressed  to  C.  Trebatius. 

Dr.  B.  It  gives  an  account  of  the  various  topics,  or  common-places, 
which  are  the  foundation  of  rhetorical  argument.  The  work  is,  in  fact, 
an  extract  from  that  of  Aristotle  on  the  same  subject,  accompanied  by  a 
commentary  from  the  pen  of  Cicero,  the  whole  being  amalgamated  into 
one  treatise.  It  was  prepared  for  the  use  of  Trebatius,  the  eminent 
lawyer,  and  hence  Cicero  takes  his  examples  chiefly  from  the  Roman 
civil  law,  as  more  intelligible  to  Trebatius  than  illustrations  drawn  from 
the  philosophy  of  Aristotle.1 

H.  We  have  then  a  dialogue,  "  De  Partitions  Oratorio." 

Dr.  B.  This  is  a  production  of  rather  inferior  value.  It  is  a  dialogue 
between  Cicero  and  his  son,  concerning  the  principles  and  doctrine  of 
eloquence.  It  appears  to  have  been  written  A.  U.  C.  707,  while  Caesar 
was  prosecuting  the  war  in  Africa. — The  work  which  you  will  find  closing 
the  series  of  Cicero's  rhetorical  works,  is  that  entitled  "  De  Optimo 
genere  Oratorum,"  and  was  originally  intended  as  a  preface  to  a  transla- 
tion which  Cicero  had  made  from  the  orations  of  Demosthenes  and  Aes- 
chines,  respecting  the  crown. 

H.  May  I  ask,  Doctor,  what  was  Cicero's  object  in  making  this 
translation  1 

Dr.  B.  To  correct  a  false  impression,  at  that  time  very  prevalent 
among  his  countrymen,  that  attic  eloquence  was  limited  to  a  plain  and 
slender  mode  of  expression,  distinguished  by  purity  of  style  and  delicacy 
of  taste,  but  void  of  all  ornament  and  redundance.  He  undertook, 
therefore,  a  free  translation  of  the  two  master-pieces  of  Athenian 
eloquence  ;  the  one  being  an  example  of  vehement  and  energetic,  the 
other  of  pathetic  and  ornamental  oratory. — Now  for  a  rapid  survey  of  the 
speeches  of  Cicero.  We  have  already  touched  upon  those  for  Quintius, 
Roscius  of  Ameria,  and  Roscius  the  actor,  and  likewise  upon  the  oration 
against  Caecilius,  and  the  six  against  Verres.  What  do  you  find  after 
these  ?2 

H.  The  speech  delivered  in  defence  of  Fonteius. 

Dr.  B.  This  was  pronounced  while  Cicero  was  aedile.  It  is  tha 
defence  of  an  unpopular  governor,  accused  of  oppression  by  the  province 
entrusted  to  his  care.  Much  however  is  lost ;  which  is  the  more  to  be 
regretted,  -as  it  would  have  formed  an  interesting  contrast  to  the  speeches 
•gainst  Verres, 

H.  Then  comes  the  oration  for  Aulus  Caecina. 


1.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  364. 

2.  Dunlop  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  365 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXXUl 

Dr.  B.  A  mere  question  of  civil  right,  turning  on  an  edict  of  a  Roman 
praetor. 

H.  The  oration  for  the  Manilian  Law  follows,  but  as  I  have  just 
finished  the  perusal  of  this,  I  will  not  trouble  you  for  an  analysis.  The 
speech  for  Cluentius  succeeds. 

Dr.  B.  And  a  powerful  and  splendid  production  it  is,  and  one  of  the 
most  correct  and  forcible  of  all  the  judicial  orations  of  Cicero.  Cluentius 
l;ad  been  accused  by  an  unnatural  mother  of  having  poisoned  his  step- 
father. 

H.  Three  orations  against  the  Agrarian  law  of  Rullus  are  next  in 
order. 

Dr.  B.  The  history  of  the  affair  is  briefly  this  :  Rullus,  a  tribune  of  the 
commons,  brought  in  a  law,  that  the  public  domains  in  the  provinces  should 
be  sold,  and  that  the  spoils  acquired  by  Roman  commanders  in  foreign  wars 
should  be  taken  from  them,  in  order  that,  by  these  two  means,  a  sum  of 
money  might  be  raised  for  the  purchase  of  lands  in  Italy,  particularly  Cam- 
pania, which  lands  were  to  be  divided  among  the  people.  Cicero  delivered 
his  first  oration  against  this  project,  (the  beginning,  however,  of  which  is 
wanting,)  the  very  day  when  he  entered  on  the  duties  of  the  consulship. 
His  opposition  was  effectual,  and  the  law  was  rejected.  The  tribunes, 
however,  having  subsequently  instilled  some  suspicions  into  the  minds  of 
the  people,  with  regard  to  Cicero's  motives  in  opposing  this  project,  he 
found  it  necessary  to  deliver  the  second  and  third  orations  on  the  same 
topic.i 

H.  The  oration  for  Rabirius  succeeds. 

Dr.  B.  He  was  accused  of  having  been  concerned  in  the  death  of 
Saturninus,  a  seditious  tribune,  who  had  been  slain  by  a  party  in  the 
interest  of  the  senate.  Thirty-six  years  had  intervened,  and  the  accuser 
was  Labienus,  afterward  well  known  as  Caesar's  lieutenant  in  Gaul. 
Rabirius,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Cicero,  would  in  all  probability 
have  been  condemned,  had  not  his  friend,  the  praetor  Metellus,  taken 
down  the  standard  from  the  Janiculum,  which  dissolved  the  comitia  and 
broke  off  the  trial.  The  troubles  connected  with  the  affair  of  Catiline 
occupied  soon  after  the  public  attention,  and  the  charge  against  Rabirius 
was  never  revived. 

H.  Yes,  here  are  the  speeches  against  Catiline,  which  formed  part  of 
my  Harrow  reading,  and  the  oration  for  Murena,  another  old  acquaintance 
of  mine,  comes  slowly  after.  I  will  not  trouble  you  about  these,  Doctor 
Barton,  but  will  thank  you  to  give  me  some  information  about  the  next, 
the  speech  n  behalf  of  Flaccus. 

Dr.  B.  This  is  the  same  Flaccus  of  whom  you  read  in  Sallust.  He 
was  praetor  at  the  time  of  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  and  aided  in  the 

1    Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  295 


XXXIV  LIFE    AND    WRI    iNGS    O*    CICERO. 

arrest  of  the  Allobroges.  Cicero  here  defends  him  against  a  charge  of 
extortion  and  peculation,  brought  by  various  states  of  Asia  Minor,  which 
lie  had  governed  as  propraetor. 

H.  An  oration  for  Publius  Sylla. 

Dr.  B.  He  was  related  to  the  dictator,  and  was  accused  of  having  been 
engaged  in  Catiline's  conspiracy.  Cicero  succeeded  in  procuring  his 
acquittal.  The  cause  was  tried  the  year  after  his  consulship. 

H.  Another  old  favourite  of  mine,  the  oration  for  Archias,  which  Jri 
followed  by  one  entitled,  ''  Ad  Quirites  post  reditum." 

Dr.  B.  If  you  turn  over  a  little  farther,  you  will  find  three  others,  enti- 
tled respectively,  "  Post  redllum,  in  senatu,"  "  Pro  domo  sua  ad  Ponti- 
fices,"  and  "  De  Haruspicum  responsis."  I  am  sorry  to  say,  that  these 
four  orations  are  now  generally  regarded  as  spurious,  and  as  having  been 
composed  by  the  rhetoricians  of  a  later  age  as  exercises  in  declamation. 
Cicero  did  indeed  deliver  four  speeches,  almost  immediately  after  his 
return  from  exile,  on  subjects  similar  to  these.  The  first  was  addressed 
to  the  senate,  the  second  to  the  people,  the  third  to  the  College  of  Pon- 
tiffs, to  obtain  restitution  of  the  ground  on  which  his  house  had  stood, 
and  which  had  been  made  the  site  of  a  temple,  and  the  fourth  in  answer 
to  a  declaration  of  Clodius,  that  certain  alarming  prodigies  which  had 
lately  appeared,  were  occasioned  by  the  desecration  of  this  same  piece 
of  ground,  which  the  Pontiffs  had  discharged  from  religious  uses.  But 
the  four  speeches  that  have  come  down  to  us,  afford  abundant  internal 
evidence  of  their  never  having  proceeded  from  Cicero. 1 

H.  Dismissing  these,  we  have  next  in  order  the  oration  for  Plancius. 

Dr.  B.  This  is  the  Plancius  of  whom  I  made  mention  as  having  been 
quaestor  of  Macedonia  when  Cicero  came  thither  as  an  exile.  He  is  here 
defended  by  the  orator,  in  return  for  the  kindness  shown  on  that  occasion, 
against  a  charge  of  bribery  in  suing  for  the  office  of  aedile. 

H.  Then  comes  the  oration  for  Sextius. 

Dr.  B.  Here  again  Cicero  requites  the  services  of  a  friend.  Sextius, 
while  tribune,  had  exerted  himself  to  procure  Cicero's  recall,  and  the 
latter  now  defends  him  in.  an  elaborate  harangue  against  a  charge  of 
exciting  a  tumult  in  the  capital 

H.  An  oration  against  Vatinius. 

Dr.  B.  This  Vatinius  was  produced  on  the  opposite  side  in  the  trial  of 
Sextius,  as  a  witness  against  him.  This  gave  Cicero  an  opportunity 
of  interrogating  him,  and  the  whole  speech  is  one  continued  invective, 
uttered  in  a  series  of  questions,  without  waiting  for  a  reply.  Hence  it  ia 
sometimes  called,  not  oratio,  but  interrogatio. 

H.  An  oration  for  Coelius. 

Dr.  B    Coelius,  a  gay  and  rather  dissolute  young  man,  was  accused 

1.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  333 — SiAoeU.  Lit  Rom.  vol.  2,  p.  104, 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO  XXXV 

by  Clodia,  the  well-known  sister  of  Clodius,  of  an  attempt  to  poison  her, 
and  of  having  borrowed  money  from  her  to  procure  the  assassination  of 
Dio,  the  Alexandrian  ambassador.  This  oration,  which  is  highly  com- 
mended by  Middletonl  for  its  occasionally  playful  manner,  was  also  a 
particular  favourite  with  the  celebrated  Fox,* 

II.  It  is  succeeded  by  a  speech  "  De  provinciis  consularibus." 

Dr.  B.  This  oration  is  indeed  a  remarkable  one.  It  procured  for 
Caesar  a  continuance  of  his  government  in  Gaul,  and  this  last  may  be 
regarded  as  one  of  the  immediate  causes  of  the  ruin  ot  the  republic. 
Cicero  advocated  the  continuance  of  this  command  without  in  the  least 
degree  penetrating  the  designs  of  the  ambitious  Caesar,  whose  only  object 
was  to  have  Gaul  as  the  training-place  of  his  legions  until  he  could  turn 
their  arms  against  his  country. 

H.  The  oration  for  Balbus. 

Dr.  B.  Pompey,  by  a  special  law,  had  granted  the  freedom  of  Rome 
to  Balbus,  a  native  of  Cadiz,  who  had  performed  some  important  service* 
for  him  in  the  war  against  Sertorius.  The  validity  of  Pompey's  act  wa* 
now  questioned,  but  was  successfully  defended  by  Cicero. 

H.  An  oration  against  L.  Calpurnius  Piso. 

Dr.  B.  Piso  had  been  recalled  from  his  government  of  Macedonia,  11- 
consequence  of  Cicero's  oration  on  the  consular  provinces.  Taking  ai 
early  opportunity,  he  complained  before  the  senate  of  the  treatment  ht 
had  received,  and  indulged  in  an  attack  on  the  orator,  ridiculing  in  par- 
ticular his  poetic  effusions.  Cicero's  reply  is  remarkable  for  its  coarse 
and  bitter  invective. 

H.  What,  in  the  presence  of  the  senate  t 

Dr.  B.  Yes,  he  indulges,  before  that  grave  body,  in  language  and  allu- 
sions that  suit  only  the  meridian  of  a  tavern  ;  and  this  too  against  a  man 
of  family  and  distinction. — But  why  do  you  shake  your  head  ! 

H.  Ah !  here  is  the  famous  speech  for  Milo,  which  was  nevei 
delivered.  What  a  pity  that  no  one  took  down  the  oration  which  Cicero 
actually  uttered,  that  we  might  have  compared  its  feebleness  with  the 
beautiful  harangue  which  has  come  down  to  our  times. 

Dr.  B.  It  was  taken  down  in  writing,  and  still  existed  in  the  days  of 
Asconius,  but  must  have  been,  as  you  remark,  far  inferior  to  the  one  which 
we  now  have,  since  the  latter  was  accounted,  both  by  Cicero  himself  and 
by  his  contemporaries,  as  the  finest  effort  of  his  genius.3 

H.  The  oration  which  I  find  next  in  order  is  entitled  "  Pro  Rabirio 
Po»tumo." 

Dr.  B.  He  was  prosecuted  for  repayment  of  a  sum  which  he  was  sup- 

1.  Life  of  Cicero,  vol.  2,  p.  69.— Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  310. 

2.  Correspondence  of  Wakefield  and  Fose.  p.  85. 

3.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  313. 


XXXVl  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO. 

posed  to  have  received,  in  conjunction  with  the  proconsul  Gabinius,  from 
King  Ptolemy,  for  having  placed  him  on  the  throne  of  Egypt  contrary  tv 
ihe  injunctions  of  the  senate.  But  why  that  look  of  pleasure  1 

H.  This  oration,  which  succeeds,  I  have  read  of  in  Plutarch.  It  i 
the  one  for  Ligarius,  accused  of  having  borne  arms  against  Caesar,  aftw 
the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  and  of  having  renewed  the  war  in  Africa. 

Dr.  B.  Yes,  the  dictator  himself  presided  at  this  trial,  much  prejudicet 
against  Ligarius.  But  the  eloquence  of  the  advocate  extorted  a  pardon 
It  was  during  this  oration  that  Caesar's  countenance  is  said  to  have 
changed,  and  the  papers  which  he  held  to  have  dropped  from  his  hand.1 

H.  We  have  but  two  remaining  before  we  reach  the  Philippics,  the 
speech  for  Deiotarus,  and  that  in  behalf  of  Marcellus.  With  the  latter  I 
am  too  well  acquainted  to  trouble  you  for  any  explanation.  Of  the  sub 
ject  of  the  former  I  am  ignorant. 

Dr.  B.  Why,  this  was  a  defence  of  Deiotarus,  tetrarch  of  Galatia, 
charged  with  an  attempt  to  poison  Caesar,  during  the  stay  which  the 
latter  made  at  his  court.  The  case  was  heard  in  the  private  apartments 
of  Caesar,  and  the  issue  was  successful  for  the  accused. 

H.  I  will  not  trouble  you,  my  dear  Doctor,  to  explain  for  me  the  sub- 
ject of  each  of  the  Philippics.  I  have  read  that  they  were  aimed  against 
Antony,  that  they  were  so  entitled  in  imitation  of  the  splendid  effusions 
of  Demosthenes,  and  that,  like  the  latter,  they  derive  their  chief  beauty 
from  the  noble  expression  of  just  indignation  which  is  so  splendidly  dif- 
fused over  all.  Allow  me  to  ask,  however,  which  one,  in  your  opinion, 
is  entitled  to  the  palm. 

Dr.  B.  Undoubtedly  the  fourteenth,  which  was  delivered  after  the 
intelligence  had  been  received  of  the  total  defeat  of  Antony,  before  the 
walls  of  Modena,  by  the  army  under  Octavianus  and  the  consuls  Hirtius 
and  Pansa.  This  success  was  thought  to  have  decided  the  fate  of  Antony 
and  the  republic,  and  Cicero  gives  loose  to  his  patriotic  feelings  in  a  flow 
of  the  noblest  eloquence.  This  too  was  the  last  oration  that  Cicero 
delivered,  for  the  union  of  Octavianus  and  Antony  was  cemented  by  his 
blood.2 

H.  And  have  we  now  gone  through  all  the  orations,  Doctor  Barton, 
cf  the  man  of  Arpinum  1 

Dr.  B.  All  that  have  come  down  to  us,  Henry.  Many,  however,  have 
entirely  perished,  and  of  these  the  one  most  deserving  of  regret  is  that 
•or  Cornelius.  He  had  been  accused  of  practices  against  the  state  during 
Me  tribuneship.  The  speech  was  divided  into  two  great  parts,  and  was 
continued  during  four  successive  days,  before  an  immense  concourse  of 
auditors,  who  are  said  to  have  testified  their  admiration  by  reiterated 

1.  Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  39. 

8.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  358 


LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CICERO.  XXXV11 

/pplause.  The  orator  himself  frequently  refers  to  it  as  among  the  moat 
finished  of  his  compositions,  and  the  old  critics  cite  it  as  an  example  of 
genuine  eloquence.1 — Of  many  of  the  lost  speeches  of  Cicero,  we  have 
however,  fragments  remaining,  and  the  number  of  these  remnants  has 
been  recently  increased  by  the  researches  of  Maio,  of  which  we  will  con- 
verse on  some  other  opportunity.  Meanwhile,  before  we  part,  hand  me 
that  number  of  the  Westminster  Review  which  lies  at  your  elbow.  It 
contains  a  sketch  of  Cicero's  character,  which  I  wish  to  read  to  you. 

H.  Before  we  part,  Doctor  1 — Why  I  have  not  got  through  with  more 
.nan  one  half  of  my  volume. 

Dr.  B.  And  that  is  the  very  reason  why  we  c  nght  now  to  stop,  lest 
any  farther  account  of  the  writings  of  Cicero  only  confuse  and  be- 
wilder.2  Digest  what  I  have  thus  far  stated,  and,  when  we  meet  again, 
the  other  productions  of  Cicero  will  serve  us  for  a  theme. — Besides  ycu 
will  want  to  attend  to-day  the  visitation  of  the  Bodleian  Library,  and  to 
hear  the  Latin  speech  in  the  school  of  Natural  Philosophy. 

H.  Who  appoints  the  speaker,  Doctor  ? 

Dr.  B.  The  Dean  of  Christ-Church. — I  will  now  read  from  the  West- 
minster :s  "  Cicero  was  the  first  of  the  second  order  of  great  minds.  An 
extraordinary  variety  of  talent,  rather  than  any  pre-eminence  of  original 
genius,  is  his  characteristic.  It  is  attested  by  a  wonderful  extent  and 
diversity  of  information,  acquired  amid  the  daily  occupations  of  a  very 
laborious  life,  and  almost  enabling  him  to  accomplish  the  great  object  of 
his  ambition,  which  was  in  his  single  person  to  maintain  the  cause  of  Ro- 
man against  the  whole  of  Grecian  literature.  His  written  contributions 
to  the  information  and  delight  of  mankind,  are  almost  as  extensive  as 
Aristotle's.  Every  page  is  the  efflorescence  of  a  capacious  mind,  which 
embraced  the  whole  circle  of  arts  and  sciences,  which  surveyed  life  with 
the  comprehension  of  a  philosopher,  and  the  shrewdness  of  a  man  of  the 
world.  But  Cicero's  mind  was  not  of  primitive  formation.  He  was  the 
inventor  of  no  great  style,  he  was  the  bold  and  original  investigator  of  no 
one  department,  nor  is  there  any  one  in  which  supremacy  could  be 
claimed  for  him.  He  resembled  the  athlete  in  Longinus,  who  was  infe  • 
rior  to  his  competitors  respectively  in  their  peculiar  provinces,  but  was 
on  the  whole,  and  with  regard  to  the  universality  of  his  accomplishments, 
superior  to  any. — As  a  politician  his  defects  are  most  striking,  for  his  turn 
lay  best  for  speculation,  and  nothing  so  clearly  and  decisively  detects 
lurking  flaws  in  a  man's  judgment  as  the  conduct  of  public  affairs,  during 
"  the  joints  and  flexures"  of  troubled  times,  when  the  operation  of  new 

1.  Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  voL  2,  p.  331. 

2.  An  account  of  the  ethical  and  philosophical  writings  of  Cicero  will  be  giver 
"n  an  edition  of  the  work  "De  Qfflciis,"  and  also  in  another  containing  selection* 
irom  his  philosophical  productions. 

3  No.  33,  p.  147,  aeqq. 

t» 


XXXVlii  LIFE    AND    WRITINGS    OF    CJ    £RO. 

principles  is  convulsing  society,  or  the  decay  of  old  ones  is  resolving  afl 
into  their  original  elements.  For  such  a  change  he  possessed  neither  the 
requisite  moral  or  physical  courage,  the  solidity  of  principle  and  purpose, 
nor  the  promptitude  of  judgment  which  is  necessary  to  its  execution. — • 
The  natural  weakness  of  Cicero's  mind,  the  want  of  great  and  solid  prin 
ciples  of  conduct,  as  well  as  his  timidity,  was  not  only  ruinous  to  the 
state,  but  embittered  the  whole  of  his  life.  In  the  conflict  of  public  affairs, 
the  real  outlines  of  a  man's  character  are  inevitably  discovered  ;  design 
or  accident  betrays  his  weak  and  strong  points.  The  hustling  of  a  mob 
immediately  proves  both  his  mind  and  body.  Cicero  was  perfectly  known 
to  every  man  in  Rome.  Some,  when  they  had  any  object  to  gain,  prac- 
tised on  his  vanity,  some  on  his  timidity.  From  the  day  of  his  banish- 
ment his  spirit  was  broken,  and  never  recovered  its  elasticity  until,  in  his 
old  age,  he  was  called  on  to  oppose  the  profligate  Antony.  Then  some- 
thing better  even  than  his  former  self  "  flashed  forth  a  stream  of  heroic 
rays."  The  cause,  the  occasion,  and  the  person,  roused  all  his  faculties. 
He  spoke  for  liberty — the  magnitude  of  the  individual  danger  in  which  he 
stood  cut  off  all  irresolution,  the  eyes  of  the  world  were  on  him,  the  ex- 
ample of  Brutus,  glorious  at  least  in  its  principle,  was  before  him,  and 
accordingly,  with  a  courage,  a  dignity,  and  .an  eloquence  to  which  there 
is  no  parallel  in  his  other  efforts,  he  stood  over  his  fallen  country  and 
defended  her  from  her  deadliest  foe." 

H.  Do  you  agree,  Doctor,  with  all  that  is  here  advanced  1 
Dr.  B.  Very  nearly,  Henry.     We  must  always  in  estimating  the  char- 
acter of  Cicero,  take  care  not  to  be  dazzled  by  the  literary  splendoui 
that  is  thrown,  around  his  name. 


CICERONIS  ORATIONES. 


~~ 


TVt.TULLII  CICERONIS 
ORATIO 

IN 

L.  CATILINAM 
PRIMA, 

HABITA  IN   SENATU. 


I.  2Quousq.UE  tandem  3abulere,  Catilina,  patientla  no* 
stra  ?  Quamdiu  etiam  furor  4iste  tuus  nos  5eludet  ?  Quern 
ad  finem  sese  effrenata  jactabit  audacia  ?  6Nihilne  te 
nocturnum  praesidium  7Palatii,  nihil  8urbis  vigiliae,  nihil 
timor  populi,  nihil  9concursus  bonorura  omnium,  nihil  hie 
10munitissimus  habendi  senatum  locus,  nihil  nhorum  ora 
vultusque  moverunt  ?  12Patere  tua  consilia  non  sentis  1 
Constrictam  jam  horum  omnium  conscientia  teneri  con- 
jurationem  tuam  non  vides  ?  Quid  13proxima,  quid  supe- 
riore  nocte  egeris,  ubi  fueris,  quos  convocayeris,  quid 
consilii  ceperis,  quern  nostrum  ignorare  arbitraris  ?  O 
tempera,  O  mores  !  Senatus  haec  intelligit,  consul  videt ; 
hie  tamen  vivit.  Vivit  ?  uimmo  vero  etiam  in  senatum 
vunit.  Fit  15publici  consilii  particeps :  notat  et  designat 
oculis  ad  caedem  unumquemque  nostrum.  Nos  autem 
16viri  fortes,  satisfacere  reipublicae  videmur,  si  istius  furo- 
rem  ac  tela  vitemus.  Ad  mortem  te,  Catilina,  duci  jussu 
consulis,  jampridem  oportebat ;  17in  te  conferri  pesterp 
istam,  quam  tu  in  nos  omnes  jamdiu  machinaris.  18An 
vero  vir  amplissimus,  1T.  Scipio,  pontifex  maximus,  Tib. 
Gracchum,  20mediocriter  labefactantem  statum  reipublicae, 
privatus  interfecit :  21Catilinam,  orbem  terrarum  caede  at- 
que  incendiis  vastare  cupieritem,  nos  consules  perfere- 

1 


2  ORATIO    1.    IN    L.    CAT.LINAM. 

mus  ?  JNam  ilia  nimis  antiqua  praetereo,  quod  2C.  Ser- 
vilius  Ahala  Sp.  Melium,  novis  rebus  studentem,  manu 
sua  occidit.  Fuit,  fuit  3ista  quondam  in  liac  republica 
virtus,  ut  viri  fortes  acrioribus  suppliciis  civem  pernicio- 
sum,  quam  acerbissimum  hostem  coercerent.  4Habemua 
senatusconsultuin  in  te,  Catilina,  5vehemens  et  grave : 
*>non  deest  reipublicae  consilium,  neque  auctoritas  hujus 
ordinis :  nos,  nos,  dico  aperte,  7nos  consules  desumus. 

II.  DECREVIT  8quondam  senatus  ut  L.  Opimius  consul 
9videret,  ne  quid  respublica  detrimenti  caperet :  nox  nulla 
intercessit ;  interfectus  est  propter  10quasdam  seditionum 
suspiciones  C.  Gracchus,  11clarissimo  patre,  avo,  majoribus  : 
occisus  est  cum  liberis  12M.  Fulvius,  consularis.  Simili 
senatusconsulto,  13C  Mario  et  L.  Valerio,  consulibus,  per- 
missa  est  respublica :  num  unum  diem  postea  UL.  Satur- 
nini  tribuni  plebis,  et  C.  Servilii  praetoris  mortem  rei- 
publicae poena  remorata  est  ?  At  15nos  vicesimum  jam 
diem  patimur  hebescere  aciem  horum  auctoritatis.  Habe- 
mus  enim  hujusmodi  senatusconsultum,  verumtamen  inclu- 
sum  in  tabulis,  tanquam  16gladiura  in  vagina  reconditum : 
quo  ex  senatusconsulto  17confestim  interfectum  te  esse, 
Catilina,  convenit.  Vivis :  et  vivis  non  ad  deponendam, 
sed  ad  confirmandam  audaciam.  18Cupio,  patres  con- 
scripti,  me  esse  clementem :  cupio  in  tantis  reipublicao 
periculis  me  non  19dissolutum  videri :  sed  jam  me  ipse 
incrtiae  20nequitiaeque  condemno.  Castra  sunt  in  Italia, 
contra  rempublicam,  21in  Etruriae  faucibus  collocata :  cres- 
cit  in  dies  singulos  hostium  numerus :  22eorum  autem  im- 
peratorem  castrorum,  ducemque  hostium,  intra  moenia, 
atque  adeo  in  senatu  videmus,  intestinam  aliquam  quoti- 
die  perniciem  reipublicae  molientem.  Si  te  jam,  Catilina. 
comprehendi,  si  interfici  jussero ;  credo,  erit  verendum 
mihi,  ne  non  hoc  potius  omnes  boni  serius  a  me,  quam 
quisquam  crudelius  factum  esse  dicat.  Verum  ego  hoc, 
quod  jampridem  factum  esse  oportuit,  23certa  de  causa 
nondum  adducor  ut  faciam.  Turn  denique  interficiam  te, 
cum  jam  nemo  tain  improbus,  tarn  perditus,  24tam  tui  si- 


ORAT10    I.    IX    L.    CATJLINAM.  3 

niilis  inveriiri  poterit,  qui  id  non  jure  factum  esse  fatca- 
tur.  Quamdiu  quisquam  erit,  qui  te  defendere  audeat, 
vives :  et  vives  ita,  ut  mine  vivis,  multis  meis  et  firmis 
praesidiis  ^bsessus,  ne  commovere  te  contra  rempublicam 
possis.  Multorum  te  etiam  oculi  et  aures  non  sentien- 
tem,  sicut  adliuc  fecerunt,  speculabuntur  atque  custodient. 

III.  ETENIM  quid  est,  Catilina,  quod  jam  amplius  ex- 
spectes,  si  neque  nox  tenebris  obscurare  coetus   nefarios, 
nee  Sprivata  domus  parietibus    continere    vocem    conjura- 
tionis   tuae    potest  ?  3si   illustrantur,  si    enimpunt   omnia  ? 
Muta  jam  4istam  mentem :  mirii  crede  :  obliviscere  caedis, 
atque  incendiorum :    teneris  undique :    luce    sunt    clariora 
nobis  tua  consilia  omnia :  quae  etiam  meeum    licet  reco- 
gnoscas.     Meministine,  me  5ante    diem    duodecimum   ka- 
lendas    Novembris    dicere    in    senatu,    certo    die    fore    in 
armis,  qui  dies  futurus  esset  6ante  diem  sextum  kalendas 
Novembris,  C.  Manlium,  audaciae  satellitem  atque  admin- 
istrum  tuae.?     Num  me    fefellit,  Catilina,  non   modo   res 
tanta,  tarn-  atrox,  tarn  incredibilis,  verum,  'id  quod   multo 
magis  est  admirandum,  dies  ?     Dixi  ego  idem  in  senatu, 
caedem  8te  optimatum   contulisse  9in    ante    diem  quintum 
kalendas    Novembris,  turn  cum   multi  10principes  civitatia 
Roma,  non  tarn  sui  conservandi,  quam  tuorum  consiliorum 
nreprimendorum   causa  profugerunt.     Num  infitiari  potes 
te  illo  ipso  die  meis  praesidiis,  mea  diligentia  circumclu 
sum,    commovere    te    contra    rempublicam    non    potuisse 
cum    tu,  discessu    ceterorum,  12nostra  tamen,  qui    reman 
sissemus,  caede  contentum  te  esse  dicebas  ?    Quid  ?  cum 
tute  13Praeneste    kalendis    ipsis    Novembris    occupaturum 
nocturno  impetu  esse  confideres :  sensistine,  illam  coloni- 
am  meo  jussu,  ]4praesidiis,  custodiis,  vigiliisque  esse  mir 
nitam  ?     Nihil  agis,  nihil  moliris,  nihil  cogitas,  quod  egt> 
''non  modo  non  audiam,  sed  etiam  non  videam,  planeque 
sentiam. 

IV.  RECOGNOSCE  tandem  mecum  16noctem  illam  superio- 
rein :  jam  intelliges  multo  me  vigilare  acrius  ad  salutem 
(\\iajn  te  ad  perniciem  reipublicae.     Dico  tc   priori  nocto 


4  ORATIO    1.    IN    L.    CATILINAM 

vcnisse  Unter  falcarios,  (non  agam  obscure,)  in  M.  Lae 
cae  domum :  convenisse  eodem  2complures  ejusdem 
amentiae  scelerisque  socios.  Nura  negare  audes  ?  Quid 
taces  ?  convincam,  si  negas.  Video  enim  esse  hie  in 
senatu  quosdam,  qui  tecum  una  fuereT  O  dii  immortales ! 
ubinam  gentium  sumus  ?  in  qua  urbe  vivimus  1  quam  rem- 
publicam  habemus  ?  Hie,  hie  sunt,  nostro  in  numero, 
patres  conscripti,  3in  hoc  orbis  terrae  sanctissimo  gravis- 
siraoque  consilio,  qui  de  rrreo,  nostr&mque  omnium  inte 
ritu,  qui  de  hujus  urbis,  atque  adeo  orbis  terrarum  exitio 
cogltent.  Hosce  ego  video  consul,  et  de  republica  sen- 
tentiam  rogo :  et,  quos  ferro  trucidari  oportebat,  eos  non 
dum  voce  vulnero.  Fuisti  igitur  apud  Laecam  ilia  nocte, 
Catilina :  4distribuisti  partes  Italiae :  statuisti  quo  quem- 
que  proficisci  placeret :  delegisti  5quos  Romae  relinqueres, 
quos  tecum  educeres :  6descripsisti  urbis  partes  ad  incen- 
dia :  7confirmasti,  te  ipsum  jam  esse  exiturum :  dixisti 
paullulum  tibi  esse  etiam  turn  morae,  quod  ego  viverem. 
Reperti  sunt  8duo  equites  Romani,  qui  te  ista  cura  libe- 
rarent,  et  sese  9illa  ipsa  nocte,  paullo  ante  lucem,  me  meo 
in  lectulo  interfecturos  pollicerentur.  Haec  ego  omnia, 
vix  dum  etiam  coetu  vestro  dimisso,  10comperi :  domum 
meam  majoribus  praesidiis  munivi  atque  firmavi :  exclusi 
eos,  quos  tu  mane  ad  me  salutatum  miseras,  cum  illi  ipsi 
venissent ;  quos  ego  jam  multis  ac  summis  viris  ad  me 
id  temporis  venturos  esse  praedixeram. 

V.  nQuAE  cum  ita  sint,  Catilina,  perge  quo  coepisti , 
egredere  aliquando  ex  urbe :  patent  portae :  proficiscere : 
nirnium  diu  te  imperatorem  12illa  tua  Manliana  castra  de- 
siderant.  Educ  tecum  etiam  omnes  tuos :  13si  minus 
quam  plurimos :  purga  urbem :  magno  me  metu  liberabis 
dummodo  inter  me  atque  te  murus  intersit :  nobiscum 
versari  jam  diutius  non  potes :  14non  feram,  non  patiar 
non  sinam.  Magna  diis  immortalibus,  15atque  huic  ipsi 
Jovi  Statori,  antiquissimo  custodi  hujus  urbis,  16habenda 
est  gratia,  quod  hanc  tarn  taetram,  tarn  horribilem,  17tam- 
que  inf'estam  reipublicae  pestem  toties  jam  cffugimus. 


ORATIO    I.    IN    L.     CAT1L1NAM.  0 

Non  est  saepius  ain  uno  homine  summa  salus  periclitan 
da  reipublicae.  Quamdiu  mihi,  2consuli  designate,  Cati- 
lina,  insidiatus  es,  non  publico  me  praesidio,  sed  privata 
diligentia  defend! :  cum  3  proximis  comitiis  consularibua 
me  consulem  in  4campo,  et  competitores  interficere  vo- 
luisti,  compress!  tuos  nefarios  conatus  amicorum  praesid 
io  et  copiis,  .nullo  tumultu  publice  concitato:*  deniquo 
quotiescunque  me  petisti,  per  me  tibi  obstiti :  quamquaiu 
videbam,  perniciem  meam  cum  magna  calamitate  reipub 
licae  5esse  conjunctam.  Nunc  jam  aperte  rempublicam 
imiversam  petis.  Templa  deorum  immortalium,  tecta  ur- 
bis,  vitam  omnium  civium,  Italian*  denique  totam,  ad  exi- 
tium  et  vastitatem  vocas.  Quare  6quoniam  id,  quod  pri- 
mum,  atque  hujus  imperil  disciplinaeque  majorum  propri- 
um  est,  facere  nondum  audeo :  faciam  id,  quod  est  7ad 
severitatem  lenius,  et  ad  communem  salutem  utilius . 
nam,  si  te  interfici  jussero,  residebit  in  republica  8reli- 
qua  conjuratorum  manus :  sin  tu  (quod  te  jamdudum  hor- 
tor,)  exieris,  9exhaurietur  ex  urbe  tuorum  comitum  mag- 
na et  perniciosa  reipublicae  sentina.  Quid  est,  Catilina  ? 
Num  dubitas  id,  me  imperante,  facere,  quod  jam  10tua 
sponte  faciebas  ?  Exire  ex  urbe  consul  hostem  jubet : 
interrogas  me,  nnum  in  exsilium  ?  Non  jubeo :  sed,  si 
me  consulis,  suadeo. 

VI.  QUID  enim,  Catilina,  est,  quod  te  jam  in  hac  urbe  de- 
lectare  possit  ?  In  qua  nemo  est,  12extra  istam  conjuratio- 
nem  perditoram  hominum,  qui  te  non  metuat ;  nemo,  qui 
non  oderit.  13Quae  nota  domesticae  turpitudinis  non  inusta 
vitae  tuae  est  ?  14Quod  privatarum  rerum  dedecus  non 
haeret  infamiae  ?  15Quae  libido  ab  oculis,  16quod  facinus 
a  manibus  umquam  tuis,  quod  flagitium  a  toto  corpore 
abfuit  ?  Cui  tu  adolescentulo,  17quem  corruptelarum  ille- 
cebris  irretisses,  non  aut  ad  audaciam  ferrum,  aut  ad  libi- 
dinem  18facem  praetulisti?  Quid  vero?  nuper,  cum  moite 
superioris  uxoris  novis  nuptiis  domum  19vacuefecisses 
nonne  etiam  alio  incredibili  scelere  hoc  scelus  cumulasti  ? 

Quod  ego  praetermitto,   et  facile  patior  sileri,  ne    in  hac 
t* 


6  ORAT1O    I.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

civitate  Hanti  facinoris  immanitas  aut  exstitisse,  ant  non 
vindicata  esse  videatur.  Praetermitto  ruinas  fortunarum 
tuarum,  quas  omnes  impendere  tibi  2proximis  idibus  sen- 
ties  :  ad  ilia  venio,  quae  non  ad  privatam  ignominiam 
vitiorum  tuorum,  non  ad  3domesticam  tuam  difficultatem  ac 
turpitudinem,  sed  ad  summam  reipublicae,  atque  ad  omni- 
um nostrum  vitam  salutemque  pertinent.  Potestne  tibi 
4hujus  vitae  lux,  Catilina,  aut  hujus  coeli  spiritus  esse 
jucundus,  cum  scias,  horum  esse  neminem,  qui  nesciat, 
te  5pridie  kalendas  Januarias,  6Lepido  et  Tullo  consulibus. 
7stetisse  in  comitio  cum  telo  ?  Manum,  consulum  et  prin- 
cipum  civitatis  interficiendorum  causa,  paravisse  ?  Sceleri 
ac  furori  tuo  8non  mentem  aliquam,  aut  timorem  tuum, 
sed  9fortunam  reipublicae  obstitisse  ?  Ac  jam  ilia  omitto  : 
10neque  enim  sunt  aut  obscura,  aut  non  multa  post  com- 
raissa.  Quoties  tu  me  designatum,  quoties  consulem  in- 
terficere  coiiatus  es  ?  ]1Quot  ego  tuas  petitiones  ita  con- 
jectas,  ut  vitari  non  posse  viderentur,  parva  quadam  de- 
clinatione,  et,  ut  aiunt,  corpore  effugi  ?  12Nihil  agis,  nihil 
assequeris,  nihil  moliris,  quod  mihi  latere  valeat  13in  tern- 
pore  :  neque  tamen  conari  ac  velle  desistis.  14Quoties 
jam  tibi  extorta  est  sica  ista  de  manibus  ?  Quoties  vero 
excidit  casu  aliquo  et  elapsa  est?  15Tamen  ea  carere 
diutius  non  potes :  16quae  quidem  quibus  abs  te  initiata 
sacris  ac  devota  sit,  nescio,  quod  earn  necesse  putas  con- 
sulis  in  corpore  defigere. 

VII.  NUNC  vero,  quae  est  ista  tua  vita?  Sic  enim 
jam  tecum  loquar,  non  ut  17odio  permotus  esse  videar, 
quo  debeo,  sed  ut  misericordia,  quae  tibi  nulla  debetur. 
Venisti  18paullo  ante  in  senatum :  quis  te  ex  hac  tanta 
frequentia,  ex  tot  tuis  amicis  ac  necessariis,  19salutavit  ? 
Si  hoc  post  hominum  memoriam  contigit  nemini,  20vocis 
exspectas  contumeliam,  cum  sis  gravissimo  judicio  taci- 
turnitatis  oppressus  ?  Quid,  quod  adventu  tuo  21ista  sub- 
Kcllia  vacuefacta  sunt  ?  Quod  omnes  consulares,  qui  tibi 
persaepe  ad  caedem  constituti  fuerunt,  simul  atque  asse 
flisti,  partem  istam  subselliorum  22nudam  atque  inanem 


ORATIO    I.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  7 

reliquerunt  ?  Quo  tandem  animo  hoc  tibi  ferendura  putas  ? 
JServi  mehercle  mei  si  me  isto  pacto  metuerent,  ut  te 
metuunt  omnes  cives  tui,  domum  meam  relinquendam  pu- 
tarem :  tu  tibi  urbem  non  arbitraris  ?  Et,  si  me  meis 
civibus  2injuria  suspectum  tarn  gravi*er  atque  ofFensum 
viderem ;  carere  me  aspectu  civium,  quam  infestis  omni- 
um oculis  conspici  mallem :  tu  cum  conscientia  scelerum 
tuorum  agnoscas  odium  omnium  justum,  et  jam  tibi  diu 
debitum,  dubitas,  quorum  mentes  sensusque  Vulneras, 
eorum  aspectum  praesentiamque  vitare  ?  Si  te  parentes 
timerent  atque  odissent  tui,  neque  eos  ulla  ratione  pla- 
care  posses ;  ut  opinor,  ab  eorum  oculis  aliquo  concede- 
res :  nunc  te  patria,  quae  communis  est  4omnium  nostrum 
parens,  odit  ac  metuit,  5et  jamdiu  te  nihil  judicat  nisi  de 
6parricidio  suo  cogitare.  7Hujus  tu  neque  auctoritatem 
verebere,  neque  judicium  sequere,  neque  vim  pertimesces  ? 
Quae  tecum,  Catilina,  sic  agit,  et  quodammodo  ^acita 
loquitur : — Nullum  aliquot  jam  annis  facinus  exstitit.  nisi 
per  te ;  nullum  flagitium  sine  te :  tibi  uni  9multorhni  ci- 
vium neces,  tibi  vexatio  direptioque  10sociorum  impunita 
fuit  ac  libera :  tu  non  solum  ad  negligendas  leges  ac 
nquaestiones,  verum  etiam  ad  evertendas  perfringendas 
que  valuisti.  Superiora  ilia,  quamquam  ferenda  non  fue 
runt,  tamen,  ut  potui,  tuli :  nunc  vero  me  totam  esse  in 
metu  propter  te  unum ;  12quidquid  increpuerit,  Catilinam 
timeri ;  nullum  videri  contra  me  consilium  iniri  posse, 
13quod  a  tuo  scelere  abhorreat ;  non  est  ferendum.  Quamo- 
brem  discede,  atque  hunc  mibi  timorem  eripe :  14si  est 
verus,  ne  opprimar ;  sin  falsus,  ut  tandem  aliquando  time- 
re  desinam. 

VIII.  HAEC  si  tecum,  ut  dixi,  patria  loquatur,  15nonne 
impetrare  debeat,  etiamsi  vim  adliibere  non  possit  ? 
16Quid,  quod  tu  te  ipse  17in  custodiam  dedisti  ?  Quid, 
quod,  vitandae  suspicionis  causa,  apud  18M'.  Lepidum  te 
19habitare  velle  dixisti  ?  A  quo  non  receptus,  etiam  ad 
me  venire  ausus  es :  atque  ut  domi  meae  te  asservarem, 
rogasti :  cum  a  me  quoque  id  responsum  tulisses,  m? 


8  ORATIO    I.    IN    L.    CATIL1NAM. 

nullo  modo  posse  iisdem  ^arietibus  tuto  csse  tecum,  2qui 
magno  in  periculo  essem,  quod  iisdem  moenibus  conti- 
neremur ;  ad  3Q.  Metellum  praetorem  venisti :  a  quo  rc- 
pudiatus,  ad  sodalem  tuum,  Mrum  optimum,  M.  Marcel 
lum  demigrasti :  quern  tu  5videlicet  et  ad  custodienduin 
te  diligentissimum,  et  ad  suspicandum  sagacissimum,  et  ad 
vindicandum  fortissimum  fore  putasti.  Sedquamlonge  vide- 
tur  a  carcere  atque  a  vinculis  abesse  debere,  qui  se  ipse  jam 
dignum  custodia  judicarit  ?  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  Catilina,  du- 
bitas,  si  hie  6morari  aequo  animo  non  potes,  abire  in  aliquas 
terras,  et  vitam  istam,  multis  suppliciis  justis  debitisque  erep- 
tam,  fugae  solitudinique  mandare  ?  7Refer,  inquis,  ad  sena- 
tum,  (id  enim  postulas,)  et,  si  hie  ordo  placere  sibi  decreve- 
rit,  te  ire  in  exsilium,  obtemperaturum  te  esse  dicis.  Non 
referam  id,  8quod  abhorret  a  meis  moribus :  et  tamen  9fa 
ciam,  ut  intelligas,  quid  hi  de  te  sentiant.  Egredere  ex 
urbe,  Catilina :  libera  rempublicam  metu :  in  exsilium,  si 
10hanc  vocem  exspectas,  prohciscere.  HQuid  est,  Catili- 
na ?  ecquid  attendis,  ecquid  animadvertis  horum  silentium  ? 
:'2patiuntur,  tacent.  13Quid  exspectas  auctoritatem  loquen- 
tium,  quorum  voluntatem  tacitorum  perspicis  ?  At  si  hoc 
idem  huic  adolescenti  optimo,  14P.  Sextio,  si  fortissimo 
viro,  15M.  Marcello  dixissem ;  16jam  mihi  consuli,  hoc 
ipso  in  templo,  jure  optimo  senatus  vim  et  manus  intu- 
lisset :  17de  te  autem,  Catilina,  cum  quiescunt,  probant ; 
cum  patiuntur,  decernunt ;  cum  tacent,  clamant.  Neque 
hi  solum,  18quorum  tibi  auctoritas  est  videlicet  cara,  vita 
vilissima ;  19sed  etiam  illi  equites  Romani,  honestissirni 
atque  optimi  viri,  ceterique  fortissimi  cives,  20qui  circum- 
stant  senatum,  quorum  tu  et  frequentiam  videre,  et  studia 
perspicere,  et  voces  paullo  ante  exaudire  potuisti :  quo- 
rum ego  vix  abs  te  jamdiu  manus  ac  tela  contineo,  eos- 
dem  facile  adducam,  ut  te  haec,  quae  jampridem  vastare 
studes,  relinquentem,  21usque  ad  portas  prosequantur. 

IX.  22QuAMQ0AM  quid  loquor  ?  23te  ut  ulla  res  frangat * 
tu  ut  unquam  te  co.-rigas  ?  tu  ut  ullam  fugam  meditere ? 
tu  ut  ullum  exsiliun.  eogites?  Utinam  tibi  istam  menteu. 


OHATIO    I.    IN    L.    CATIL1NAM  9 

Jii  immortales  Jdumt !  Tametsi  video,  si  mea  voce  per- 
territus  ire  in.  exsilium  animum  induxeris,  quanta  tempe- 
stas  invidiae  nobis,  si  minus  in  praesens  tempus,  recenti 
memoria  scelerum  tuorum,  at  in  posteritatem  impendeat. 
?Sed  est  mihi  tanti ;  dummodo  ista  3privata  sit  calamitas, 
et  a  reipublicae  periculis  sejungatur.  4Sed  tu  ut  vitiia 
tuis  commoveare,  ut  legum  poenas  pertimescas,  ^it  tem- 
poribus  reipublicae  coneedas,  non  est  postulandum  :  neque 
enim  is  es,  Catilina,  ut  te  aut  6pudor  a  turpitudine,  aut 
metus  a  periculo,  aut  ratio  a  furore  unquam ,  revocarit. 
Quamobrem,  ut  saepe  jam  dixi,  proficiscere :  ac,  si  mihi 
inimico,  ut  praedicas,  tuo  conflare  vis  invidiam ;  7recta 
perge  in  exsilium :  vix  feram  8sermones  hominum,  si  id 
feceris :  vix  9molem  istius  invidiae,  si  in  exsilium  ieris 
jussu  consulis,  sustinebo :  sin  autem  10servire  meae  laudi 
et  gloriae  mavis,  egredere  aicum  importuna  sceleratorum 
manu :  confer  te  ad  Manlium :  concita  perditos  cives : 
secerne  te  a  bonis :  infer  patriae  bellum :  exsulta  12impio 
latrocinio,  ut  a  me  non  ejectus  ad  alienos,  sed  invitatus 
ad  tuos  isse  videaris.  13Quamquam  quid  ego  te  invitem, 
a  quo  jam  sciam  esse  praemissos,  uqui  tibi  ad  Forum 
Aurelium  praestolarentur  armati  ?  15Cui  sciam  pactam  et 
constitutam  esse  cum  Manlio  diem  ?  A  quo  etiam  16aqui- 
lam  illam  argenteam,  quam  tibi,  ac  tuis  omnibus,  perni- 
ciosam  esse  confido  et  funestam  futuram,  17cui  domi  tuae 
sacrarium  scelerum  tuorum  constitutum  fuit,  sciam  esse 
praemissam  ?  18Tu  ut  ilia  diutius  carere  possis,  quam 
venerari,  ad  caedem  proficiscens,  solebas  ?  A  cujus  alta- 
ribus  saepe  istam  impiam  dexteram  ad  necem  civium 
transtulisti  ? 

X.  IBIS  tandem  -aliquando,  quo  te  jampridem  tua  ista 
cupiditas  effrenata  ac  furiosa  rapiebat.  Neque  enim  tibi 
19haec  res  affert  dolorem,  sed  quandam  incredibilem  volu- 
ptatem :  ad  hanc  te  amentiam  natura  peperit,  voluntas 
exercuit,  fortuna  servavit :  numquam  tu  non  modo  otium, 
sed  ne  bellum  quidem.  20nisi  nefarium,  concupisti :  nactus 
es  ex  perditis,  atque  ab  omni  non  modo  fortuna,  venim 


JO  ^)RATIO   I.    IN   L.    CATILINAM. 

etiam  spe  derelictis,  conflatam  improborum  manum.  'Hie 
tu  qua  laetitia  perfruere  ?  quibus  gaudiis  exsultabis  1  quan- 
.a  in  voluptate  bacchabere,  cum  in  tanto  numero  tuoruia 
neque  audies  virum  bonum  quemquam,  neque  videbis  ? 
2Ad  hujus  vitae  studium  meditati  illi  sunt,  qui  feriintur, 
labores  tui :  jacere  humi,  non  modo  3ad  obsidendum  stu- 
prura,  verum  etiam  ad  facinus  obeundum ;  vigilare,  non 
solum  insidiantem  somno  maritorum,  verum  etiam  4bonis 
occisorum.  5Habes  ubi  ostentes  illam  praeclaram  tuam 
patientiam  famis,  frigoris,  inopiae  rerum  omnium;  quibus 
te  brevi  tempore  6confectum  esse  senties.  Tantum  pro- 
feci  turn,  cum  te  a  consulatu  repuli,  ut  ''exul  potius  ten- 
tare,  quam  consul  vexare  rempublicam  posses :  atque  ut 
id,  quod  esset  a  te  scelerate  susceptum,  latrocinium  poti- 
us quam  helium  nominaretur. 

XL  8NuNC,  ut  a  me,  patres  conscripti,  quandam  prope 
justam  patriae  quaerimoniam  detester  ac  deprecer:  9perci- 
pite,  quaeso,  diligenter,  quae  dicam,  et  ea  penitus  animis 
vestris  mentibusque  mandate.  Etenim,  si  mecum  patria, 
quae  mihi  vita  mea  multo  est  carior,  si  cuncta  Italia,  si 
omnis  respublica  sic  loquatur :  10M.  Tulli,  quid  agis  ? 
tune  eum,  quern  esse  hostem  comperisti :  quern  ducem 
belli  futurum  vides :  quern  exspectari  imperatorem  in  cas- 
tris  hostiurn  sentis,  auctorem  sceleris,  principem  conjura- 
tionis,  nevocatorem  servorum  et  civium  perditorum,  exire 
patieris,  ut  abs  te  12non  emissus  ex  urbe,  sed  immissus  in 
urbem  esse  videatur  ?  Nonne  hunc  in  vincula  duci,  non 
ad  mortem  rapi,  non  summo  supplicio  13mactari  impera- 
bis  ?  Quid  tandem  impedit  te  1  14Mosne  majorum  ?  At 
persaepe  etiam  privati  in  hac  republica  perniciosos  cives 
morte  multarunt.  15An  leges,  quae  de^  civium  Romano- 
rum  supplicio  16rogatae  sunt?  At  numquam  in  hac  urbe 
ii,  qui  a  republica  defecerunt,  civium  jura  17tenuerunt. 
An  invidiam  posteritatis  times  ?  18Praeclaram  vero  populo 
Romano  refers  gratiam,  qui  te,  hominem  per  te  cognitum, 
nulla  commendatione  majorum,  19tam  mature  ad  summmn 
imperium  per  omne.s  honorum  gradus  extulit,  si  propter 


ORATIO    I.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  11 

mvidiam,  aut  alicujus  periculi  metum,  salutem  civium  tuo- 
rum  negligis.  Sed,  si  quis  est  invidiae  metus,  num  es 
vehementius  1severitatis  ac  fortitudinis  invidia,  quam  in- 
ertiae  ac  nequitiae  pertimescenda  1  An,  cum  bello  vasta- 
bitiir  Italia,  vexabuntur  urbes,  tecta  ardebunt :  2tum  te 
non  existimas  invidiae  incendio  conflagraturum  ? 

XII.  3His    ego    sanctissirais    reipublicae    vocibus,    et 
eorum  hominum,  qui  idem   sentiunt,  mentibus,  pauca   re- 
spondebo.     Ego,  4si  hoc  optimum  factu  judicarem,  patres 
conscripti,  Catilinam  morte  multari ;  5unius  usuram  horae 
gladiatori   isti    ad   vivendum   non   dedissem.     Etenim,    si 
summi  viri,  et  clarissimi  cives,  Saturnini,  et  Gracchorum, 
et  Flacci,  et  superiorum  complurium  sanguine  non  modo 
se  non  contaminarunt,  sed  etiam  6honestarunt ;  certe  mihi 
verendum  non  erat,  ne  quid,  hoc  7parricida  civium  inter- 
fecto,  invidiae  mihi  in   posteritatem   redundaret.     Quodsi 
ea  mihi  maxime  impenderet :    tamen  hoc    animo    semper 
fui,  ut  invidiam  virtute  partam,  gloriam,  non  invidiam  pu- 
tarem.     Quamquam  nonnulli  sunt  in  hoc    ordine,  qui  aut 
ea,  quae  imminent,  non  videant ;  aut  ea,  quae  vident,  dis- 
simulent:  8qui  spem    Catilinae    mollibus    sententiis    alue- 
runt,  conjurationemque  nascentem  non  credendo  corrobo- 
raverunt.     Quorum  auctoritatem  secuti    multi,  non    solum 
improbi,  verum  etiam  imperiti,  ssi  in  hunc    animadvertis- 
sem,  crudeliter   et   10regie    factum   esse    dicerent.     Nunc 
intelligo,  si  iste,  quo  intendit,  in  Manliana  castra   perve- 
nerit,  neminem  tarn  stultum  fore,  qui  non  videat  conjura- 
tionem  esse    factam ;    neminem   tarn   improbum,  qui   non 
fateatur.     Hoc  autem   uno   interfecto,  intelligo   hanc    rei- 
publicae pestem   npaullisper   reprimi,  non   in   perpetuum 
comprimi   posse.      Quodsi    12se    ejecerit,    secumque    suos 
eduxerit,  et  eodem  ceteros  undique  collectos  naufragos  ag- 
gregaverit ;  exstinguetur,  atque  delebitur  non  modo  13haec 
tam  adulta  reipublicae  pestis,  verum  etiam  stirps    ac    se 
men  malorum  omnium. 

XIII.  ETENIM  14jamdiu,  patres  conscripti,  in  his  pericu- 
Jis  conjurationis  insidiisque    versamur :    sed   nescio  15quo 


12  ORATIO    1.    IN    L.   CATILINAM 

pacto  omnium  scelerum,  ac  veteris  furoris  et  audaciae  ma- 
turitas  in  nostri  consulatus  tempus  erupit.  Quodsi  Jex 
tanto  latrocinio  iste  unus  tolletur ;  videbimur  fortasse  ad 
breve  quoddam  tempus  cura  et  metu  esse  relevati :  peri- 
culum  autem  residebit,  et  erit  inciusum  penitus  2in  venis 
atque  in  visceribus  reipublicae.  Ut  saepe  homines  aegii 
morbo  gravi,  cum  3aestu  febrique  jactantur,  si  aquam  ge- 
lidam  biberint,  primo  relevari  videntur ;  deinde  multo  gra- 
vius  vehementiusque  afflictantur :  sic  hie  morbus,  4qui  est 
in  republica,  relevatus  istius  poena,  vehementius  vivis  re- 
liquis  ingravescet.  Quare,  patres  conscripti,  secedant  im- 
probi,  secernant  se  a  bonis,  unum  in  locum  congregentur, 
muro  denique,  id  quod  saepe  jam  dixi,  secernantur  a  no- 
bis,  desinant  insidiari  domi  suae  consuli,  5circumstare 
tribunal  praetoris  urbani,  6obsidere  cum  gladiis  curiam, 
7malleolos  et  faces  ad  inflammandam  urbem  comparare. 
Sit  denique  incriptum  in  fronte  uniuscujusque  civis,  8quid 
de  republica  sentiat.  Pollieeor  hoc  vobis,  patres  con- 
scripti, tantam  in  nobis  consulibus  fore  diligentiam,  tan- 
tarn  in  vobis  auctoritatem,  tantam  in  equitibus  Romanis 
virtutem,  tantam  in  omnibus  bonis  consensionem,  ut  Ca- 
tilinae  profectione  omnia  patefacta,  illustrata,  9oppressa, 
vindicata  esse  videatis.  Hisce  ominibus,  Catilina,  10cum 
summa  reipublicae  salute,  et  cum  tua  peste  ac  pernicie, 
cumque  eorum  exitio,  qui  se  tecum  omni  scelere  parrici- 
dioque  junxerunt,  proficiscere  ad  impium  bellum  ac  nefa- 
rium.  Turn  tu,  Jupiter,  qui  iisdem,  quibus  haec  urbs, 
"auspiciis  a  Romulo  es  constitutus ;  quern  Statorem  hujus 
urbis  atque  imperii  vere  nominamus :  hunc,  et  hujus  so- 
cios  a  tuis  aris  ceterisque  templis,  a  lectis  urbis  ac  moe- 
nibus,  a  vita  fortunisque  civium  omnium  arcebis :  et  om- 
nes  inimicos  bonorum,  hostes  patriae,  latrones  Italian. 
12scelerum  foedere  inter  se  ac  nefaria  societate  conjunc 
tos.  aeternis  suppliciis  vivos  mortuosque  mactabis. 


'M.TULLII  CICERONIS 

ORATIO 
IN  L.  CATILINAM 

SECUNDA, 
AD    QUIRITES. 


I.  'TANDEM  aliquando,  3Quirites,  L.  Catilinam,  fu- 
rentem  audacia,  4scelus  anhelantem,  pestem  patriae 
nefarie  molientem,  vobis  atque  huic  urbi  ferrum  flam- 
mamque  5minitantem,  ex  urbe  6vel  ejecimus,  vel  emi- 
simus,  vel  ipsum  egredientem  7verbis  prosecuti  suraus. 
8Abiit,  excessit,  evasit,  erupit.  Nulla  jam  pernicies  9a 
monstro  illo  atque  prodigio  moenibus  ipsis  intra  moenia 
comparabitur.  Atque  hunc  quidem  unum,  hujus  belli  do- 
mestic! ducem,  sine  controversia  vicimus.  Non  enim 
jam  inter  latera  nostra  10sica  ilia  versabitur :  nnon  in 
campo,  12non  in  foro,  non  in  -curia,  non  denique  intra 
domesticos  parietes  pertimescemus.  13Loco  ille  motus 
est,  cum  est  ex  urbe  depulsus.  -Palam  jam  cum  hoste, 
nullo  impediente,  14bellum  justum  geremus.  Sine  dubio 
perdidimus  hominem,  magnificeque  vicimus,  cum  ilium 
ex  occultis  insidiis  in  apertum  latrocinium  conjecimus. 
15Quod  vero  non  cruentum  mucronem,  ut  voluit,  extulit, 
qiiod  vivis  nobis  egressus  est,  quod  ei  ferrum  de  manibus 
extorsimus,  quod  incolumes  cives,  quod  stantem  urbem 
reliquit :  quanto  tandem  ilium  moerore  afflictum  esse  et 
profligatom  putatis  ?  Jacet  ille  nunc  prostratus,  Quiri- 
tes,  et  se  16perculsum  atque  abjectum  esse  sentit,  et  re- 
torquet  oculos  profecto  saepe  ad  hanc  urbem ;  quam  ex 
ouis  faucibus  ereptam  esse  luget :  quae  quidem  laetari 


14  ORATIO    II.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

mihi,  videtur,    quod    tantam    pestem   evomuerit    forasque 
projecerit. 

II.  AT  si  quis  est  tails,  'quales  esse  omnes  oportebat, 
qui  in  hoc  ipso,  in  quo  exultat  et   triumphal  oratio  mea, 
me  vehementer  accuset,  quod  tarn  capitalem  hostem  non 
comprehenderim  potius,  quam  emiserim :  non  est  ista  mea 
culpa,  Quirites,  sed  temporum.     Interemtum  esse  L.  Ca- 
tilinam,  2et  gravissimo  supplicio  aifectum,  jampridem  opor- 
tebat:   idque    a  me    et   mos    majorum,  et   hujus    imperil 
severitas,    et    respublica    postulabat.      Sed   quam    multos 
fuisse    putatis,  3qui,  quae    ego    deferrem,  non   crederent? 
quam  multos,  4qui  propter  stultitiam  non  putarent?    quam 
multos,  qui  etiam  defenderent  ?  quam  multos,  qui  proptei 
improbitatem   faverent?     6Ac    si,    sublato    illo,    depelli    a 
vobis  omne  periculum  judicarem ;  jampridem  ego  L.  Ca- 
tilinam  non  modo  invidiae    meae,  verum  etiam   vitae  pe- 
riculo  sustulissem.     Sed  cum  viderem,  6ne  vobis  quidem 
omnibus  re  etiam  turn  probata,  si  ilium,  ut   erat  meritus, 
morte  multassem,  fore,  ut    ejus    socios   invidia  oppressus 
persequi   non   possem :    rem   hue    deduxi,  ut   turn   palam 
pugnare   rjossetis,   cum   hostem   aperte   videretis.     Quem 
quidem    ego    hostem,    Quirites,    7quam   vehementer   foris 
esse  timendum  putem,  licet   hinc   intelligatis,  quod   illud 
etiam  moleste  fero,  quod  ex  urbe  parum    comitatus  exie- 
rit.     Utinam   ille    omnes  'secum   suas    copias    eduxisset ! 
"Tongilium  mihi  eduxit,  9quem  amare  in -praetexta  coepe- 
rat:  10Publicium  et  Munacium,  quorum  aes  alienum  con- 
tractum  in  popina  nullum  reipublicae  motum  afferre  pote- 
rat :  nreliquit  quos   viros  ?    quanto    alieno  acre-,  quam  va- 
lentes,  quam  nobiles  1 

III.  ITAQUE    ego    ilium    exercitum,    12prae    Gallicann 
lo.gionibus,  et  hoc  delectu,  quern  in  agro  Piceno  et  Gal- 
jico  Q.  Metellus  habuit,  et  his  copiis,  quae  a  nobis  quo 
tidie  comparantur,  magnopere    contemno ;  13collectum    ex 
senibus    desperatis,  ex   agresti   luxuria,  ex  rusticis  decoc- 
toribus,    ex  iis,  qui  Hvadimonia  deserere,  quam  ilium  ex- 
ercitum,   maluerunt :    quibus    ego   non   modo    si    15acirin 


ORATIO    II.    IN    I..    CATILWAM.  15 

oxercitus  nostri,  venim  ctiam  si  edictum  praetoris  osten- 
dero,  concident.  ^os,  quos  video  volitare  in  foro,  quos 
stare  ad  curiam,  quos  etiam  2in  senatum  venire :  3qui 
nitent  unguentis,  4qui  fulgent  purpura,  mallem  secum  5suos 
milites  eduxisset :  qui  si  hie  permanent,  mementote  non 
tarn  exercitum  ilium  esse  nobis,  quam  hos,  qui  exercitum 
deseruerunt,  pertimescendos.  Atque  hoc  etiam  sunt  timen- 
di  magis,  quod,  quid  cogitent,  me  scire  sentiunt,  neque 
tamen  permoventur.  6Video,  cui  Apulia  sit  attributa,  qui 
habeat  Etruriam,  qui  agrum  Picenum,  qui  Gallicum,  qui 
sibi  has  urbanas  insidias  caedis  atque  incendiorum  de- 
poposcerit.  Omnia  7superioris  noctis  consilia  ad  me  de- 
lata  esse  sentiunt :  patefeci  in  senatu  hesterno  die :  Ca- 
lilina  ipse  pertimuit,  profugit:  hi  quid  exspectant?  8Nae 
illi  vehementer  errant,  si  illam  meam  pristinam  lenitatem 
perpetuam  sperant  futuram. 

IV.  QUOD  exspectavi,  jam  sum  assecutus,  ut  vos  om- 
nes  factam  esse  aperte  conjurationem  contra  rempublicam 
videretis.  9Nisi  vero  si  quis  est,  qui  10Catilinae  similes 
cum  Catilina  sentire  non  putet.  Non  est  jam  lenitati 
locus :  severitatem  res  ipsa  flagitat.  Unum  etiam  nunc 
concedam :  exeant,  proficiscantur,  ne  patiantur  ndesiderio 
sui  Catilinam  misemm  tabescere  :  demonstrabo  iter :  Aure- 
lia  via  profectus  est:  si  acceleraie  volent, ad  vesperam  con- 
sequentur.  O  fortunatam  rempublicam,  12si  quidem  hanc 
sentinam  hujus  urbis  ejecerit!  Uno  mehercule  Catilina 
13exhausto,  relevata  mihi  et  recreata  respublica  videtur. 
Quid  enim  mali  aut  sceleris  fingi  aut  excogitari  potest,  quod 
non  ille  conceperit  ?  Quis  tota  Italia  14veneficus,  quis  gla- 
diator, quis  latro,  quis  sicarius,  quis  parricida,  I5quis  testa- 
mentorum  subjector,  16quis  circumscriptor,  quis  ganeo, 
nquis  nepos,  quis  adulter,  quae  mulier  infamis,  quis  cor- 
ruptor  juventutis,  quis  corruptus,  quis  perditus  inveniri 
potest,  qui  se  cum  Catilina  non  familiarissime  vixisse 
fateatur  ?  18Quae  caedos  per  hosce  annos  sine  illo  facta 
est  ?  Quod  nefarium  stuprum  non  per  ilium  ?  19Jam  vero 
quae  tanta  in  ullo  umquam  homine  juventutis  illecebra 


16  ORATIO  It.    I\    L.    CATILINAM. 

fuit  quanta  in  illo  ?  qui  aliis  fructum  libidimim,  aliis  mor- 
tem parentum,  non  modo  impellendo,  verum  etiam  adju- 
vando,  pollicebatur.  Nunc  vero  quam  subito,  non  solum 
ex  urbe,  verum  etiam  ex  agris,  ingentem  numerum  per- 
ditorum  hominum  collegerat  ?  Nemo,  non  modo  Romae, 
sed.  nee  ullo  in  angulo  totius  Italiae,  oppressus  aere  alie- 
no  fuit,  quern  non  ad  hoc  incredibile  sceleris  foedus 
adsciverit. 

V.  ATQUE,  ut  ejus  diversa  studia  Mn  dissimili  ratione 
perspicere  possitis,  nemo  est  2in  ludo  gladiatorio  paullo 
ad  facinus  audacior,  qui  se  non  intimum  Catilinae  esse 
fateatur :  3nemo  in  scena  levior  et  nequior,  qui  se  non 
ejusdem  prope  sodalem  fuisse  commemoret.  Atque  idem 
tamen,  4stuprorum  et  scelerum  exercitatione  assuefactus, 
5frigore,  et  fame,  et  siti,  ac  vigiliis  perferendis,  fortis  ab 
istis  praedicabatur ;  6cum  industriae  subsidia,  atque  instru- 
menta  virtutis,  in  libidine  audaciaque  consumerentur. 
Hunc  vero  si  sui  fuerint  comites  secuti ;  si  ex  urbe 
exierint  desperatorum  hominum  flagitiosi  greges ;  7O  nos 
beatos,  O  rempublicam  fortunatam,  O  praeclaram  laudem 
consulatus  mei !  Non  enim  jam  sunt  mediocres  hominum 
8libidines,  non  humanae  ac  tolerartdae  audaciae :  nihil 
cogitant,  nisi  caedes,  nisi  incendia,  nisi  rapinas :  patri- 
monia  sua  profuderunt :  9fortunas  suas  abligurierunt :  res 
eos  jampridem,  10fides  deficere  nuper  coepit :  eadem  ta- 
men ilia,  quae  erat  in  abundantia,  libido  permanet.  Quodsi 
in  vino  et  alea  "comissationes  solum  quaererent,  essent 
illi  quidem  desperandi,  sed  tamen  essent  ferendi.  Hoc 
vero  quis  ferre  possit,  inertes  homines  fortissimis  viris 
insidiari,  stultissimos  prudentissimis,  12ebriosos  sobriis 
dormientes  vigilantibus  ?  Qui  13mihi  uaccubantes  in  con 
viviis,  vino  languidi,  15confecti  cibo,  16sertis  redimiti 
unguentis  obliti,  17eructant  sermonibus  suis  caedem  bono- 
rum,  atque  urbis  incendia.  Quibus  ego  confido  impen- 
dere  18fatum  aliquod :  et  poenas  jamdiu  improbitati,  ne- 
quitiae,  sceleri,  libidini  debitas,  aut  instare  jam  plane,  ant 
certe  appropinquare.  Quos  si  meus  consulatus,  quoniam 


ORATIO  II.    IN    L.    CATIUNAM.  17 

•9sanare  non  potest,  sustulerit ;  *non  breve  nescio  quod  tem- 
pus,  sed  multa  saecula  propagarit  reipublicae.  Nulla  est  enim 
natio,  quam  pertimescamus  :  nullus  rex,  qui  bellum  populo 
Romano  facere  possit.  Omnia  sunt  externa  2unius  vir- 
tute  terra  marique  pacata :  domesticum  bellum  manet : 
intus  insidiae  sunt :  intus  inclusum  periculum  est :  intus 
est  hostis :  cum  luxuria  nobis,  cum  amentia,  cum  scelere 
certandum  est.  Huic  ego  me  bello,  Quirites,  prbfiteoi 
ducem :  suscipio  inimicitias  hominum  perditorum.  3Quae 
sanari  poterunt,  quacunque  ratione  sanabo :  quae  rese- 
canda  erunt,  non  patiar  ad  perniciem  civitatis  manere. 
Proinde  aut  exeant,  aut  quitscant :  aut,  si  et  in  urbe,  et 
in  eadem  mente  permanent ;  ea,  quae  merentur,  exspec- 
tent. 

VI.  AT  etiam  sunt,  Quirites.,  qui  dicant,  4a  me  in  ex- 
silium  ejectum  esse  Catilinam.  Quod  ego  si  verbo  asse- 
qui  possem,  istos  ipsos  ejicerem,  qui  haec  loquuntur. 
*Homo  videlicet  timidus  et  permodestus  vocem  consulis 
ferre  non  potuit :  simul  atque  ire  in  exsilium  jussus  est, 
paruit,  6ivit.  Hesterno  die,  cum  domi  meae  paene  inter- 
fectus  essem,  senatum  in  aedem  Jovis  Statoris  vocavi : 
rem  omnem  ad  patres  conscriptos  detuli.  7Quo  cum 
Catilina  venisset,  quis  eum  senator  appellavit  ?  quis  salu- 
tavit?  8quis  denique  ita  aspexit,  ut  perditum  civem,  ac 
non  potius  ut  importunissimum  hostem  ?  Quin  etiam 
principes  ejus  ordinis  partem  illam  subselliorum,  ad  quam 
ille  accesserat,  nudam  atque  inanem  reliquerunt.  Hie 
ego  9vehemens  ille  consul,  qui  verbo  cives  in  exsilium 
ejicio,  quaesivi  a  Catilina,  an  nocturno  conventu  apud  M. 
Laecam  fuisset,  necne.  Cum  ille  10homo  audacissimus, 
conscientia  convictus,  primo  reticuisset :  patefeci  cetera. 
"Quid  ea  nocte  egisset,  quid  12in  proximam  constituisset, 
quemadmodum  essei  ei  ratio  totius  belli  descripla,  edocui. 
13Cum  haesitaret.  cum  teneretur ;  quaesivi,  quid  dubitaret 
eo  proficisci,  quo  jampridem  pararat :  cum  anna,  4cum  se- 
cures, cum  fasces,  cum  tubas,  cum  signa  militaria,  cum 
Aquilam  illam  argenteam,  cui  ille  etiam  sacrarium  scele- 
2* 


18  ORATIO    II.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

rum  domi  suae  fecerat,  scirem  esse  praemissam.  Jlii  ex- 
silivim  ejiciebam,  quern  jam  ingressum  esse  in  bellum  vi- 
debam  1  Etenim,  credo,  Manlius  iste  centurio,  2qui  in 
agro  Fesulano  castra  posuit,  bellum  populo  Romano  suo 
nomine  indixit :  et  ilia  castra  nunc  non  Catilinam  ducem 
exspectant :  et  ille,  ejectus  in  exsilium,  se  3Massiliam,  nou 
in  haec  castra  conferet. 

VII.  O  CONDITIONEM  miseram,  non  modo  administrandae, 
verum  etiam  conservandae  reipublicae  !  Nunc,  si  L.  Ca- 
tilina,  consiliis,  laboribus,  periculis  meis  4circumclusus 
ac  debilitatus,  subito  pertimuerit,  sententiam  mutaverit, 
deseruerit  suos,  consilium  bellum  faciundi  abjecerit,  ex 
hoc  cursu  sceleris  et  belli,  iter  ad  fugam  atque  in  exsilium 
converterit :  non  ille  a  me  5spoliatus  armis  audaciae,  non 
obstupefactus  ac  perterritus  mea  diligentia,  non  de  spe 
conatuque  depulsus, '  sed  6indemnatus,  innocens,  in  exsi- 
lium ejectus  a  consiile  vi  et  minis,  esse  dicetur :  et  erunt, 
qui  ilium,  si  hoc  fecerit,  non  improbum,  sed  miserum ; 
me  non  diligentissimum  consulem,  sed  crudelissimum  ty- 
rannum  existimari  velint.  7Est  mihi  tanti,  Quirites,  hu- 
jus  invidiae  falsae  atque  iniquae  tempestatem  subire,  dum- 
modo  a  vobis  hujus  horribilis  belli  ac  nefarii  periculum 
depellatur.  Dicatur  sane  ejectus  esse  a  me,  dummodo 
eat  in  exsilium.  Sed  mihi  credite,  non  est  iturus.  Num- 
quam  ego  a  diis  immortalibus  optabo,  Quirites,  invidiae 
meae  levandae  causa,  ut  L.  Catilinam  ducere  exercitum 
hostium,  8atque  in  armis  volitare  audiatis :  sed  triduo  ta- 
men  audietis :  multoque  magis  illud  timeo,  ne  mihi  sit 
9invidiosum  aliquando,  quod  ilium  emiserim  potius,  quam 
quod  ejecerim.  Sed  cum  sint  homines,  qui  ilium,  10cun: 
profectus  sit,  ejectum  esse  dicant,  iidem,  si  interfectus 
esset,  quid  dicerent  ?  Quamquam  isti,  qui  Catilinam  Mas- 
siliam  ire  dictitant,  non  tarn  hoc  queruntur,  quam  veren- 
tur.  Nemo  est  istorum  ntam  misericors,  qui  ilium  non 
ad  Manlium,  quam  ad  Massilienses  ire  malit.  Ille  autem, 
si  mehercule  12hoc,  quod  agit,  nunquam  ante  cogitasset, 
tainen  latrocinantem  se  interfici  mallet,  quam  exsulem 


ORATIO    II      IN    L.    CATILINAM.  19 

vivere.  Nunc  vero,  cum  ei  nihil  adhuc  praeter  ipsius 
voluntatem  cogitationemque  accident,  nisi  quod  H'ivis  no- 
bis  Rorna  profectus  est ;  optemus  potiuss  ut  eat  in  ex- 
silium,  quain  queramur. 

VIII.  SED  cur  tamdiu  de  uno  hoste  loquimur :  et  de 
eo  hoste,  qui  jam  fatetur  se  esse  hostem ;  et  quern,  quia, 
quod  semper  volui,  murus  Interest,  non  timeo  :  de  his, 
qui  dissimulant,  qui  Romae  remanent,  qui  nobiscum  sunt, 
nihil  dicimus  '!  Quos  quidem  ego,  si  ullo  modo  fieri  pos- 
sit,  3non  tarn  ulcisci  studeo,  quain  sanare,  et  ipsos  pla- 
care  reipublicae ;  neque,  id  quare  fieri  non  possit,  si  me 
audire  volent,  intelligo.  Exponam  enim  vobis,  Quirites, 
4ex  quibus  generibus  hominum  istae  copiae  comparentur : 
Meinde  singulis  medicinam  consilii  atque  orationis  meae, 
si  quain  potero,  afferam.  Unum  genus  est  eorum,  qui, 
6magno  in  acre  alieno,  majores  etiam  possessiones  habent : 
quarum  amore  adducti,  dissolvi  nullo  modo  possunt.  7Ho- 
rum  hominum  species  est  honestissima ;  (sunt  enim  locu- 
pletcs:)  ^oluntas  vero,  et  causa  impudentissima.  9Tu 
agris,  tu  aedificiis,  tu  argento,  tu  familia,  tu  rebus  omni- 
bus ornatus  et  copiosus  sis :  et  dubites  de  possessione 
10detrahere,  acquirere  ad  fidem  ?  Quid  enim  exspectas  ? 
bellurn  ?  quid  ?  ergo,  in  vastatione  omnium,  tuas  possessi- 
ones nsacrosanctas  futuras  putas  ?  12an  tabulas  novas  ? 
errant,  qui  istas  a  Catilina  exspectant.  13Meo  beneficio 
tabulae  novae  proferentur,  verum  auctionariae.  Neque 
enim  isti,  qui  possessiones  habent,  alia  ratione  ulla  salvi 
esse  possunt.  14Quod  si  maturius  facere  voluissent,  I5ne- 
que,  (id  quod  stultissimum  est,)  certare  cum  usuris  fru- 
ctibus  praediorum;  16et  locupletioribus  his  et  melioribus 
civibus  uteremur.  Sed  hosce  homines  minime  puto  per- 
timescendos,  quod  aut  deduci  de  sententia  possunt ;  aut, 
si  permanebunt,  I7magis  mihi  videntur  vota  facturi  contra 
rempublicam,  quam  arma  laturi. 

IX.  ALTERUM  genus  est  eorum,  qui,  quamquam  pre- 
muntur  <iere  alieno,  18dominationem  tamen  exspectant :  re- 
runi  potiri  volunt :  houqres,  quos  quie  a  republica  despe- 


20  OKATIO    II.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

rant,  perturbata  consequi  se  posse  arbitrantur.  ]Quibus  hoc 
praecipiendum  videtur,  unum  scilicet  et  idem,  quod  cete- 
ris  omnibus,  2ut  desperent,  se  id,  quod  conantur,  con- 
sequi posse  :  3primum  omnium  me  ipsum  vigilare,  adesse, 
providere  reipublicae :  deinde  4magnos  animos  esse  in 
bonis  viris,  magnam  concordiam,  maximam  multitudinem, 
magnas  praeterea  copias  militum :  deos  denique  irnmortales 
huic  invicto  populo,  clarissimo  imperio,  pulcherrimae  urbi, 
contra  6tantam  vim  sceleris,  praesentes  auxilium  esse 
laturos.  Quodsi  jam  sint  id,  quod  cum  summo  furore 
cupiunt,  adepti ;  num  illi  in  cinere  urbis,  et  sanguine 
civium,  6quae  mente  conscelerata  ac  nefaria  concupierunt, 
consules  se,  ac  dictatores,  aut  etiam  reges  sperant  futu- 
res ?  Non  vident  id  se  cupere,  quod  si  adepti  fuerint, 
fugitive  alicui,  aut  gladiatori  7concedi  necesse  sit  ?  Ter- 
tium  genus  8est  aetate  jam  affectum,  sed  tamen  exerci- 
tatione  robustum  :  quo  ex  genere  est  ipse  Manlius,  cui 
nunc  Catilina  succedit.  Hi  sunt  homines  ex  iis  coloniis, 
9quas  Sulla  constituit :  10quas  ego  universas  civium  esse 
optimorum  et  fortissimorum  virorum  sentio :  seJ  famen 
hi  sunt  coloni,  qui  se  in  insperatis  repentinisque  pecuniis 
sumtuosius  insolentiusque  jactarunt.  Hi,  dum  aedificant, 
11tamquam  beati ;  12dum  praediis,  lecticis,  familiis  mag 
nis,  conviviis  apparatis  delectantur;  in  tantum  aes  alienum 
incidemnt,  ut,  si  13salvi  esse  velint,  Sulla  sit  iis  ab  in- 
feris  excitandus  :  qui  etiam  nonnullos  agrestes,  14homines 
tenues  atque  egentes,  in  eandem  illam  15spem  rapinarurn 
veterum  impulerunt.  Quos  ego  utrosque,  Quirites,  in 
eodem  genere  praedatorum  direptorumque  pono.  Sed  eos 
hoc  moneo :  desinant  furere,  ac  16proscriptiones  et  dicta- 
turas  cogitare.  17Tantus  enim  illorum  temporum  dolor 
inustus  est  civitati,  ut  jam  ista  non  modo  homines,  sed 
18ne  pecudes  quidem  mihi  passurae  esse  videantur. 

X.  19QuARTUM  genus  est  sane  varium,  et  mistum,  et 
turbulentum :  20qui  jampridem  premuntur ;  qui  nunquara 
emergent :  qui  partim  inertia,  21partim  male  gerendo  no- 
gotio,  partim  etiam  sumtibus,  22in  vetere  acre  alieuo  vs. 


ORATIO    II.    IX    L.    CATILINAM.  21 

cillaut :  qui  ^adimomis,  judiciis,  proscriptionibus  bonorum 
defatigati,  permulti  et  ex  urbe,  et  ex  agris  se  in  ilia 
castra  conferre  dicuntur.  Hosce  ego  non  tarn  milites 
acres,  quam  2infitiatores  lentos  esse  arbitror.  Qui  homi- 
nes, 3primum,  4si  stare  non  possunt,  corruant :  sed  ita,  ut 
non  modo  civitas,  sed  ne  vicini  quidem  proximi  sentiant. 
Nam  illud  non  intelligo,  quamobrem,  5si  vivere  honeste 
non  possunt,  perire  turpiter  velint:  aut  cur  minore  do- 
lore  perituros  se  cum  multis,  quam  si  soli  pereant,  arbi- 
trentur.  Quintum  genus  est  parricidarum,  sicariorum, 
denique  omnium  facinorosorum  :  quos  ego  a  Catilina  6non 
revoco.  Nam  neque  divelli  ab  eo  possunt :  et  pereant 
sane  in  latrocinio,  quoniam  sunt  ita  multi,  ut  eos  capere 
career  non  possit.  7Postremum  autem  genus  est,  non 
solum  numero,  verum  etiam  genere  ipso  atque  vita :  8quod 
proprium  est  Catilinae,  de  ejus  delectu,  immo  vero  9de 
complexu  ejus  ac  sinu :  quos  pexo  capillo,  nitidos,  aut 
imberbes,  aut  10bene  barbatos  videtis :  nmanicatis  et  ta- 
laribus  tunicis ;  12velis  amictos,  non  togis :  quorum  omnis 
industria  vitae,  et  vigilandi  labor  in  13antelucanis  coenis 
expromitur.  In  his  gregibus  omnes  aleatores,  omnes  adul- 
teri,  omnes  impuri  impudicique  versantur :  hi  pueri  tarn 
lepidi  ac  delicati,  non  solum  cantare  et  saltare,  sed  etiam 
sicas  vibrare,  et  spargere  venena  didicerunt :  qui  nisi 
exeunt,  nisi  pereunt,  etiamsi  Catilina  perierit,  scitote  hoc 
in  republica  useminarium  Catilinarum  futurum.  Verum- 
tamen  quid  sibi  isti  miseri  volunt  ?  Quo  pacto  illi  15Apen- 
ninum,  atque  illas  pruinas  ac  nives  perferent  1  Nisi  id- 
circo  se  facilius  hiemem  toleraturos  putant,  quod  16nudi  in 
conviviis  saltare  didicerunt. 

XL  O  BELLUM  nmagnopere  pertimescendum,  cum  lianc 
sit  habiturus  Catilina  scortorum  cohortem  praetoriam ! 
Instruite  nunc,  Quirites,  contra  has  tarn  praeclaras  Cati- 
linae copias  vestra  praesidia,  vestrosque  exercitus :  et 
primum  gladiatori  illi  18confecto  et  saucio  consules  im- 
peratoresque  vestros  opponite :  deinde,  contra  19illam  nau- 
fragorum  ejectam  ac  debilitatam  manum,  florem  totius 


22  ORATIO    II.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

Italiae  ac  robur  educite.  1Jam  vero  urbes  col(  fiarum, 
ac  municipia,  respoudebunt  Catilinae  cumulis  silvestribus. 
Neque  vero  ceteras  copias,  2ornamenta,  praesidia  vestra, 
cum  illius  latronis  inopia  atque  egestate  conf'erre  debeo. 
Sed  si,  omissis  his  rebus  omnibus,  3quibus  nos  suppedita- 
mur,  eget  ille,  senatu,  equitibus  Romanis,  populo,  urbe,  aera- 
rio,  4vectigalibus,  cuncta  Italia,  provinciis  omnibus,  exte- 
ris  nationibus :  si  his  rebus  omissis,  ipsas  causas,  quae 
inter  se  confligunt,  5contendere  velimus ;  ex  eo  ipso, 
quam  valde  illi  jaceant,  intelligere  possumus.  Ex  hac 
enim  parte  pudor  pugnat,  illinc  6petulantia :  hinc  pudicitia, 
illinc  stuprum :  hinc  tides,  illinc  fraudatio :  hinc  pietas, 
illinc  scelus  :  hinc  7constantia,  illinc  furor :  hinc  hones- 
tas,  illinc  turpitude :  hinc  8continentia,  illinc  libido :  de 
nique  aequitas,  temperantia,  fortitudo,  prudentia,  virtutes 
omnes,  certant  cum  iniquitate,  cum  luxuria,  cum  iguavia, 
cum  temeritate,  cum  vitiis  omnibus :  postremo  9copiae 
cum  egestate,  10bona  ratio  cum  perdita,  mens  sana  cum 
amentia,  bona  denique  spes  cum  omnium  rerum  despe- 
ratione  confligit.  In  hujusmodi  certamine  ac  praelio, 
nonne,  etiamsi  uhominum  studia  deficiant,  dii  ipsi  im- 
mortales  cogent  ab  his  praeclarissimis  virtutibus  tot  et 
tanta  vitia  superari  ? 

XII.  QUAE  cum  ita  sint,  Quirites,  vos  12quemadmodum 
jam  antea  vestra  tecta  custodiis  vigiliisque  defendite  : 
mihi,  ut  13urbi  sino  vestro  motu,  ac  sine  ullo  tumultu, 
satis  esset  praesidii,  consultum  ac  provisum  est.  Colon! 
omnes  umunicipesque  vestri,  certiores  a  me  facti  15de 
hac  nocturna  excursione  Catilinae,  facile  urbes  suas 
finesque  defendent :  gladiatores,  quam  sibi  ille  maximam 
mamim  et  certissimam  fore  putavit,  16quamquam  meliore 
animo  sunt,  quam  pars  patriciorum,  potestate  tamen  nos- 
tra  continebuntur.  17Q.  Metellus,  quern  ego  prospiciens 
hoc  in  agrum  Gallicanum  Picenumque  praemisi,  18aut  op- 
primet  hominem,  aut  omnes  ejus  motus  conatusque  pro- 
liibebit.  19Reliquis  autem  de  rebus  constituendis,  matur 
indis,  agendis,  jam  ad  senatum  referemus,  quern  vocari 


ORATIO    II.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  23 

ndetis.  'Nunc  illos,  qui  in  urbe  remanserunt,  2atque  adeo 
qui  contra  urbis  salutem,  omniumque  vestrum,  in  urbe  a 
Catilina  relict!  sunt,  quamquam  sunt  hostes,  tamen,  quia 
uati  sunt  cives,  3monitos  eos  etiam  atque  eliara  voio. 
Mea  lenitas  adhuc  si  cui  4solutior  visa  est,  hoc  exspec- 
tavit,  ut  id,  quod  latebat,  erumperet.  5Quod  reliquum  est, 
jam  non  possum  oblivisci,  meam  hanc  esse  patriam,  me 
horum  esse  consulem  ;  mihi  aut  cum  Ms  vivendum,  aut 
pro  his  esse  moriendum.  Nullus  est  portae  custos :  nul- 
lus  insidiator  viae  :  si  qui  exire  vohmt,  consulere  sibi 
possunt.  6Qui  vero  in  urbe  se  commoverit,  cujus  ego 
non  modo  factum,  sed  inceptum  ullum  conatumve  contra 
patriam  deprehendero :  sentiet  in  hac  urbe  esse  consules 
vigilantes,  esse  egregios  7magistratus,  esse  fortem  sena- 
tum,  esse  arma,  esse  carcerem,  quern  vindicem  nefario- 
rum  ac  manifestorum  scelerum  majores  nostri  esse  vo- 
luerunt. 

XIII.  ATQUE  haec  omnia  sic  agentur,  Quirites,  ut  res 
maximae  minimo  motu,  pericula  summa  nullo  tumultu,  bel- 
lum  intestinum  ac  domesticum,  post  hominum  memoriam 
crudelissimum  ac  maximum,  Sme  uno  togato  duce  et  im- 
peratqre,  sedetur.  Quod  ego  sic  administrabo,  Quirites, 
ut,  si  ullo  modo  fieri  poterit,  ne  improbus  quidem  quis- 
quam  in  hac  urbe  poenam  sui  sceleris  sufferat.  Sed  si 
vis  manifestae  audaciae,  si  impendens  patriae  periculum 
me  necessario  de  hac  animi  lenitate  9deduxerit ;  illud  pro- 
fecto  perficiam,  quod  in  tanto  et  tarn  insidioso  bello  vix 
optandum  videtur,  ut  ne  quis  bonus  intereat,  paucorumque 
poena  vos  jam  omnes  salvi  esse  possitis.  Quae  quidem 
ego  neque  mea  prudentia,  neque  humanis  consiliis  fretus 
polliceor  vobis,  Quirites ;  sed  multis,  et  non  dubiis  deo- 
rum  immortalium  10significationibus,  quibus  ego  ducibus 
in  hanc  spem  sententiamque  sum  ingressus  :  qui  jam  non 
procul,  ut  quondam  solebant,  nab  externo  hoste  atque 
longinquo,  sed  hie  12praesentes  suo  numine  atque  auxilio 
sua  templa  atque  urbis  tecta  defendunt :  13quos  vos,  Qui- 
rites, precari,  venerari,  atque  implorare  debetis,  ut,  quam 


24  ORATIO    II.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

urbem  pulclierrimam,  florcntissimam,  potentissimamque 
esse  voluerunt,  hanc  omnibus  hostium  copiis  terra  mari- 
que  superatis.  a  perdidssimorum  civium  nefario  scelere 
defendant. 


'M.TULLII  CICERONIS 

ORATIO 
IN  L.  CATILINAM 

TERTIA, 
AD    QUIRITES. 


1.  REMPUBLICAM,  Quirites,  vitamque  omnium  vestrfirn. 
2bona,  fortuias,  conjuges,  liberosque  vestros,  atque  3hoc  do- 
micilium  clarissimi  imperii,  fortunatissimam  pulcherrimam- 
que  urbem,  4hodierno  die,  deorum  immortalium  summc 
erga  vos  amore,  laboribus,  consiliis,  periculisque  meis, 
ex  flamma  atque  ferro,  ac  paene  ex  faucibus  fati  erep- 
tam,  et  vobis  conservatam  ac  restitutam  videtis.  5Et,  si 
non  minus  vobis  jucundi  atque  6illustres  sunt  ii  dies,  qui- 
bus  conservamur,  quam  illi,  quibus  nascimur ;  quod  salu- 
tis  certa  laetitia  est,  nascendi  incerta  conditio :  et  quod 
7sine  sensu  nascimur,  cum  voluptate  servamur :  profecto, 
quoniam  8illum,  qui  hanc  urbem  condidit,  ad  deos  im- 
mortales  9benevolentia  famaque  sustulimus  ;  esse  apud  vos 
posterosque  vestros  in  honore  debebit  10is,  qui  eandem  hanc 
urbem  conditam  amplificatamque  servavit.  Nam  toti  urbi, 
ntemplis,  delubris,  tectis  ac  moenibus  subjectos  prope 
jam  ignes  circumdatosque  restinximus  :  iidemque  gladios  in 
rempublicam  destrictos  retudimus,  mucronesque  eorum  ab 
jugulis  vestris  dejecimus.  12Quae  quoniam  in  senatu  illus- 
trata,  patefacta,  comperta  sunt  per  me,  vobis  jam  expo- 
nam  breviter,  Quirites,  ut  et  quanta,  et  13quam  manifesta, 
et  qua  ratione  investigata  et  comprehensa  sint,  vos,  qui 
ignoratis,  uex  actis  scire  possitis.  Principio,  15ut  Catili- 

3 


26  ORATiO    III.    IN    L.    CATILIXAM. 

na  paucis  ante  diebus  erupit  ex  urbe,  cum  scelcris  sui 
socios,  hujusce  nefarii  belli  acerrimos  duces,  Romae  re- 
liquisset ;  semper  vigilavi,  et  providi,  Quirites,  quemad- 
inodum  in  tantis  et  tarn  absconditis  insidiis  salvi  esse 
possemus. 

II.  NAM  turn,  'cum  ex  urbe  Catilinam  ejiciebara,  (non 
enim  jam  vereor  hujus  verbi  invidiam,  cum  2illa  magis 
sit  timenda,  quod  vivus  exierit,)  sed  turn,  cum  ilium  3ex- 
terminari  volebam,  aut  reliquam  conjuratorum  manum  si- 
mul  exituram,  aut  eos,  qui  restitissent,  infirmos  sine  illo 
ac  debiles  fore  putabam.  4At  ego,  ut  vidi,  quos  maximo 
furore  et  scelere  esse  inflammatos  sciebam,  eos  nobis- 
cum  esse,  et  Romae  remansisse  :  in  eo  omnes  dies  noc- 
tesque  consumsi,  ut,  5quid  agerent,  quid  molirentur,  senti- 
rem  ac  viderem :  ut,  quoniam  auribus  vestris,  propter  in- 
credibilem  magnitudinem  sceleris,  minorem  fidem  faceret 
oratio  mea,  6rem  ita  comprehenderem,  ut  turn  demum 
animis  saluti  vestrae  provideretis,  cum  oculis  maleficium 
ipsum  videretis.  Itaque  7ut  comperi,  legates  Allobrogum, 
8belli  Transalpini,  et  tumultus  Gallici  excitandi  causa, 
9a  P.  Lentulo  esse  sollicitatos,  eosque  in  Galliam  ad  suos, 
cives,  10eodemque  itinere,  ncum  literis  mandatisque,  ad 
Catilinam  esse  missos,  comitemque  iis  adjunctum  Vul- 
turcium,  atque  huic  datas  esse  ad  Catilinam  literas ;  facul- 
tatem  mini  oblatam  putavi,  ut,  quod  erat  difficillimum, 
quodque  ego  semper  12optabam  a  diis  immortalibus,  tota 
res  non  solum  a  me,  sed  etiam  a  senatu,  et  a  vobis  ma 
nifesto  deprehenderetur.  Itaque  hesterno  die  13L.  Flac 
cum  et  C.  Pomtinum  praetores,  fortissimos  atque  aman- 
tissimos  reipublicae  viros,  ad  me  vocavi :  rem  omnein 
exposui :  quid  fieri  placeret,  ostendi.  Illi  autem,  14qui 
omnia  de  republica  praeclara  atque  egregia  sentirent,  sine 
recusatione,  ac  sine  ulla  mora  negotium  susceperunt,  et, 
I5cum  advesperasceret,  occulte  ad  16pontem  Mulvium  per- 
venerunt,  atque,  ibi,  in  proximis  villis,  ita  17bipartito  fue- 
runt,  ut  Tiberis  inter  eos,  et  pons  interesset.  Eodem  autem 
et  ipsi,  sine  cujusquam  suspicione,  multos  fortes  viros 


ORAT1O    III.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  27 

ediixerunt,  et  ego  Jex  praefectura  Reatina  complures  de- 
lectos  adolescentes,  quorum  opera  in  republica  assidue 
utor,  praesidio  cum  gladiis  miseram.  Interim  2tertia  fere 
vigilia  exacta,  cum  jam  pontem  Mulvium  3magno  comi- 
tatu  legati  Allobrogum  ingredi  inciperent,  unaque  Vultur- 
cius,  fit  in  eos  impetus :  educuntur  et  ab  illis  gladii,  et 
a  nostris :  res  erat  praetoribus  nota  solis :  ignorabatur  a 
ceteris. 

III.  TUM,  4interventu  Pomtini  atque  Flacci,  pugna,  quae 
erat   commissa,    sedatur.      Litterae,    quaecunque  erant  in 
eo  comitatu,   integris  signis,  praetoribus   traduntur :   5ipsi, 
comprehensi,  ad  me,  6cum  jam    dilucesceret,  deducuntur. 
Atque   horum   omnium   scelerum  7improbissimum   machi- 
natorem    Cimbrum    Gabinium,    statim    ad    me,    nihildum 
suspicantem,  vocavi.    Deinde  item  arcessitur  L.  Statilius, 
et  post    eum  C.    Cethegus ;    tardissime    autem   8Lentulus. 
venit,  9credo  quod  litteris  dandis,  10praeter  consuetudinem, 
proxima  nocte  vigilarat.      Cum  vero    summis  ac  clarissi- 
mis  hujus  civitatis  viris,  qui,  audita  re,  frequentes  ad  me 
mane    convenerant,   litteras  a  me    prius  aperiri,  quam  ad 
senatum  "deferri,  placeret ;  ne,  12si  nihil  esset  inventum, 
temere  a  me  tantus  tumultus    injectus    civitati    videretur ; 
negavi  me  esse  facturum,  ut  de  periculo  publico  non  ad 
consilium    publicum   rem    integram    deferrem.       Etenim. 
Quirites,    si  ea,  13quae    erant  ad  me    delata,    reperta  non 
essent ;    tamen    ego   non  arbitrabar   in   tantis   reipublicae 
periculis  mihi  esse  nimiam   diligentiam   pertimescendam. 
Senatum  frequentem  celeriter,  ut  vidistis,  ucoegi.     Atque 
interea  statim,  admonitu  Allobrogum,  C.  Sulpicium,  prac- 
torem,  fortem  virum,   misi,   qui  ex  aedibus  Cethegi,  15si 
quid    telorum    esset,    efferret :    ex   quibus    ille    maximum 
sicarum  numerum  et  gladiorum  extulit. 

IV.  INTRODUXI  Vulturcium  sine  Gallis  :  16fidem  ei  pub- 
licam,    jussu    senatus,    dedi :    hortatus  sum,    ut  ea,  quao 
sciret,    sine   timore   indicaret.     Turn  ille,  cum  vix  se  ex 
inagno  timore  "recreasset,  dixit :  a  P.  Lentulo  se  habero 
ad  Catilinam  lfimandata  et  litteras,  ut  servorum  praesidip 


28  ORATIO    III.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

^teretur,  et  ad  urbem  quamprimum  cum  exercitu  accede- 
ret :  2id  autem  eo  consilio,  ut,  cum  urbem  omnibus  ex 
partibus,  quemadmodum  descriptum  distributumque  erat,  in 
cendissent,  caedemque  infinitam  civium  fecissent,  3praesto 
esset  ille,  qui  et  fugientes  exciperet,  et  se  cum  his  urba- 
nis  ducibus  conjungeret  Introducti  autem  Galli,  4jusju- 
randum  sibi  et  litteras  a  P.  Lentulo,  Cethego,  Statilio  ad 
suam  gentem  datas  esse  dixerunt :  atque  ita  sibi  ab  his, 
et  a  5L.  Cassio  esse  praescriptum,  ut  equitatum  in  Italiam 
quamprimum  mitterent :  6pedestres  sibi  copias  non  defu- 
turas :  Lentulum  autem  7sibi  confirmasse,  ex  fatis  Sibyl- 
linis  aruspicumque  responsis,  se  esse  8tertium  ilium  Cor- 
nelium,  ad  quern  regnum  hujus  urbis  atque  imperium 
pervenire  esset  necesse :  9Cinnam  ante  se  et  Sullam 
fuisse :  eundemque  dixisse,  10fatalem  hunc  esse  annum 
ad  interitum  hujus  urbis  atque  imperii,  qui  esset  decimus 
annus  npost  virginum  absolutionem,  12post  Capitolii  autem 
incensionem  vicesimus.  Hanc  autem  Cethego  cum  cete- 
ris  controversiam.  fuisse  dixerunt,  q\iod  Lentulo  et  aliis, 
caedem  13Saturnalibus  fieri,  atque  urbem  incendi  placeret ; 
Cethego  nimium  id  longum  uvideri. 

V.  Ac,  15ne  longum  sit,  Quirites,  tabellas  proferri  jussi- 
inus,  quae  a  quoque  dicebantur  datae.  Primum  ostendimus 
Cethego  16signum  :  cognovit.  Nos  linum  incidimus  :  legi- 
rnus.  Erat  scriptum  ipsius  manu  Allobrogum  senatui  et 
populo,  sese,  17quae  eonun  legatis  confirmasset,  esse  fac- 
turum :  orare,  ut  item  illi  facerent,  quae  sibi  legati  eoruin 
recepissent.  Turn  Cethegus,  qui  paullo  ante  aliquid  18ta- 
men  de  gladiis  ac  sicis,  quae  apud  ipsum  erant  deprehen 
sae,  respondisset,  dixissetque  se  semper  19bonorum  ferra- 
mentorum  studiosum  fuisse,  20recitatis  litteris  debilitatus 
atque"  abjectus,  conscientia  convictus,  repente  conticuit. 
Introductus  Statilius,  21cognovit  signum  et  manum  suam. 
Kecitatae  sunt  tabellae  in  eandem  fere  sententiam :  con- 
fessus  est.  Turn  ostendi  tabellas  Lentulo;  et  quaesivj, 
22cognosceretne  signum  1  annuit.  Est  vero,  inquam,  signuni 
notum,  imago  avi  tui,  23clarissimi  viri,  qui  amavit  24unice 


ORATIO    III.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  29 

patriam  et  cives  suos ;  quae  quidem  te  a  tanto  scelere 
etiam  muta  revocare  debuit.  1Leguntur  eadem  ratione 
ad  senatum  AUobrogum  populumque  litterae :  si  quid  de 
his  rebus  dicere  vellet,  feci  potestatem.  Atque  ille  primo 
quidem  2negavit :  post  autem  aliquanto,  toto  jam  indicio 
exposito  atque  edito,  surrexit :  quaesivit  a  Gallis,  3quid 
sibi  esset  cum  iis :  quamobrem  domum  suam  venissent 
itemque  a  Vulturcio :  qui  cum  illi  breviter  constanterque 
respondissent,  per  quern  ad  eum,  quotiesque  venissent, 
quaesissentque  ab  eo,  4nlhilne  secum  esset  de  fatis  Sibyl- 
linis  locutus :  turn  ille  subito,  5scelere  demens,  quanta 
vis  conscientiae  esset,  ostendit.  Nam,  cum  id  posset  in- 
fitiari  repente  praeter  opinionem  omnium  confessus  est. 
6Ita  eum  non  modo  ingenium  illud,  et  dicendi  exercitatio, 
qua  semper  valuit,  sed  etiam,  7propter  vim  sceleris  mani- 
festi  atque  deprehensi,  impudentia,  qua  superabat  omnes, 
improbitasque  defecit.  Vulturcius  vero  subito  proferri 
litteras  atque  aperiri  jussit,  quas  sibi  a  Lentulo  ad  Cati- 
linam  datas  esse  dicebat.  Atque  ibi  8vehementissime  per- 
turbatus  Lentulus  tamen  et  signum  suum  et  manum  coo~- 

o  o 

novit.  9Erant  autem  scriptae  sine  nomine,  sed  ita :  "Qui 
sim  ex  eo,  quern  ad  te  misi,  cognosces.  Cura,  ut  vir 
sis,  et  10quem  in  locum  sis  progresses  cogita,  et  vide  quid 
jam  tibi  sit  necesse.  Cura,  ut  omnium  tibi  auxilia  ad- 
jungas,  11etiam  infimorum."  Gabinius  deinde  introductus, 
cum  primo  impudenter  respondere  coepisset,  ad  extremum 
nihil  ex  iis,  quae  Galli  12insimulabant,  negavit.  Ac  mihi 
quidem,  Quirites,  13cum  ilia  certissima  sunt  visa  argu- 
menta  atque  indicia  sceleris,  tabellae,  signa,  manus,  de- 
nique  uniuscujusque  confessio ;  turn  multo  ilia  certiora, 
color,  ocull,  vultus,  taciturnitas.  14Sic  enim  obstupuerant, 
sic  terram  intuebantur,  sic  furtim  nonnumquam  inter  se 
adspiciebant,  ut  non  jam  ab  aliis  indicari,  sed  indicare  se 
ipsi  viderentur. 

VI.  INDICIIS  15expositis  atque  editis,  Quirites,  senatum 
consului,  16de  summa  republica  quid  fieri  placeret.  Dictae 
sunt  17a  principibus  18accerrimae  ac  fortissimae  sententiae, 

3* 


30  ORATIO    III.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

quas  senatus  sine  ulla  varietate  est  consecutus.  Et 
quoniam  nondum  est  ^erscriptum  senatus  consultum,  ex 
memoria  vobis,  Quirites,  quid  senatus  censuerit,  exponam. 
Primum  2mihi  gratiae  verbis  amplissimis  aguntur,  quod 
virtute,  consilio,  providentia  mea,  respublica  periculis  sit 
maximis  liberata :  deinde  L.  Flaccus  et  C.  Pomtmus 
praetores,  quod  eorum  opera  ford  fidelique  usus  essem, 
rnerito  ac  jure  laudantur :  atque  etiam  3viro  forti,  collegae 
meo,  laus  impertitur,  quod  eos,  qui  hujus  conjurationis 
participes  fuissent,  4a  suis  et  reipublicae  consiliis  remo- 
visset.  Atque  ita  censuerunt,  ut  P.  Lentulus,  5cum  se 
praetura  abdicasset,  turn  6in  custodiam  traderetur :  item- 
que  uti  C.  Cethegus,  L.  Statilius,  P.  Gabinius,  qui  omnes 
praesentes  erant,  in  custodiam  traderentur :  atque  idem 
hoc  decretum  est  in  L.  Cassium,  qui  sibi  7procurationem 
incendendae  urbis  depoposcerat :  in  M.  Caeparium,  cui 
ad  sollicitandos  pastores  Apuliam  esse  attributam,  erat 
indicatum :  in  P.  Furium,  qui  est  8ex  his  colonis,  quos 
Fesulas  L.  Sulla  deduxit ;  in  Q.  Manlium  Chilonem,  qui 
una  cum  hoc  Furio  semper  erat  9in  hac  Allobrogum  solli- 
citatione  versatus :  in  P.  Umbrenum,  :olibertinum  homi- 
nem,  a  quo  primum  Gallos  ad  Gabinium  "perductos  esse 
constabat.  >  12Atque  ea  lenitate  senatus  est  usus,  Quirites, 
ut  ex  ta'nta  conjuratione,  tantaque  vi  ac  multitudine  do- 
mesticorum  hostium,  13novem  hominum  perditissimorum 
poena  republica  conservata,  reliquorum  mentes  sanari 
posse  arbitraretur.  Atque  etiam  usupplicatio  diis  immor- 
talibus,  pro  singular!  eorum  merito,  meo  nomine  decreta 
est,  Quirites :  quod  mihi  primum  post  hanc  urbem  con- 
ditam  15togato  contigit :  et  his  decreta  verbis  est,  "  Quod 
urbem  incendiis,  caede  cives,  Italiam  bello  liberassem." 
Quae  supplicatio  si  cum  ceteris  conferatur,  Quirites,  16hoc 
intersit,  quod  ceterae  bene  gesta,  haec  una,  conservata 
republica,  constituta  est.  17 Atque  illud,  quod  faciendum 
primum  fuit,  18factum  atque  transactum  est.  Nam  P.  Len- 
tulus, quamquam  19patefactus  indiciis  et  confessionibus 
suis,  judicio  senatus,  non  molo  praetoris  jus,  verum  etiam 


ORATIO  III.    IN    L.    CATIL1NAM.  -31 

civis  amiserat ;  tamen  magistratu  se  abdicavit :  !ut,  quae 
religio  C.  Mario,  clarissimo  viro,  non  fuerat,  quo  minus 
C.  Glauciam,  de  quo  nihil  nominatim  erat  decretum,  prae- 
torem  occideret,  ea  nos  religione  in  privato  P.  Lentulo 
puniendo  liberaremur. 

VII.  NUNC,  quoniam,  Quirites,  sceleratissimi  periculo- 
sissimique  belli  nefarios  duces  2captos  jam  et  compre- 
hensos  tenetis,  existimare  debetis,  omnes  Catilinae  copias, 
omnes  spes  atque  opes,  his  depulsis  urbis  periculis,  conci- 
disse.  3Quem  quidem  ego  cum  ex  urbe  pellebam,  hoc  pro- 
videbam  animo,  Quirites,  remoto  Catilina,  nee  mihi  esse 
P.  Lentuli  4somnum,  5nec  L.  Cassii  adipem,  nee  Cethegi 
furiosam  temeritatem  pertimescendam.  6Ille  erat  luius 
timendus  ex  his  omnibus,  sed  tamdiu,  dum  moenibus  urbis 
continebatur.  Omnia  norat,  7omnium  aditus  tenebat ;  ap- 
pellare,  tentare,  sollicitare  poterat,  audebat :  8erat  ei  con- 
silium  ad  facinus  aptum :  consilio  autem  neque  lingua,  ne- 
que  manus  deerat.  9Jam  ad  certas  res  conficiendas  certos 
homines  delectos  ac  descriptos  habebat.  Neque  vero, 
cum  aliquid  mandaverat,  confectum  putabat.  10Nihil  erat, 
quod  non  ipse  obiret,  occurreret,  vigilaret,  laboraret :  nfri- 
gus,  sitim,  famem  ferre  poterat.  Hunc  ego  hominem,  12tam 
acrem,  tam  paratum,  tam  audacem,  tarn  callidum,  tarn  in 
scelere  vigilantem,  tam  13in  perditis  rebus  diligentem,  nisi 
ex  domesticis  insidiis  in  castrense  latrocinium  compulis- 
sem,  (dicam  id,  quod  sentio,  Quirites,)  non  facile  hanc 
tantam  molem  mali  a  cervicibus  vestris  depulissem.  uNon 
ille  nobis  Saturnalia  constituisset,  15neque  tanto  ante  exi- 
tii  et  fati  diem  reipublicae  denuntiasset,  15neque  commi- 
sisset,  ut  signum,  ut  litterae  suae,  testes  denique  mani- 
festi  sceleris  deprehenderentur.  Quae  mine,  illo  absente, 
sic  gesta  sunt,  ut  nullum  in  privata  domo  furtum  umquam 
sit  tam  palam  inventum,  quam  haec  tanta  in  republics 
conjuratio  manifesto  inventa  atque  deprehensa  est.  Quodsi 
Catilina  in  urbe  ad  hanc  diem  remansisset:  quamquam, 
quoad  fuit,  omnibus  ejus  consiliis  16occurri  atque  obstiti, 
tamen,  ut  levissime  dicam,  dimicandum  nobis  cum  illo 


32  ORATIO    III.    IN    L.    CATIL-        M. 

fuisset,  neque  nos  umquam,  dum  ilfc  in  urbe  hostis  fuis- 
set,  tantis  periculis  rempublicam,  Unta  pace,  tanto  otio, 
tanto  silentio,  liberassemus. 

VIII.  QUAMQUAM  haec  omnia,  Quirites,  ita  sunt  a  me 
administrata,  ut  deorum  immortalium  Tnutu  atque  consi- 
lio  et  gesta  et  provisa  esse  videantur.  Idque  cum  2con- 
jectura  consequi  possumus,  quod  vix  videtur  human!  con- 
silii  tantarum  rerum  gubernatio  esse  potuisse :  turn  vero 
3ita  praesentes  his  temporibus  opem  et  auxilium  nobis 
tulerunt,  ut  eos  paene  oculis  videre  possemus.  4Nam,  ut 
ilia  omittam,  5visas  nocturno  tempore  ab  occidente  faces, 
ardoremque  coeli,  6ut  fulminum  jactus,  7ut  terrae  motus, 
ut  cetera,  quae  tarn  multa,  nobis  consulibus,  facta  sunt, 
at  haec,  quae  mine  fiunt,  8canere  dii  immortales  vide- 
rentur :  hoc  certe,  Quirites,  quod  sum  dicturus,  neque 
praetermittendum,  neque  relinquendum  est.  Nam  profecto 
memoria  tenetis,  9Cotta  et  Torquato  consulibus,  10com- 
plures  in  Capitolio  res  nde  coelo  esse  percussas,  cum 
et  12simulacra  deorum  immortalium  13depulsa  sunt,  et 
statuae  veterum  hominum  dejectae,  et  ulegum  aera  lique- 
facta.  Tactus  est  etiam  ille,  qui  hanc  urbem  condidit, 
Romulus :  15quem  inauratum  in  Capitolio  parvum  atque 
lactentem,  uberibus  lupinis  inhiantem,  fuisse  meministis. 
Quo  quidem  tempore,  cum  aruspices  16ex  tota  Etruria 
convenissent,  caedes  atque  incendia,  et  legum  interitum, 
et  bellum  civile  ac  domesticum,  et  totius  urbis  atque  im- 
peril occasum  appropinquare  dixerunt,  nisi  dii  immortales, 
omni  ratione  placati,  17suo  numine  prope  fata  ipsa  flexis- 
sent.  Itaque  illorum  responsis  tune  et  18ludi  decem  pel 
dies  facti  sunt,  neque  res  ulla,  quae  19ad  placandum  deos 
pertineret,  praetermissa  est :  iidemque  jusserunt,  simulacrum 
Jovis  facere  20majus,  et  in  excelso  collocare,  et  contra, 
atque  ante  fuerat,  ad  orientem  convertere :  ac  se  sperare 
dixerunt,  si  illud  signum,  quod  videtis,  solis  ortum,  et 
forum,  curiamque  conspiceret,  fore,  ut  ea  consilia,  quae 
clam  essent  inita  contra  salutem  urbis  atque  imperil 
2Iillustrarentur,  ut  a  senatu  populoque  Romano  perspi<u 


ORATIO    III.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  33 

p'  jsent.     Atque  illud  ita  collocandum  consules  illi  Jloca- 
1  jrunt ;  sed  tanta  fuit  operis  tarditas,  ut  neque  a  2superio- 

ibus  consulibus,  neque  a  nobis  ante  hodiernum  diem  col- 
jocaretur. 

IX.  Hie  quis  potest  esse,  Quirites,  3tam  aversus  a  vero 
tarn  praeceps,  tarn  mente  captus,  qui  neget,  haec  omnia, 
quae  videmus,  praecipueque  hanc  urbem,  deorum  immor- 
talium  nutu  atque  potestate  administrari 7  Etenira  cum 
esset  ita  responsum,  caedes,  incendia,  interitumque  reipu- 
blicae  comparari,  4et  ea  a  perditis  civibus ;  quae  turn  propter 
magnitudinem  scelerum  nonnullis  iucredibilia  videbantur, 
ea  non  modo  cogitata  a  nefariis  civibus,  veruni  etiam 
suscepta  esse  sensistis.  5Illud  vero  nonne  ita  praesens 
est,  ut  nutu  Jovis  Optimi  Maximi  factum  esse  videatur, 
ut,  cum  hodierno  die  6mane  per  forum  meo  jussu  et  con- 
jurati,  et  7eorum  indices,  in  aedem  Concordiae  duceren- 
tur,  eo  ipso  tempore  signum  statueretur  ?  Quo  collocato, 
atque  ad  vos  senatumque  converse,  omnia  et  senatus,  et 
vos,  quae  erant  contra  salutem  omnium  cogitata,  illustrata 
et  patefacta  vidistis.  Quo  etiam  rnajore  sunt  isti  odio 
supplicioque  digni,  qui  non  soluru  vestris  domiciliis  atque 
tectis,  sed  etiam  deorum  8templis  atque  delubris  sunt  fu- 
nestos  ac  nefarios  ignes  inferre  conati.  9Quibus  ego  si  me 
restitisse  dicam,  nimium  mihi  sumam,  et  non  sim  ferendus. 
10Ille,  ille  Jupiter  restitit :  ille  Capitolium,  ille  liaec  templa, 
ille  hanc  urbem,  ille  vos  omnes  salvos  esse  voluit.  Diis  ego 
immortalibus  ducibus  "hanc  mentem,  Quirites,  volunta- 
temque  suscepi,  atque  ad  haec  tanta  indicia  perveni.  12Jam 
vero  ilia  Allobrogum  sollicitatio  sic  a  Lentulo  ceterisque  do- 
mesticis  hostibus  suscepta,  tanta  res  tarn  dementer  credita  et 

gnotis  et  barbaris,  commissaeque  litterae  numquam  essem 
profecto,  nisi  a  diis  immortalibus  huic  tantae  audaciae 
consilium  esset  ereptum.  Quid  vero  ?  13ut  homines  Galli, 
ex  civitate  male  pacata,  quae  gens  una  restat,  quae  po- 
pulo  Romano  belluni  facere  et  posse  et  non  nolle  videa- 
tur, uspem  imperii  et  rerum  amplissimarum  ultro  sibi  a 
patriciis  hominibus  oblatam  negligerent,  vestramque  salu- 


34  ORATTO    III.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

tern  asuis  opibus  antcponcrent ;  id  non  divinitus  factum 
esse  putatis  ?  2praesertim  qui  nos  non  pugnando,  sed  ta- 
cendo  superarent  ? 

X.  QUAMOBREM,  Quirites,  quoniam  3ad  omnia  pulvinti- 
ria  supplicatio  decreta  est,  4celebratote  illos  dies  cum 
conjugibus  ac  liberis  vestris.  Nam  multi  saepe  honores 
diis  immortalibus  justi  habiti  sunt  ac  debiti,  sed  profecto 
justiores  numquam.  Erepti  enim  ex  crudelissimo  ac  mi- 
serrimo  interitu,  et  erepti  sine  caede,  -sine  sanguine,  sine 
exercitu,  sine  dimicatione,  5togati,  me  uno  togato  duce 
et  imperatore,  vicistis.  Etenim  recordamini,  Quirites, 
omnes  civiles  dissensiones,  neque  solum  eas,  quas  audis- 
tis,  sed  et  has,  quas  vosmetipsi  meministis  et  vidistis. 
6L.  Sulla  P.  Sulpicium  oppressit :  ex  urbe  ejecit  C.  Ma- 
rium,  7custodem  hujus  urbis,  multosque  fortes  viros  par 
tim  ejecit  ex  civitate,  partim  interemit.  8Cn.  Octavius, 
consul,  armis  ex  urbe  collegam  suum  expulit :  9omnis  hie 
locus  acervis  corporum  et  civium  sanguine  redundavit. 
Superavit  postea  Cinna  cum  Mario ;  turn  vero,  10clarissi- 
mis  viris  interfectis,  lumina  civitatis  exstincta  sunt.  Ultus 
est  hujus  victoriae  crudelitatem  postea  Sulla :  nee  dici 
quidem  opus  est,  "quanta  deminutione  civium,  et  quanta 
calamitate  reipublicae.  Dissentit  12M.  Lepidus  a  claris- 
simo  et  fortissimo  viro,  Q.  Catulo ;  attulit  non  tam  ipsius 
interitus  reipublicae  luctum,  quam  ceterorum.  13Atque 
illae  dissensiones,  Quirites,  quae  non  ad  delendam,  sed 
ad  commutandam  rempublicam  14pertinerent :  (non  15illi 
nullam  esse  rempublicam,  sed  in  ea,  quae  esset,  se  esse 
principes :  neque  hanc  urbem  conflagrare,  sed  se  in  hac 
urbe  florere  voluerunt ;)  atque  illae  tamen  omnes  dissen- 
siones, quarum  nulla  exitium  reipublicae  16quaesivit,  ejus- 
modi  fuerunt,  ut  non  reconciliatione  concordiae,  sed  inter- 
necione  civium  dijudicatae  sint.  In  hoc  autem  uno  post 
liominum  memoriam  maximo  crudelissimoque  bello,  qualo 
bellum  17nulla  umquam  barbaria  18cum  sua  gente  gessit, 
qua  in  bello  lex  haec  fuit  a  Lentulo,  Catilina,  Cassio, 
Cethego  19constituta,  ut  omnes,  qui  salva  urbe  salvi  esso 


ORATIO    III.    IN"    I,.    CATILINAM.  35 

possent,  in  hostium  numero  ducerentur ;  ita  me  gcssi, 
Quirites,  ut  omnes  salvi  conservaremini :  et  cum  hostes 
vestri  'tantum  civium  superfuturum  putassent,  quantum  in- 
finitae  caedi  restitisset,  tantum  autem  urbis,  quantum  flam- 
ma  2obire  non  potuisset:  et  urbem,  et  cives  integros  in- 
columesque  servavi. 

XL  QUIBOS  3pro  tantis  rebus,  Quirites,  nullum  ego  a  vo- 
bis  praemium  virtutis,  nullum  insigne  honoris,  nullum  monu- 
mentum  laudis  postulo,  praeterquam  hujus  diei  memoriam 
sempiternam.  In  animis  ego  vestris  omnes  triumphos 
meos,  omnia  4ornamenta  honoris,  monumenta  gloriae,  lau- 
dis insignia,  condi  et  collocari  volo.  5Nihil  me  mutuin 
potest  delectare,  nihil  taciturn,  nihil  denique  hujusmodi, 
quod  etiam  minus  digni  assequi  possint.  Memoria  vestra, 
Quirites,  6nostrae  res  alentur,  sermonibus  crescent,  littera 
rum  monumentis  inveterascent  et  corroborabuntur :  'eanuem 
que  diem  intelligo,  et  ad  salutem  urbis,  quam  spero  aeter- 
nam  fore,  et  ad  memoriam  consulatus  mei  propagandam  : 
unoque  tempore  in  hac  republica  8duos  cives  exstitisse, 
9quorum  alter  fines  vestri  imperii,  non  terrae,  sed  coeli 
regionibus  terniinaret ;  alter  ejusdem  imperii  domicilium 
sedemque  servaret. 

XII.  SED,  quoniam  earum  reruni,  quas  ego  gessi,  non 
10est  eadem  fortuna  atque  conditio,  quae  illorum,  qui  ex 
terna  bella  gessenmt ;  quod  mihi  cum  his    vivendum  sit, 
quos  vici  ac  subegi ;  nisti   hostes  aut  interfectos  aut  op 
pressos  reliquerunt :  vestrum  est,  Quirites,  12si  ceteris  sua 
facta   prosunt,    mihi    mea   ne    quando    obsint,    providere. 
13Mentes    enim   hominum    audacissimorum   sceleratae    ac 
nefariae  ne  vobis   nocere    possent,   ego  providi :  ne  mihi 
noceant,   vestrum   est   providere.       Quamquam,    Quirites, 
mihi  qnidem  ipsi  nihil  jam  uab  istis  noceri  potest.    Mag 
num    enim   est  15in  bonis  praesidium,  quod  mihi  in  per- 
petuum  comparatum  est :  magna  in  republica  dignitas,  quae 
me  semper  tacita  defendet  :  magna  vis  est   conscientiae, 
quam  qui  negligent,  cum  me  violare  volent,  16se  ipsi  in- 
dicabunt.     Est  etiam  in  nobis  17is  animus,  Quirites,  ut  non 


6b  ORATIO   III.   IN   L.  CATILINAM. 

modo  nullius  audaciae  cedamus,  sed  etiam  omnes  impro- 
bos  ultro  semper  lacessamus.  Quodsi  omnis  impetus 
domesticorum  hostium,  depulsus  a  vobis,  se  in  me  imuni 
:converterit ;  vobis  erit  providendum,  Quirites,  2qua  condi- 
rione  posthac  eos  esse  velitis,  qui  se  pro  salute  vestra 
obtulerint  invidiae  periculisque  omnibus.  Mini  quidem 
ipsi  quid  est,  quod  jam  3ad  vitae  fructum  possit  acquiri, 
praesertim  cum  neque  in  honore  vestro,  neque  in  gloria 
virtutis,  4quidquam  videam  altius,  quo  quidem  mihi  libeat 
adscendere  ?  Illud  perficiam  profecto,  Quirites,  ut  5ea, 
quae  gessi  in  consulatu,  privatus  tuear  atque  ornem :  ut, 
si  qua  est  invidia  in  conservanda  republica  suscepta,  lae- 
dat  invidos,  6mihi  valeat  ad  gloriam.  Denique  ita  me  in 
republica  tractabo,  7ut  meminerim  semper  quae  gesserim, 
curemque,  ut  ea  virtute,  non  casu,  gesta  esse  videantur. 
Vos,  Quirites,  quoniam  jam  nox  est,  veneramini  8illum 
Jovem,  custodem  hujus  urbis  ac  vestrum,  atque  in  vestra 
tecta  discedite  :  et  ea,  quamquam  jam  periculum  est  de- 
pulsum,  tamen  aeque  ac  priori  nocte,  custodiis  vigiliisque 
defendite.  Id  ne  vobis  diutius  faciendum  sit,  atque  ut  in 
perpetual  pace  esse  possitis,  providebo,  Quirites. 


'M.TULLII  CICERONIS 

ORATIO 
IN  L.  CATILINAM 

QUARTA, 
HABITA  IN   SENATU. 


I.  VIDEO,  patres  conscripti,  in  me  omnium  vestrom 
zora  atque  oculos  esse  converses :  video  vos  non  solunj 
de  vestro  ac  reipublicae,  verum  etiam,  3si  id  depulsum 
sit,  de  meo  periculo  esse  sollicitos.  Est  mihi  jucunda  in 
inalis,  et  grata  in  dolore,  *vestra  erga  me  voluntas :  sed 
earn,  per  deos  immortales !  quaeso,  Meponite,  atque,  obliti 
salutis  meae,  de  vobis  ac  de  liberis  vestris  cogitate.  Mihi 
quidem  si  6haec  conditio  consulatus  data  est.  ut  omnes 
acerbitates,  omnes  dolores  cruciatusque  perferrem ;  feram 
non  solum  fortiter,  sed  etiam  libenter,  dummodo  meis  la- 
boribus  vobis  populoque  Romano  7dignitas  salusque  paria- 
tur.  Ego  sum  ille  consul,  patres  conscripti,  cui  8non 
forum,  in  quo  omnis  aequitas  continetur ;  9non  campus, 
10consularibus  auspiciis  consecratus  ;  non  curia,  nsummum 
auxilium  omnium  gentium;  12non  domus,  commune  per- 
fugium ;  13non  lectus  ad  quietem  datus ;  non  denique 
"haec  sedes  honoris,  umquam  vacua  mortis  periculo  atque 
insidiis  fuit.  Ego  15multa  tacui,  multa  pertuli,  midta  con- 
cessi.  multa  meo  quodam  dolore,  16in  vestro  timore,  sa- 
navi.  Nunc,  si  hunc  exitum  consulatus  mei  dii  immor- 
tales esse  voluerunt,  ut  vos,  patres  conscripti,  populumque 
Romanum  ex  caede  nmiserrima ;  conjuges,  liberosque  ves- 
tros,  virginesque  Vestales  18ex  acerbissima  vexatione ; 
templa  atque  delubra,  hanc  pulcherrimam  patriam  omnium 

4 


38  ORATIO  IV.    IN    L.    CATIMNAM. 

nostrum  ex  foedissima  flamma ;  totam  Italiam  ex  bello 
et  vastitate  eriperem :  aquaecunque  mihi  uni  proponetur 
fortuna,  subeatur.  Etenim,  si  P.  Lentulus  suum  nomen, 
8inductus  a  vatibus,  3fatale  ad  perniciem  reipublicae  fore 
putavit ;  cur  ego  non  laeter  meum  consulatum  ad  salutem 
reipublicae  prope  tatalem  exstitisse  ? 

II.  QUARE,  patres  conscripti,  consulite  vobis,  ^rospi- 
cite  patriae,  conservate  vos,  conjuges,  liberos,  fortunasque 
vestras,  populi  Romani  nomen  salutemque  defendite  :  mihi 
parcere,  ac  de  me  cogitare  desinite.  Nam  primum  debeo 
sperare,  5omnes  deos,  qui  huic  urbi  praesident,  6pro  eo 
mihi,  ac  mereor,  relaturos  gratiam  esse :  deinde,  7si  quid 
obtigerit,  aequo  animo  paratoque  moriar.  8Neque  enim 
turpis  mors  forti  viro  potest  accidere,  9neque  immatura 
consulari,  nee  misera  10sapienti.  Nee  tamen  ego  sum 
"ille  ferreus,  qui  12fratris  carissimi  atque  amantissimi 
praesentis  moerore  non  movear,  horumque  omnium  lacry- 
mis,  a  quibus  me  13circumsessum  videtis.  Neque  meam 
mentem  non  domum  saepe  revocat  14exanimata  uxor,  15ab- 
jecta  metu  filia,  et  16parvulus  filius,  quern  mihi  videtur 
17amplecti  respublica  tamquam  obsidem  consulatus  mei : 
neque  ille,  qui,  exspectans  hujus  exitum  diei,  adstat  in 
conspectu  meo,  18gener.  19Moveor  his  rebus  omnibus,  sed 
in  earn  partem,  ut  salvi  sint  vobiscum  omnes,  etiamsi  vis 
aliqua  me  oppresserit,  potius  quam  et  illi  et  nos  una  cum 
republica  pereamus.  Quare,  patres  conscripti,  20incumbite 
ad  reipublicae  salutem :  circumspicite  omnes  procellas, 
quae  impendent,  nisi  providetis.  21Non  Tib.  Gracchus, 
qui  iterum  tribunus  plebis  fieri  voluit :  non  C.  Gracchus, 
qui  agrarios  concitare  conatus  est :  non  L.  Saturninus, 
qui  C.  Memmium  occidit,  in  discrimen  aliquod,  atque  in 
vestrae  severitatis  judicium  adducitur.  22Tenentur  ii,  qui 
ad  urbis  incendium,  ad  vestram  omnium  caedem,  ad  Ca- 
tiliuam  accipiendum,  Romae  restiterunt :  tenentur  litterae, 
signa,  manus,  denique  uniuscujusque  confessio :  23sollici- 
tantur  Allobroges  :  servitia  excitantur  :  Catilina  arcessitur  : 
id  est  initum  consilium,  ut,  interfectis  omnibus,  nemo  me 


ORATIO    IV.     IN     L.    CATILINAM.  39 

ad  deplorandum  quidem  reipublicae    nomen,  atque  ad  la- 
mentandam  tanti  imperil  calamitatem  relinquatur. 

III.  HAEC  omnia  indices  detuleruut,  zrei  confessi  sunt . 
vos  multis  jam  indiciis  judicastis :  primum,  quod  mihi 
gratias  egistis  2singularibus  verbis ;  et  3mea  virtute  atque 
diligentia  perditorum  hominum  patefactam  esse  conju- 
rationem  decrevistis :  4deinde  quod  P.  Lentulum,  ut  se 
abdicaret  praetura,  coegistis :  turn  quod  eum,  et  ceteros, 
5de  quibus  judicastis,  in  custodiam  dandos  censuistis . 
maximeque  quod  meo  nomine  supplicationem  decrevistis, 
qui  honos  6togato  habitus  ante  me  est  nemini :  postremo 
hesterno  die  praemia  legatis  Allobrogum,  Titoque  Vul- 
turcio  dedistis  amplissima.  Quae  sunt  omnia  ejusmodi, 
ut  ii,  qui  in  custodiam  nominatim  dati  sunt,  sine  ulla 
dubitatione  a  vobis  7damnati  esse  videantur.  8Sed  ego 
institui  referre  ad  vos,  patres  conscripti,  tamquam  inte- 
grum,  et  de  facto,  quid  judicetis,  et  de  poena,  quid  cen- 
seatis.  9Illa  praedicam,  quae  sunt  consulis.  Ego  magnum 
in  republica  10versari  furorem,  et  nova  quaedam  misceri 
et  concitari  mala  jampridem  videbam :  sed  hanc  tantam 
tarn  exitiosam  haberi  conjurationem  a  civibus,  numquam 
putavi.  Nunc,  quidquid  est,  nquocunque  vestrae  mentea 
inclinant  atque  sententiae,  12statuendum  vobis  ante  noc- 
tem  est.  Quantum  facinus  ad  vos  delatum  sit,  videtis  • 
13huic  si  paucos  putatis  affines  esse,  vehementer  erratis 
Latius  opinione  disseminatum  est  hoc  malum  :  14manavit 
non  solum  per  Italiam,  verum  etiam  transcendit  Alpes,  et, 
15obscure  serpens,  multas  jam  provincias  occupavit.  Id 
opprimi  16sustentando  ac  prolatando  nullo  *  pacto  potest. 
Quacunque  ratione  placet,  celeriter  vobis  vindicandum  est. 

IV.  VIDEO  duas  adhuc  17esse  sententias :  unam  D.  Si- 
lani,  qui  censet,  eos,  18qui  haec  delere  conati  sunt,  morte 
esse  multandos  :  alteram  19C.  Caesaris,  20qui  mortis  poenamt 
removet,  ceterorum  suppliciorum  omnes  acerbitates  amplec- 
titur.  Uterque  et  21pro  sua  dignitate,  et  pro  rerum  mag- 
nitiidine  in  summa  severitate  versatur.  22Alter  eos,  qui 
nos  omnes,  qui  populum  Romanum  vita  private  conati 


40  ORATIO    I\.     'N    L     CATILINAM. 

sunt,  qui  delere  imperinm,  qui  populi  Romani  nomen  ex- 
stinguere,  punctum  temporis  frui  vita,  et  1hoc  communi 
spiritu,  non  putat  oportere :  atque  hoc  genus  poenae 
saepe  in  iraprobos  cives  in  hac  republica  esse  usurpatum 
recordatur.  2Alter  intelligit,  mortem  a  diis  immortalibus 
non  esse  supplicii  causa  constitutam :  sed  aut  3necessita- 
tem  naturae,  aut  laborum  ac  miseriarum  quietem  esse. 
Itaque  earn  4sapientes  numquam  inviti,  fortes  etiam  saepe 
Ubenter  5oppetiverunt.  6Vincula  vero,  et  ea  sempiterna, 
certe  ad  singularem  poenam  nefarii  sceleris  inventa  sunt. 
'Municipiis  dispertiri  jubet.  8Habere  videtur  ista  res  ini- 
quitatem,  si  imperare  velis ;  difficultatem,  si  rogare :  de- 
cernatur  tamen,  si  placet.  9Ego  enim  suscipiam,  et,  ut 
spero,  reperiam,  qui  id,  quod  salutis  omnium  causa  sta- 
tueritis,  non  putent  esse  suae  dignitatis  recusare.  10Ad- 
jungit  gravem  poenam  municipibus,  si  quis  eorum  vincula 
ruperit :  nhorribiles  custodias  circumdat,  et  digna  scelere 
hominum  perditorum  sancit,  ne  quis  eorum  poenam,  quos 
condemnat,  aut  per  senatum,  aut  per  populum  levare  pos- 
sit.  l2Eripit  etiam  spem,  quae  sola  hominem  in  miseriis 
consolari  solet.  13Bona  praeterea  publicari  jubet :  vitam 
•solam  relinquit  nefariis  hominibus :  uquam  si  eripuisset, 
multos,  uno  dolore,  animi  atque  corporis,  et  omnes  scele- 
rum  poenas  ademisset.  15Itaque,  ut  aliqua  in  vita  formi 
do  improbis  esset  posita,  apud  inferos  ejusmodi  quaedam 
illi  antiqui  supplicia  impiis  constituta  esse  voluerunt :  quod 
16videlicet  intelligebant,  his  remotis,  non  esse  mortem  ip- 
sam  pertimescendam. 

V.  NUNC,  patres  conscripti,  ego  I7mea,  video,  quid 
intersit.  Si  eritis  secuti  sententiam  C.  Caesaris,  quoniam 
18hanc  is  in  republica  viam,  quae  popularis  habetur,  secu- 
tus  est,  fortasse  minus  erunt,  19hoc  auctore  et  cognitore 
hujusce  sententiae,  mihi  20populares  impetus  pertimescendi. 
Sin  21illam  alteram  ;  22nescio,  an  ampliuj  mihi  negotii  con 
trahatur.  23Sed  tamen  meorum  periculorum  rationes  uti- 
litas  reipublicae  vincat.  2*Habemus  enim  a  C.  Caesare, 
sicut  2sipsius  dignitas  et  majorum  ejus  amplitudo  postuln.- 


ORATIO    IV.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  41 

bat,  sententiam,  taraquam  obsidem  perpetuae  in  rempub- 
licam  voluntatis.  1Intcllectum  est,  quid  intersit  inter 
levitatem  concionatorum,  et  animum  vere  popularem,  sa- 
luti  populi  consulentem.  Video  de  2istis,  qui  se  popu- 
lates haberi  volunt,  abesse  3non  neminem,  ne  de  capite 
videlicet  civium  Romanorum  sententiam  ferat.  Is  et  4nu- 
diustertius  in  custodiam  cives  Romanos  5dedit,  et  suppli- 
cationem  mihi  decrevit,  et  6indices  hesterno  die  maximis 
praemiis  affecit.  7Jam  hoc  nemini  dubium  est,  qui  reo 
custodiam,  8quaesitori  gratulationem,  indici  praemium  de- 
crevit, quid  de  tota  re  et  causa  judicarit.  ''At  vero  C. 
Caesar  intelligit,  legem  Semproniam  esse  de  civibus  Ro- 
manis  constitutam :  qui  autem  reipublicae  sit  hostis,  eum 
civem  esse  nullo  modo  posse :  denique  10ipsum  latorem 
legis  Semproniae  jussu  populi  poenas  reipublicae  depen- 
disse.  nldem  ipsum  Lentulum,  largitorem  et  prodigum. 
non  putat,  cum  de  pernicie  populi  Romani,  exitio  hujus 
urbis,  tarn  acerbe,  tamque  crudeliter  cogitarit,  appellan 
posse  popularem.  Itaque  12homo  mitissimus  atque  lenis- 
simus  non  dubitat  P.  Lentulum  aeternis  tenebris  vincu- 
lisque  mandare ;  13et  sancit  in  posterum,  ne  quis  hujul 
supplicio  levando  se  jactare,  et  uin  pernicie  populi  Ro- 
mani posthac  popularis  esse  possit.  15Adjungit  etiam  pub- 
licationem  bonorum,  ut  omnes  animi  cruciatus  et  cor- 
poris,  etiam  egestas  ac  mendicitas  consequatur. 

VI.  16QuAMOBREM  sive  hoc  statueritis,  dederitis  mihi 
comitem  ad  concionem,  populo  carum  atque  jucundum : 
sive  Silani  sententiam  sequi  malueritis,  facile  me  atque 
vos  a  crudelitatis  vituperatione  defendetis,  17atque  obtine- 
bo,  earn  multo  leniorem  fuisse.  Quamquam,  patres  con- 
scripti,  quae  potest  esse  in  tanti  sceleris  immanitate  puni- 
enda  crudelitas  1  18Ego  enim  de  meo  sensu  judico.  19Nam 
ita  mihi  salva  republica  vobiscum  perfrui  liceat,  ut  ego, 
quod  in  hac  causa  vehementior  sum,  non  atrocitate  ani- 
mi moveor,  ( quis  enim  est  me  mitior  ? )  sed  singulari 
quadam  liumanitate  et  misericordia.  20Videor  enim  mihi 
hanc  urbem  videre,  lucem  orbis  terrarum,  atque  21arcem 

4* 


42  ORATIO    IV.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

omnium  gentium,  subito  uno  incendio  concidenlem :  cer- 
no  animo  1sepulta  in  patria  miseros  atque  insepultos 
acervos  civium :  2versatur  mihi  ante  oculos  aspectus  Ce- 
thegi.  et  furor  in  vestra  caede  bacchantis.  Cum  vero 
3mihi  proposui  regnantem  Lentulum,  sicut  ipse  se  ex  fatis 
sperasse  confessus  est,  4purpuratum  esse  hunc  Gabinium, 
cum  exercitu  venisse  Catilinam,  turn  lamentationem  ma- 
trumfainilias,  turn  fugam  virginum  atque  puerorum,  ac 
5vexationern  virginum  Vestalium  perhorresco :  et,  quia 
mihi  6vehementer  haec  videntur  mi  sera  atque  miseranda, 
idcirco  in  eos,  qui  ea  perficere  voluerunt,  me  severum 
vehementemque  7praebebo.  Etenim  quaero,  si  quis  pa- 
terfamilias, liberis  suis  a  servo  interfectis,  uxore  occisa, 
incensa  domo,  supplicium  8de  servis  non  quam  acerbissi- 
mum  sumserit ;  utrum  is  clemens  ac  misericors,  an  in- 
humanissimus  et  crudelissimus  esse  videatur  ?  9Mihi 
vero  importunus  ac  ferreus,  qui  non  dolore  ac  cruciatu 
10nocentis  suurn  dolorem  cruciatumque  lenierit.  Sic  nos 
in  his  hominibus,  qui  nos,  qui  conjuges,  qui  liberos  nos- 
tros  trucidare  voluerunt :  qui  singulas  uniuscujusque  nos- 
trum domos,  et  uhoc  universum  reipublicae  domicilium 
delere  conati  sunt :  12qui  id  egerunt,  ut  gentem  Allo- 
brogum  in  vestigiis  hujus  urbis,  atque  in  cinere  defla- 
grati  imperil  collocarent :  si  vehementissimi  fuerimus, 
misericordes  habebimur:  sin  remissiores  esse  voluerimus, 
Bummae  nobis  crudelitatis  13in  patriae  civiumque  pernicie 
fama  subeunda  est.  Nisi  vero  cuipiam  14L.  Caesar,  vir 
fortissimus  et  amantissimus  reipublicae,  15crudelior  nudius- 
tertius  visus  est,  cum  16sororis  suae,  feminae  electissimae, 
17virum,  praesentem  et  audientem,  vita  privandum  esse 
dixit ;  18cum  avum  jussu  consulis  interfectum,  filiumque 
ejus  impuberem,  legatum  a  patre  missum,  in  carcere  ne- 
catum  esse  dixit.  19Quorum  quod  simile  factum  ?  Quod 
20initum  delendae  reipublicae  consilium  ?  21Largitionis 
voluntas  turn  in  republica  versata  est,  et  partium  quaedam 
contentio.  Atque  illo  tempore  22hujus  avus  Lentuli,  cla- 
rissimus  vir,  armatus  Gracchum  est  persecutus  :  ille  etiani 


ORATIO    IV.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  43 

grave  turn  vulnus  accepit,  !ne  quid  de  sumina  republica 
minueretur:  2hic  ad  evertenda  fundaraenta  reipublicae 
Gallos  arcessit,  servitia  concitat,  Catilinam  vocat,  attribuit 
nos  trucidandos  Cethego,  ceteros  cives  interficiendos  Ga- 
binio,  urbem  inflammandam  Cassio,  totam  Italiam  vastan- 
clam  diripiendamque  Catilinae.  3Veremini,  censeo,  ne  in 
hoc  scelere  tarn  immani  ac  nefando,  4aliquid  severius 
statuisse  videamini ;  cum  multo  magis  sit  verendum,  ne 
5remissione  poenae  crudeles  in  patriam,  quam  ne  seven- 
tate  animadversionis  nimis  vehementes  in  acerbissimos 
hostes  fuisse  videamur. 

"VII.  SED  ea,  6quae,  exaudio,  patres  conscripti,  dissimu- 
late non  possum.  Uaciuntur  enim  voces,  quae  perveniunt 
ad  aures  meas,  8eorum,  qui  vereri  videntur,  ut  habeam 
satis  praesidii  ad  ea,  quae  vos  statueritis  hodierno  die, 
transigunda.  Omnia  9et  provisa,  et  parata,  et  constituta 
sunt,  patres  conscripti,  cum  mea  summa  cura  atque  dili- 
gentia,  10tum  multo  etiam  majore  populi  Romani  ad  sum- 
mum  imperium  retinendum,  et  ad  communes  fortunas  con- 
servandas,  voluntate.  Omnes  adsunt  omnium  ordinum 
nomines,  omnium  denique  aetatum :  plenum  est  forum, 
plena  templa  circa  forum,  pleni  omnes  aditus  uhujus  loci 
ac  templi.  Causa  enim  est  post  urbem  conditam  haec 
inventa  sola,  in  qua  omnes  sentirent  unum  atque  idem, 
12praeter  eos,  qui  cum  sibi  viderent  esse  pereundum,  cum 
omnibus  potius,  quam  soli  perire  voluerunt.  Hosce  ego  hom- 
ines excipio  et  secerno  libenter :  neque  enim  in  impro- 
borum  civium,  sed  in  acerbissimorum  hostium  numero 
habendos  puto.  Ceteri  vero,  dii  immortales  !  qua  frequen- 
tia,  quo  studio,  13qua  virtute  ad  communem  dignitatem 
salutemque  consentiunt  ?  Quid  ego  hie  equites  Romanos 
commemorem?  l4Qui  vobis  ita  summam  ordinis  consilii- 
que  concedunt,  ut  vobiscum  de  amore  reipublicae  certent  • 
quos,  15ex  multorum  annorum  dissensione  16ad  hujus  ordi- 
nis societatem  concordiamque  revocatos,  hodiernus  dies 
vobiscum  atque  17haec  causa  conjungit :  quam  conjunctio- 
nem  si,  in  consulate  18confirmatam  meo,  perpetuam  in 


44  OIIATIO    IV.    IX    L.    CAIILINAM. 

republica  tenuerimus ;  confirmo  vobis,  :nullum  posthao 
malum  civile  ac  domesticum  ad  ullam  reipublicae  partem 
esse  venturum.  Pari  studio  defendendae  reipublicae  con- 
venisse  video  2tribunos  aerarios,  fortissimos  viros  ;  3scribas 
item  universes  ;  quos  4emn  casu  haec  dies  ad  aerarium 
frequentasset,  video  5ab  exspectatione  sortis  ad  commu- 
nem  salutem  esse  converses.  60mnis  ingenuorum  adest 
multitude,  etiam  tenuissimorum.  Quis  est  enim,  cm  non 
haec  templa,  aspectus  urbis,  possessio  libertatis,  lux  de- 
nique  haec  ipsa,  et  hoc  commune  patriae  solum,  cum  sit 
carum,  turn  vero  dulce  atque  jucundum  ? 

VIII.  OPERAE  pretium  est,  patres  conscripti,  7libertino- 
rum  hominum  studia  cognoscere ;  8qui,  virtute  sua  fortu- 
nam  civitatis  consecuti,  hanc  vere  suam  patriam  esse  judi- 
cant :  quam  9quidam  hinc  nati,  et  summo  nati  loco,  non 
patriam  suam,  sed  urbem  hostium  esse  judicaverunt.  Sed 
10quid  ego  hujusce  ordinis  homines  commemorem,  quos 
privatae  fortunae,  quos  communis  respublica,  quos  deni- 
que  libertas  ea,  quae  dulcissima  est,  ad  salutem  patriae 
defendendam  excitavit  ?  Servus  est  nemo,  nqui  modo 
tolerabili  conditione  sit  servitutis,  qui  non  audaciam  civiuin 
perhorrescat ;  qui  non  haec  stare  cupiat ;  qui  non  tantum, 
quantum  audet,  et  quantum  potest,  conferat  ad  communem 
salutem,  12voluntatis.  Quare  si  quern  vestrum  13forte  com- 
movet  hoc,  quod  auditum  est,  lenonem  quendam  Lentuli 
14concursare  circum  tabernas,  pretio  sperare  sollicitari 
posse  animos  egentium  atque  imperitorum ;  est  id  quidern 
coeptum  atque  tentatum,  sed  15nulli  sunt  inventi  tarn  aut 
fortuna  miseri,  aut  voluntate  perditi,  qui  non  16ipsum  ilium 
sellae  atque  opens  et  quaestus  quotidiani  locum  ;  qui  non 
cubile  ac  lectulum  suum ;  qui  denique  non  17cursum  huuc 
otiosum  vitae  suae,  salvum  esse  vellent.  Multo  vero 
maxima  pars  eorum,  qui  in  tabernis  sunt ;  immo  vero.  (id 
enim  potius  est  dicendum,)  genus  hoc  universum,  aman- 
tissimum  est  otii :  etenim  18omne  eorum  instrumentum, 
omnis  opera  ac  quaestus,  frequeritia  civium  sustinetur, 
alitur  otio :  quorum  si  quaestus,  19occlusis  tabernis,  minui 


ORATIO   IV.     IN     L.    CATILINAAf.  45 

solet,  'quid  tandem  incensis  futurum  est?  Quae  cum 
ita  sint,  patres  conscript!,  vobis  populi  Romani  praesidia 
non  desunt :  vos  ne  populo  Romano  deesse  videamini 
providete. 

IX.  HABETIS  2consulem  ex  plurimis  periculis  et  insidiis. 
atque  ex  media  morte,  non  ad  vitam  suam,  sed  ad  salu- 
tem  vestram  reservatum  :  omnes  ordines  ad  conservandam 
rempublicam  3mente,  voluntate,  studio,  virtute,  voce,  con- 
sentiunt :    obsessa   facibus    et  telis    impiae    conjurationis, 
4vobis  supplex  manus  tendit  patria    communis :  vobis  se, 
vobis  vitam  omnium   civium,    vobis  arcem  et  Capitolium, 
vobis  5aras  Penatium,  vobis  6illum   ignem  Vestae  perpe- 
tuum  ac  7sempiternum,  vobis  omnia  templa  deorum  atque 
delubra,  vobis  muros  atque  urbis  tecta  commendat.     Prae- 
terea   de   vestra   vita,  de    conjugum  vestrarum  ac  libero- 
rum    anima,    de    fortunis    omnium,  de   sedibus,  8de    focis 
vestris,  hodierao  die  vobis  judicandum  est.  Habetis  9ducem 
memorem  vestri,  oblitum  sui ;  10quae  non  semper  facultas 
datur  :  habetis  omnes  ordines,  omnes  homines,  universum 
populum  Romanum,  id  quod  nin  civili  causa  hodierno  die 
primum  videmus,  unum  atque  idem  sentientem.     Cogitate, 
quantis  laboribus  fundatum  imperium,    quanta  virtute  sta- 
bilitam   libertatem,    quanta    deorum    benignitate    12auctas 
exaggeratasque  fortunas  13una  nox  paene   delerit.     Id  ne 
umquam  posthac  non  modo  confici,  sed   ne    cogitari  qui- 
dem    possit   a   civibus,     hodierno    die    providendum    est. 
Atque  haec,  non  ut  vos,  qui  mihi  studio   paene  praecur- 
iitis,  excitarem,  locutus  sum :  sed  ut  mea  vox,  quae  debet 
uesse  in  republica  princeps,  officio    functa    consulari  vi- 
deretur. 

X.  NUNC  ante  quam,  patres  conscripti,  ad   sententiam 
redeo,  de  me  pauca  dicam.     15Ego,  quanta  manus  est  con- 
juratorum,  quam  videtis  esse  permagnam,    taut  am  me  in- 
imicorum  multitudinem  suscepisse  video  :  sed   earn    esse 
judico    I6turpem    et    infirmam,    contemtam   et    abjectam. 
17Quodsi  aliquando,  alicujus  furore  et  scelere  18concitata, 
manus  ista  plus  valuerit,  quam  vestra  ac  reipublicae  dig 


46  ORATIO    IV.    IN    L.    CATILINAM. 

nitas  ;  me  tamen  meorum  factorum  atque  consiliorum 
numquam,  patres  conscript!,  poenitebit.  Etenim  mors, 
quam  illi  mihi  fortasse  minitantur,  omnibus  est  parata  : 
]vitae  tantam  laudem,  quanta  vos  me  vestris  decretis  ho- 
nestastis,  nemo  est  assecutus.  Ceteris  enim  2semper  bene 
2gestae,  mihi  uni  conservatae  reipublicae  gratulationem 
decrevistis.  Sit  4Scipio  clarus  ille,  cujus  consilio  atque 
virtute-  Hannibal  in  Africam  redire,  atque  ex  Italia  dece- 
dere  coactus  es,,  :  ornetur  5alter  eximia  laude  Africanus, 
qui  duas'  urbes  huic  imperio  infestissimas,  Carthaginem 
Numantiamque,  delevit  :  habeatur  vir  egregius,  6L.  Paullus 
ille,  7cujus  currum  rex  potentissimus  quondam  et  nobilis- 
simus,  Perses,  honestavit  :  sit  in  aeterna  gloria  Marius,  qui 
8bis  T*3.1iam  obsidione  et  metu  servitutis  liberavit  :  ante- 
ponatur  omnibus  9Pompeius,  cujus  res  gestae  atque  virtu- 
tes,  10iisdem,  quibus  solis  cursus,  regionibus  ac  terminis 
continentur.  Erit  profecto  inter  horum  laudes  naliquid 
loci  nostrae  gloriae  :  nisi  forte  majus  est  patefacere  nobis 
provincias,  quo  exire  possimus,  quam  curare^  ut  eiiam  illi, 
qui  absunt,  habeant,  12qub  victores  revertantur.  Quam- 
quam  est  13uno  loco  conditio  melior  externae  victoriae, 
quam  domesticae  ;  quod  hoste's  alienigenae  uaut  oppressi 
serviunt,  aut  recepti  beneficio  se  obligates  putant  :  qui 
autem  ex  numero  ciyium,  dementia  aliqua  depravati,  hos- 
tes  patriae  semel  esse  coeperunt,  eos,  cum  a  pernicie 
reipublicae  repuleris,  nee  vi-  coercere,  nee  beneficio  pla- 
care  possis.  Quare  mibi  cum  perditis  civibus  aeternum 
bellum  susceptum  esse  video  ;  quod  ego  vestro,  bonorum- 
que  omnium  auxilio,  memoriaque  tantorum  periculorum, 
quae  non  modo  in  hoc  populo,  qui  servatus  est,  sed  etiam 
in  omnium  gentium  sermonibus  ac  mentibus  semper  hae- 
rebit,  a  me  atque  a  meis  facile  propulsari  posse  confido. 
Neque  ulla  profecto  tanta  vis  reperietur,  quae  conjunc 
tionem  vestram  equitumque  Romanorum,  et  15tantam  con- 
spirationem  bonorum  omnium  perfringere  et  labefactare 


XI.  QUAE  cum  ita  sint,  patres  conscripti,  16pro  imperio 


ORAT10    Iv.    IN    L.    CATILINAM.  47 

pro  exercitu,  2pro  provincia,  quam  neglexi,  3pro  triumpho, 
ceterisque  laudis  insignibus,  quae  sunt  a  me,  propter  urbis 
vestraeque  salutis  custodiam,  repudiata,  4pro  clientelis  hos- 
pitiisque  provincialibus,  quae  tamen  urbanis  opibus  non 
minore  labore  tueor,  quam  compare :  pro  his  igitur  omni- 
bus rebus,  5pro  meis  in  vos  singularibus  studiis,  proque 
hac,  quam  conspicitis,.  ad  conservandam  rempublicam 
diligentia,  nihil  aliud  a  vobis,  nisi  hujus  temporis  totius- 
que  mei  consulatus  memoriam  postulo :  Gquae  dum  erit 
vestris  mentibus  infixa,  firmissimo  me  muro  septum  esse 
arbitrabor.  Quodsi  meam  spem  vis  improborum  Tefellerit 
atque  superaverit ;  commendo  vobis  parvum  meum  filium  : 
8cui  profecto  satis  erit  praesidii,  non  solum  ad  salutem, 
verum  etiam  ad  dignitatem,  si  ejus,  qui  haec  omnia  suo 
solus  periculo  conservaverit,  ilium  esse  filium  memineri- 
tis.  Quapropter  9de  summa.  salute  vestra,  populique  Ro- 
mani,  patres  conscripti,  de  vestris  conjugibus  ac  liberis, 
10de  aris  ac  focis,  de  fanis  ac  ternplis,  de  totius  urbis 
tectis  ac  sedibus,  de  imperio,  de  libertate,  de  salute  Ital- 
iae,  deque  11universa  republica,  decernite  I2diligenter,  ut 
instituistis,  ac  fortiter.  Habetis  enim  eum  consulem,  qui  et 
parere  vestris  decretis  non  "dubitet ;  et  ea,  quae  statueritis, 
quoad  vivet,  defendere  et  I3per  se  ipsum  praestare  possit 


'M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 

PRO 
A.  LICINIOARCHIAPOETA 

ORATIO. 


i.  1.  2Si  quid  est  in  me  ingenii,  judices,  quod  sentio 
quwn  sit  exiguum ;  aut  si  qua  exercitatio  dicendi,  3in  qua 
me  non  infitior  mediocriter  esse  versatum ;  aut  si  4hujus- 
ce  rei  ratio  aliqua,  ab  optimarum  artium  studiis  ac  dis- 
ciplina  profecta,  a  qua  ego  nullum  confiteor  aetatis  meae 
tempus  abhorruisse  :  earum  rerum  omnium  vel  in  primis 
5hic  A.  Licinius  fructum  a  me  6repetere  prope  suo  jure 
debet.  7Nam  quoad  longissime  potest  mens  mea  re- 
spicere  spatium  praeteriti  temporis,  et  8pueritiae  memo- 
riam  recordari  ultimam,  inde  usque  repetens,  hunc  video 
mihi  principem,  et  ad  suscipiendam,  et  9ad  ingrediendam 
rationem  horum  studiorum  exstitisse.  Quod  si  haec  vox, 
hujus  hortatu  praeceptisque  10conformata,  nonnullis  ali- 
quando  saluti  fuit ;  na  quo  id  accepimus,  quo  ceteris 
opitulari  et  alios  servare  possemus,  huic  profecto  ipsi, 
quantum  est  situm  in  nobis,  et  opem,  et  salutem  ferre 
debemus.  2.  12Ac,  ne  quis  a  nobis  hoc  ita  dici  forte 
miretur,  quod  alia  quaedam  in  hoc  facultas  sit  ingenii, 
ne<\ue  13haec  dicendi  ratio  aut  disciplina,  une  nos  quid- 
em  huic  uni  studio  penitus  umquain  dediti  fuimus 
36Etenim  omnes  artes,  quae  ad  16humanitatem  pertinent, 
habent  quoddam  commune  vinculum,  et  quasi  cognatione 
quadam  inter  se  continentur. 

-I    3.  SED    ne    cui    vestrdm   mirum  esse  videatur,  me 


OKAT1O     PRO     AKCHIA     POETA.  49 

'in  quaestione  legitima,  et  in  judicio  publico,  2cum  res 
agatur  apud  3praetorem  populi  Romani,  lectissimum  virum, 
et  apud  severissimos  Audioes,  tanto  conventu  hominum 
ac  frequentia,  hoc  uti  genere  dicendi,  5quod  non  modo 
a  consuetudine  judiciorum,  verum  etiam  a  forensi  sermo- 
ne  abhorreat ;  quaeso  a  vobis,  ^t  in  hac  causa  mihi 
detis  hanc  veniam,  accommodatam  huic  reo,  vobis  quem- 
adraodum  spero  non  molestam  ;  ut  me  pro  summo  poeta 
atque  eruditissimo  homine  dicentem,  hoc  concursu  hom- 
inum literatissimorum,  7hac  vestra  humanitate,  hoc  deni- 
que  praetore  exercente  judicium,  patiamini  8de  studiis 
humanitatis  ac  literarum  paullo  loqui  liberius,  et  9in  ejus- 
modi  persona,  quae,  propter  otium  ac  studium,  minime 
in  judiciis  periculisque  tractata  est,  uti  prope  10novo 
quodam  et  inusitato  genere  dicendi.  4.  Quod  si  mihi  a 
vobis  tribui  concedique  sentiatn,  uperficiam  profecto,  ut 
hunc  A.  Licinium  non  modo  non  segregandum,  cum  sit 
civis,  a  numero  civium,  verum  etiam,  si  non  esset,  pute- 
tis  adsciscendum  fuisse. 

III.  12NAM  ut  primum  ex  pueris  excessit  Archias, 
atque  ab  iis  artibus,  quibus  aetas  puerilis  13ad  humanita- 
tem  informari  solet,  se  uad  scribendi  studium  contulit : 
primum  Antiochiae,  (nam  ibi  natus  est  15loco  nobili ;) 
celebri  quondam  urbe  et  copiosa,  atque  16eruditissimis 
hominibus  liberalissimisque  studiis  affluenti,  celenter  nei 
autecellere  omnibus  ingenii  gloria  contigit.  Post  in  cete 
ris  Asiae  partibus  cunctaeque  Graeciae  18sic  ejus  ad- 
ventus  celebrabantur,  ut  famam  ingenii  exspectatio  homi- 
nis,  exspectationem  ipsius  adventus  admiratioque  superaret. 
5.  Erat  Italia  tune  plena  19Graecarum  artium  ac  dis- 
ciplinarum,  studiaque  haec  et  in  Latio  vehementius  turn 
colebantur,  quam  nunc  20iisdem  in  oppidis,  et  hie  Romae, 
propter  tranquillitatem  reipublicae,  21non  negligebantur. 
Itaque  hunc  et  Tarentini,  et  Rhegini,  et  Neapolitan!, 
civitate  ceterisque  praemiis  donarunt :  et  omnes,  22qui 
aliquid  de  ingeniis  poterant  judicare,  cognidone  atque 
hospitio  dignum  existimarunt.  23Hac  tanta  celebritate 

5 


50  0RATIO     PRO    AKCHIA    POETA. 

famae  cum  esset  jam  absentibus  notus,  Romam  verut, 
'Mario  consule  et  Catulo.  2Nactus  est  primum  consulea 
cos,  quorum  alter  res  ad  scribendum  maximas,  alter  cum 
res  gestas,  turn  etiam  studium  atque  3aures  4adhibere 
posset.  Statim  5Luculli,  cum  6praetextatus  etiam  turn 
Archias  esset,  eum  domum  suam  receperunt.  Sed  hoc 
7non  solum  ingenii  ac  literarum,  verum  etiam  naturae 
atque  virtutis,  ut  domus,  quae  hujus  adolescentiae  prima 
fuerit,  eadem  esset  familiarissima  senectuti.  6.  Erat 
temporibus  illis  jucundus  Q.  Metello,  8illi  Numidico,  9et 
ejus  filio  Pio.  10Audiebatuf  a  M.  Aemilio:  uvivebat  cum 
Q.  Catulo,  et  patre,  et  filio:  a  L.  Crasso  12colebatur : 
13Lucullos  vero,  et  14Drusum,  et  13Octavios,  et  Catonem, 
et  totam  Hortensiorum  domum,  devinctam  consuetudine 
cum  teneret,  afKciebalur  summo  honore  ;  quod  eum  non 
solum  16colebant,  qui  aliquid  percipere  atque  audire  stude- 
bant,  verum  etiam,  si  qui  forte  simulabant. 

IV.  nlNTERiM  satis  longo  intervallo,  cum  esset  cum 
L.  Lucullo  18in  Siciliam  profectus,  et  cum  ex  ea  provincia 
cum  eodem  Lucullo  decederet,  venit  19Heracleam.  20Quae 
cum  esset  civitas  aequissimo  jure  ac  foedere,  adscribi 
se  in  earn  civitatem  voluit :  idque  cum  ipse  per  se  dignus 
putaretur,  turn  auctoritate  et  gratia  Luculli,  ab  Heracle- 
ensibus  impetravit.  7.  21Data  est  civitas  22Silvani  lege 
et  Carbonis,  "  Si  qui  foederatis  civitatibus  adscript!  fuis- 
sent :  si  turn,  cum  lex  ferebatur,  in  Italia  domicilium 
habuissent :"  et,  "  si  sexaginta  diebus  apud  praetorem 
essent  professi."  Cum  hie  domicilium  Romae  23multos 
jam  arinos  haberet,  professus  est  apud  praetorem,  Q.  Me- 
tellum,  familiarissimum  suum.  8.  24Si  nihil  aliud  nisi  de 
civitate  ac  lege  dicimus,  nihil  dico  amplius :  causa  dicta 
est.  Quid  enim  horum  infirmari,  25Grati,  potest  ?  He- 
racleaene  esse  26tum  adscriptum  negabis  ?  Adest  vir 
27summa  auctoritate,  et  religione,  et  fide,  L.  Lucullus, 
28qui  se  non  opinari,  sed  scire,  non  audivisse,  sed  vidisse, 
non  interfuisse,  sed  egisse  dicit.  Adsunt  Heracleenses 
legati,  nobilissimi  homines ;  (hujus  judicii  causa  29cum 


ORATIO  PRO  ARCHIA  POETA.  51 

mandatis  et  cum  publico  testimonio  venerunt ;)  qui  hunc 
idscriptum  ^eracleensem  dicunt.  Hie  tu  2tabulas  de- 
sideras  Heracleerisium  publicas,  quas  3Italico  bello,  in- 
censo  4tabulario,  interisse  scimus  omnes.  Est  ridiculum, 
5ad  ea,  quae  habemus,  nib.il  dicere  ;  quaerere,  quae  habere 
non  possumus :  et  6de  horninum  memoria  tacere,  7litera- 
rum  memoriam  flagitare :  et,  8cum  habeas  amplissimi 
viri  religionem,  integerrimi  municipii  jusjurandum  fidem- 
que,  ea,  quae  depravari  nullo  modo  possunt,  repudiate, 
tabulas,  9quas  idem  dicis  solere  corrumpi,  desiderare. 
9.  10At  domicilium  in  Italia  non  habuit.  Is  qui, tot  annis 
uante  civitatem  datam,  sedem  omnium  rerum  ac  fortuna- 
rum  suarum  Romae  collocavit?  12At  non  est  professus. 
13Immo  vero  iis  tabulis  professus,  quae  solae  ex  ilia 
professione  collegioque  praetorum  obtinent  publicarum 
tabularum  auctoritatem. 

V.  UNAM  cum  15Appii  tabulae  negligentius  asservatae 
dicerentur ;  Gab'nii,  quamdiu  incolumis  fuit,  levitas,  post 
damnationem  salamitas,  omnem  tabularum  fidem  resignas- 
set :  Metellus,  homo  sanctissimus  16modestissimusque 
omnium,  tanta  diligentia  fuit,  ut  ad  L.  Lentulum  prae- 
torem  et  ad  17judices  venerit,  et  unius  nominis  litura  se 
commotum  esse  dixerit.  18His  igitur  tabulis  19nullam 
lituram  in  nomen  A.  Licinii  videtis.  10.  Quae  cum  ita 
sint,  quid  est,  quod  de  ejus  civitate  dubitetis,  praesertim 
cum  aliis  quoque  in  civitatibus  fuerit  adscriptus  1  Etenim 
cum  20mediocribus  multis,  et  aut  nulla,  aut  humili  aliqua 
arte  praeditis,  gratuito  civitatem  21in  Graecia  homines 
impertiebantur,  22Rheginos  credo,  aut  Locrenses,  aut  Nea- 
politanos,  aut  Tarentinos,  quod  23scenicis  artificibus  largiri 
solebant,  id  huic,  summa  ingenii  praedito  gloria,  noluisse. 
24Quid  ?  cum  ceteri,  non  modo  post  civitatem  datam,  sed 
etiam  post  25legem  Papiam,  aliquo  modo  26in  eorum  mu- 
nicipiorum  tabulas  27irrepserint :  hie,  qui  ne  utitur  quidem 
illis,  in  quibus  est  scriptus,  quod  semper  se  Heracleen- 
sem  esse  voluit,  rejicietur  ?  11.  28Census  nostros  requiris 
scilicet.  —  29Est  enim  obscurum,  proximis  censoribus, 


52  ORATIO    PRO    ARCHIA    POETA. 

Jhunc  cum  clarissimo  imperatore,  L.  Lucullo,  apud  ex 
ercitum  fuisse  ;  2superioribus,  3cum  eodem  quaestore  fuisse 
in  Asia:  4primis,  Julio  et  Crasso,  5nullam  populi  partern 
esse  censam.  6Sed,  quoniam  census  non  jus  civitatis 
confirmat,  ac  tantummodo  indicat,  eum,  qui  sit  census, 
7ita  se  jam  turn  gessisse  pro  cive ;  8iis  temporibus,  quae 
tu  criminaris  ne  ipsius  quidem  judicio  eum  in  civium 
Romanorum  jure  esse  versatum,  et  9testamemum  saepe 
fecit  nostris  legibus',  et  adiit  hereditates  civium  Romano- 
rum,  10et  in  beneficiis  ad  aerariurn  delatus  est  a  L.  Lu- 
cullo nproconsule. 

VI.  12QuAERE  argumenta,  si  qua  potes.     Nunquam  enim 
hie  neque  suo,  neque  amicorum  indicio  revincetur. 

12.  Quaeres  a  nobis,  Grati,  cur  tanto  opere  hoc  horn 
ine  delectemur.  13Quia  suppeditat  nobis,  ubi  et  animus 
ex  hoc  forensi  strepitu  reficiatur,  et  aures  convicio  de- 
fessae  conquiescant.  An  tu  existimas  aut  14suppetere 
nobis  posse,  quod  quotidie  dicamus,  in  tanta  varietate 
rerum,  15nisi  animos  nostros  doctrina  excolamus  ;  aut  ferre 
animos  tantam  posse  contentionem,  16nisi  eos  doctrina 
eadem  relaxemus  ?  Ego  vero  fateor,  me  17his  studiis  esse 
dediium  :  ceteros  pudeat,  si  qui  ita  se  literis  abdiderunt, 
18ut  nihil  possint  ex  his  neque  ad  communem  afferre 
fructurn,  neque  in  adspectum  lucemque  proferre.  Me 
autem  quid  pudeat,  qui  tot  annos  ita  vivo,  judices,  ut  19ab 
nullius  umquam  me  tempore  aut  commodo  aut  20otium 
meum  abstraxerit,  aut  voluptas  avocarit,  aut  denique 
somnus  retardarit?  13.  Quare  quis  tandem  me  repre- 
hendat,  aut  quis  mini  jure  succenseat,  si  quantum  ceteris 
2lad  suas  res  obeundas,  quantum  ad  festos  dies  ludorum 
celebrandos,  quantum  ad  alias  voluptates,  et  ad  ipsam 
requiem  animi  et  corporis  conceditur  temporum ;  quantum 
alii  tribuunt  22tempestivis  conviviis,  quantum  denique 
23aleae,  quantum  24pilae  ;  tantum  mihi  egomet  25ad  haec 
studia  recolenda  sumpsero  1  Atque  hoc  adeo  mihi  con- 
cedendum  est  magis,  26quod  ex  his  studiis  haec  quoque 
censetur  oratio  et  facultas.  quae,  27quantacunque  est  IP 


ORATIO  PRO  ARCHIA  POETA.  53 

me,  nunquam  amicorum  periculis  •  defuit.  TQuae  si  cui 
levior  videtur,  ilia  quidem  certe,  quae  summa  sunt,  ex 
quo  fonte  hauriam,  sentio.  14.  2Nam,  nisi  3multorum 
praeceptis  multisque  literis  mihi  ab  adolescentia  sua- 
sissem,  nihil  esse  in  vita  4magno  opere  expetendum,  nisi 
laudem  atque  honestatem,  sin  ea  autem  persequenda 
omnes  cruciatus  corporis,  omnia  pericula  mortis  atque 
exsilii,  parvi  esse  ducenda ;  nunquam  me  pro  salute 
/estra  in  tot  ac  tantas  ^imicationes,  atque  in  hos  profli- 
gatorum  hominum  quotidianos  impetus  objecissem.  7Sed 
pleni  omnes  sunt  libri,  plenae  8sapientium  voces,  plena 
exemplorum  vetustas ;  quae  jacerent  in  tenebris  omnia, 
9nisi  literarum  lumen  accederet.  l°Quam  multas  nobis 
imagines,  non  solum  ad  intuendum,  verum  etiam  ad 
imitandum,  fortissimorum  virorum  expressas  scriptores 
et  Graeci  et  Latini  reliquerunt !  quas  ego  umihi  semper 
in  admiuistranda  republica  proponens,  animum  et  men- 
tern  meam  ipsa  cogitatione  hominum  excellentium  con- 
formabam. 

VII.  15.  QUAERET  quispiarn:  "Quid?  12illi  ipsi  summi 
viri,  quorum  virtutes  literis  proditae  sunt,  istane  doctrina, 
quam  tu  laudibus  effers,  eruditi  fuerunt  ?"  13Difficile  esl 
hoc  de  omnibus  confirmare ;  used  tamen  est  cerium, 
quid  respondeam.  Ego  multos  homines  15exceilenti  ani- 
mo  ac  virtute  fuisse,  et  sine  doctrina,  16naturae  ipsius 
habitu  prope  divino,  per  se  ipsos  et  moderates  et  graves 
exstitisse  fateor.  Etiam  illud  adjungo,  saepius  17ad  laudem 
atque  virtutem  naturam  sine  doctrina,  quam  sine  natura 
valuisse  doctrinam.  18 Atque  idem  ego  contendo,  cum  ad 
naturam  eximiam  atque  illustrem  accesserit  ratio  quaedam 
oonformatioque  doctrinae,  turn  illud  nescio  quid  praecla- 
rum  ac  singulare  solere  exsistere:  16.  19ex  hoc  esse  hunc 
nume.ro,  quern  patres  nostri  viderunt,  divinum  hominem, 
20Africanum  :  ex  hoc  21C.  Laelium,  L.  Furium,  22modera- 
tissimos  homines  et  continentissimos  :  ex  hoc  fortissimum 
virum,  23et  illis  temporibus  doctissimum,  ^M.  Catonem 
ilium  senem  •  qui  profecto,  si  nihil  25ad  jiercipiendam 

5* 


54  ORAT1O  PRO  ARCHIA  POETA. 

colendamque  virtutem  literis  adjuvarentur,  nunquam  se  ad 
earum  studium  contulissent.  JQuod  si  non  hie  tantus 
fructus  ostenderetur,  et  si  ex  his  studiis  delectatio  sola 
peteretur,  tamen,  ut  opinor,  hanc  animi  adversionem  hu- 
manissimam  ac  liberalissimam  judicaretis.  2Nam  ceterae 
neque  temponim  swat,  neque  aetatum  omnium,  neque  lo- 
corum ;  haec  studia  adolescentiam  alunt,  senectutem  ob- 
lectant,  secundas  res  ornant,  adversis  perfugium  ac  so- 
latium praebent,  3delectant  domi,  non  impediunt  foris, 
j)ernoctant  nobiscum,  peregrinantur,  rusticantur. 

VIII.  17.  4Quoo  si  ipsi  haec  neque  attingere,  neque 
sensu  nostro  gustare  possemus,  tamen  ea  mirari  debere- 
mus,  etiani  cum  in  aliis  videremus.  Quis  nostrum  5tam 
animo  agresti  ac  duro  fuit,  ut  6Roscii  morte  nuper  non 
commoveretur  ?  7qui  cum  esset  senex  mortuus,  tamen, 
propter  excellentem  artem  ac  venustatem,  videbatur  omni- 
no  mori  non  debuisse.  Ergo  ille  8corporis  motu  tantum 
amorem  sibi  conciliarat  a  nobis  omnibus;  nos  animorum 
incredibiles  motus  celeritatemque  ingeniorum  negligemus  ? 
18.  Quoties  ego  hunc  Archiam  vidi,  judices,  (9utar  enim 
vestra  benignitate,  quoniam  me  in  hoc  novo  genere  dicendi 
tarn  diligenter  attenditis,)  quoties  ego  hunc  vidi,  10cum 
literam  scripsisset  nullam,  magnum  numerum  optimorum 
versuum  de  iis  ipsis  rebus,  quae  turn  agerentur,  ndicere 
ex  tempore  !  quoties  revocatum  eandem  rem  dicere,  ^corn- 
mutatis  verbis  atque  sententiis !  Quae  vero  "accurate 
cogitateque  scripsisset,  ea  sic  vidi  probari,  ut  ad  veterum 
scriptorum  laudem  pervenirent.  Hunc  ego  non  diligam? 
non  admirer  ?  non  omni  ratione  defendendum  putem ? 
14Atqui  sic  a  summis  hominibus  eruditissimisque  accepi- 
mus,  15ceterarum  rerum  studia  et  doctrina,  et  praeceptis, 
et  arte  constare ;  poetam  natura  ipsa  valere,  et  mentis 
viribus  excitari,  et  quasi  divino  quodam  spiritu  16inflari. 
Quare  17suo  jure  noster  ille  Ennius  18sanctos  appellat 
poetas,  19quod  quasi  deorum  aliquo  dono  atque  munere 
commendati  nobis  esse  lideantur.  19.  Sit  igitur,  judi- 
ces, sanctum  apud  vos,  20humanissimos  homines,  hoc 


ORATIO    PRO    ARCHIA    POETA.  55 

poe'tae  noinen,  quod  nulla  unquam  barbaria  violavit.  'Saxa 
et  solitudines  voci  respondent ;  bestiae  saepe  immanes 
cantu  flectumur  atque  consistunt :  nos  2instituti  reous 
optimis  non  poetarum  voce  moveamur  ?  Homerum  3Colo- 
phonii  civem  esse  dicunt  suum,  4Chii  suum  vdndicant. 
6Salaminii  repetunt,  Smyrnaei  vero  suum  esse  confirmant, 
itaque  etiam  6delubrum  ejus  in  oppido  dedicaverunt :  per- 
multi  alii  praeterea  pugnant  inter  se  atque  7contendunt. 

IX.  ERGO  illi  8alienum,  quia  poeta  fuit,  post  mortem 
etiam  expetunt ;  nos  hunc  vivum,  qui  9et  voluntate  et 
legibus  noster  est,  repudiamus  ?  praesertim  cum  10omne 
olim  studium  atque  omne  ingenium  contulerit  Archias 
ad  populi  Romani  gloriam  laudemque  celebrandam  ?  Nam 
11  et  Cimbricas  res  adolescens  attigit,  et  12ipsi  illi  C. 
Mario,  13qui  durior  ad  haec  studia  videbatur,  jucundus 
fuit.  20.  Neque  enim  quisquam  est  aHam  aversus  a 
Musis,  15qui  non  mandari  versibus  aeternum  suorum  labo- 
rum  facile  praeconium  patiatur.  16Themistoclem  ilium, 
summum  Athenis  virum,  dixisse  aiunt,  cum  ex  eo  quae- 
reretur,  17quod  acroama,  aut  cujus  vocem  libentissime 
audiret :  "  ejus,  18a  quo  sua  virtus  optime  praedicaretur." 
Itaque  ille  Marius  19item  eximie  L.  Plotium  dilexit,  cu- 
ius  ingenio  putabat  ea,  quae  gesserat,  posse  celebrari. 
21.  20Mithridaticum  vero  bellum,  magnum  atque  difficile, 
et  in  multa  varietate  terra  ^marique  versatum,  totum  ab 
hoc  expressum  est :  21qui  libri  non  modo  L.  Lucullum. 
fortissimum  et  clarissimum  virum,  verum  etiam  populi 
Romani  nomen  illustrant.  22Populus  enim  Romanus 
aperuit,  Lucullo  imperante,  Pontum,  et  regiis  quondam 
opibus,  et  ipsa  natura  regionis  vallatum :  populi  Romani 
exercitus,  eodem  duce,  23non  maxima  manu  innumerabi- 
les  ^Armeniorum  copias  fudit :  25populi  Romani  laus 
est,  urbem  amicissimam  Cyzicenorum,  ejusdem  consilio, 
^ex  omni  impetu  regio,  ac  totius  belli  ore  ac  faucibus 
ereptam  esse  atque  servatam :  ^nostra  semper  feretur  et 
praedicabitur,  L.  Lucullo  dimicante,  cum  interfectis  duci- 
bus  depressa  hostium  classis,  et  incredibilis  apud  Tenedum 


56  ORATIO    PRO    ARCHIA    POETA. 

pugna  ilia  navalis :  ]nostra  sunt  tropaea,  nostra  monu- 
menta,  nostri  triumph!.  Quare,  quorum  ingeniis  haec 
2feruntur,  ab  iis  populi  Romani  fama  celebratur.  22.  Ca- 
rus  fuit  3Africano  superiori  noster  Ennius ;  4itaque  etiam 
°in  sepulch.ro  Scipionum  putatur  is  esse  constitutus  e 
marmore.  At  6ejus  laudibus  certe  non  solum  7ipsi,  qui 
laudantur,  sed  etiam  populi  Romani  nomen  ornatur.  In 
coelum  8hujus  proavus  Cato  tollitur ;  magnus  honos  pop- 
uli Romani  rebus  9adjungitur.  Omnes  denique  illi  Maxi- 
mi,  Marcelli,  Fulvii,  non  sine  communi  omnium  nostrum 
laude  decorantur. 

X.  ERGO  10illum,  qui  haec  fecerat,  Rudinum  hominem, 
majores  nostri  in  civitatem  receperunt ;  nos  nhunc  He- 
racleensem,  12mulds  civitatibus  expetitum,  13in  hac  autem 
legibus  constitutum,  de  nostra  civitate  ejiciemus  ? 

23.  14Nam  si  quis  15minorem  gloriae  fructum  putat  ex 
Graecis  versibus  percipi,  quam  ex  Latinis,  vehementer 
errat :  propterea,  quod  Graeca  leguntur  in  omnibus  fere 
gentibus,  16Latina  suis  finibus,  exiguis  sane,  continentur. 
Quare  si  res  eae,  quas  gessimus,  17orbis  terrae  regioni- 
bus  definiuntur,  cupere  debemus,  18quo  manuum  nostra- 
rum  tela  pervenerint,  eodem  gloriam  famamque  penetrare  : 
19quod  cum  ipsis  populis,  de  quorum  rebus  scribitur, 
haec  ampla  sunt,  turn  iis  certe,  qui  de  vita,  gloriae 
causa,  dimicant,  hoc  maximum  et  periculorum  incitamen- 
tum  est,  et  laborum.  24.  20Quam  multos  scriptores 
rerum  suarum  magnus  ille  Alexander  secum  habuisse 
dicitur !  Atque  is  tamen,  cum  21in  Sigeo  22ad  Achillia 
tumulum  adstitisset,  23"  O  fortunate,"  inquit,  "  adolescens, 
qui  tuae  virtutis  Homerum  praeconem  inveneris !"  El 
vere.  Nam,  nisi  24Ilias  ilia  exstitisset,  idem  tumulus,  quj 
corpus  ejus  contexerat,  nomen  etiam  obruisset.  Quid ! 
25noster  hie  Magnus,  qui  cum  virtute  fortunam  adaequavit, 
nonne  26Theophanem,  Mitylenaeum,  scriptorem  rerum 
suarum,  in  concione  militum  civitate  donavit  ?  27et  nostri 
illi  fortes  viri,  sed  rustici  ac  milites,  dulcedine  quadam 
gloriae  commoti,  quasi  participes  ejusdem  laudis,  magno 


ORATIO    FRO    ARCHIA    POETA.  57 

Ulud  clamore  approbaverunt  ?  25.  ^taque,  credo,  si  civis 
Romanus  Archias  legibus  non  esset,  ut  ab  aliquo  inipe- 
ratore  civitate  donaretur,  perficerenonpotuisset!  2Sulla, 
cum  Hispanos  et  Gallos  donaret,  credo  hunc  petentem 
repudiasset !  3quem  nos  in  concione  vidimus,  cum  ei 
4libellum  malus  poeta  de  populo  subjecisset,  quod  epi- 
gramma  in  eum  fecisset,  tantummodo  alternis  versibus 
longiusculis,  statim  5ex  iis  rebus,  quas  tune  vendebat. 
jubcre  ei  praemium  tribui  sub  ea  conditione,  ne  quid 
postea  scriberet.  6Qui  sedulitatem  mali  poetae  duxerit 
aliquo  tamen  praemio  dignam,  hujus  ingenium  et  virtutem 
in  scribendo  et  copiam  non  expetisset?  26.  Quid?  a 
Q.  Metello  Pio,  familiarissimo  suo,  qui  civitate  multos 
donavit,  neque  per  se,  7neque  per  Lucullos  impetravisset  ? 
qui  praesertim  usque  eo  8de  suis  rebus  scribi  cuperet, 
ut  etiam  9Cordubae  natis  poe'tis,  10pingue  quiddam  so- 
nantibus  atque  peregrinum,  tamen  aures  suas  dederet. 

XL  NEQUE  enim  est  hoc  dissimulandum,  quod  obscu- 
rari  non  potest ;  nsed  prae  nobis  ferendum :  12trahimur 
omnes  laudis  studio,  et  optimus  quisque  maxime  gloria 
ducitur.  13Ipsi  phiiosophi,  uetiam  illis  libellis,  quos  de 
contemnenda  gloria  scribunt,  nomen  suum  inscribunt : 
/5in  eo  ipso,  in  quo  praedicationem  nobilitatemque  de- 
spiciunt,  praedicari  de  se,  ac  se  nominari  volunt.  27. 
16Decimus  quidem  Brutus,  summus  ille  vir  et  imperator, 
17Attii,  amicissimi  sui,  carminibus  templorum  ac  monu- 
mentorum  aditus  exornavit  suorum.  Jam  vero  ille,  qui  cum 
Aetolis,  Ennio  comite,  bellavit,  18Fulvius,  19non  dubitavil 
Martis  manubias  Musis  consecrare.  Quare,  in  qua  urb< 
imperatores,  20prope  armati,  poetarum  nomen  et  Musarunj 
delubra  coluerunt,  in  ea  non  debent  togati  judices  21a 
Musarum  honore  et  a  poetarum  salute  abhorrere. 

28.  Atque,  ut  id  libentius  faciatis,  22jam  me  vobis, 
judices,  indicabo,  et  de  meo  quodam  amore  glonae,  nimis 
acri  fortasse,  verumtamen  honesto,  vobis  confitebor.  Nam, 
ssquas  res  nos  in  consulatu  nostro  vobiscum  simul  pro 
salute  hujus  urbis  atque  imperii,  et  pro  vita  civium,  proque 


58  ORATIO  PRO  AKCHIA  POETA. 

universa  republica  gessimus,  ^ttigit  hie  versibus  atquo 
mchoavit :  quibus  auditis,  quod  mihi  magna  res  et  jucunda 
visa  est,  2hunc  ad  perficiendum  hortatus  sura.  Nullam 
enim  virtus  aliam  mercedem  laborum  periculorumque  de- 
siderat,  praeter  hanc  laudis  et  gloriae ;  qua  quidem  de- 
tracta,  judices,  3quid  est,  quod  in  hoc  tarn  exiguo  vitae 
curriculo,  et  tarn  brevi,  tantis  nos  in  laboribus  exercea- 
mus  ?  29.  Certe,  4si  nihil  animus  praesentiret  in  pos- 
terum,  et  si,  quibus  regionibus  vitae  spatium  circum- 
scriptum  est,  eisdem  omnes  cogitationes  terrainaret  suas, 
6nec  tantis  se  laboribus  frangeret,  neque  tot  curis  vigi- 
liisque  angeretur,  neque  toties  de  vita  ipsa  dimicaret. 
6Nunc  insidet  quaedam  in  optimo  quoque  virtus,  quae 
noctes  et  dies  animum  gloriae  stimulis  concitat,  atque 
admonet  7non  cum  vitae  tempore  esse  dimittendam  com- 
memorationem  nominis  nostri,  sed  cum  omni  posteritate 
adaoquandam. 

XII.  30.  8AN  vero  tarn  parvi  animi  videamur  esso 
omnes,  qui  in  republica,  atque  in  his  vitae  periculis 
laboribusque  versamur,  ut,  cum  usque  ad  extremum 
spatium,  nullum  traiiquillum  atque  otiosum  spiritum  duxe- 
rimus,  nobiscum  simul  moritura  omnia  arbitremur  ?  9An, 
cum  statuas  et  imagines,  non  animorum  simulacra,  sed 
corporum,  studiose  multi  summi  homines  reliquerint, 
10consiliorum  relinquere  ac  virtutum  nostrarum  effigiem 
non  multo  malle  debemus,  summis  ingeniis  expressam  et 
politam  ?  Ego  vero  omnia,  quae  gerebam,  njam  turn  in 
gerendo  spargere  me  ac  disseminare  arbitrabar  in  orbis 
terrae  memoriam  sempiternam.  12Haec  vero  sive  a  meo 
sensu  post  mortem  abfutura  est,  sive,  ut  sapientissi- 
mi  homines  putaverunt,  13ad  aliquam  mei  partem  per- 
tinebit ;  nunc  quidem  certe  cogitatione  quadam  speque 
delector. 

31.  Quare  conservate,  judices,  hominem  upudore  eo, 
quern  amicorum  videtis  comprobari  turn  dignitate,  turn 
etiam  15vetustate :  ingenio  autem  tanto,  quantum  16id  con- 
venit  existimari,  quod  summorum  hominum  ingeniis  ex- 


ORATIO    PRO    ARCHIA    POETA.  59 

petitum  esse  videatis :  causa  vero  ejusmodi,  Jquae  bene- 
ficio  legis,  2auctoritate  municipii,  testimonio  Luculli, 
tabulis  Metelli  comprobetur.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  peti- 
mus  a  vobis,  judices,  si  qua  non  modo  3humana,  verum 
etiam  divina  in  tantis  negotiis  commendatio  debet  esse, 
ut  eum,  qui  vos,  qui  vestros  imperatores,  qui  populi  Ro- 
mani  res  gestas  semper  ornavit,  qui  etiam  his  recentibus 
nostris,  vestrisque  4domesticis  periculis  aeternum  se  testi- 
monium  laudum  daturum  esse  profitetur,  quique  8est  eo 
numero,  qui  semper  apud  omnes  sancti  sunt  habiti  atque 
died,  sic  in  vestram  accipiatis  fidem,  ut  6humanitate 
vestra  levatus  potius,  quam  acerbitate  violatus  esse  videa- 
tur.  32.  Quae  7de  causa  pro  mea  consuetudine  breviter 
simpliciterque  dixi,  judices,  ea  confido  probata  esse  omni- 
bus :  quae  8non  fori,  neque  judiciali  consuetudine,  et  de 
hominis  ingenio,  9et  communiter  de  ipsius  studio  locutus 
sum,  ea,  judices,  a  vobis  spero  esse  in  bonam  partem 
iccepta;  10ab  eo,  qui  judicium  exercet,  certe  scio. 


1M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 
ORATIO 

PRO 
M.  MARCELLO. 


I.  2DiuxujiNi  silentii,  patres  conscript!,  3quo  eram  his 
t-emporibus  usus,  4non  timore  aliquo,  sed  5partim  dolore, 
spartim  verecundia,  finem  hodiernus  dies  attulit ;  idemque 
mitiuna,  7quae  vellem,  quaeque  sentirem,  meo  pristine 
more  dicendi.  Tantam  enim  8mansuetudinem,  tarn  inusi- 
tatam,  inauditamque  clementiam,  9tantum,  in  summa  po- 
testate,  rerum  omnium  modum,  tam  denique  incredibilem 
10sapientiam  ac  paene  divinam,  tacitus  nullo  modo  prae- 
terire  possum.  M.  enim  Marcello  vobis,  patres  conscripti, 
reique  publicae  reddito,  non  solum  illius,  sed  meam  etiam 
vocem  et  llauctoritatem,  et  vobis  et  reipublicae  conserva- 
tam  ac  restitutam  puto. 

12Dolebam  enim,  patres  conscripti,  et  vehementer  ange- 
bar,  cum  viderem,  virum  talem,  13in  eadem  causa  in  qua 
ego  fuissem,  non  in  eadem  esse  fortuna :  unec  mihi  per- 
suadere  poteram,  nee  fas  esse  ducebam,  versari  me  in 
i5nostro  veteri  curriculo,  illo  aemulo  atque  imitatore 
studiorum  ac  laborum  meorum,  quasi  quodam  socio  a  me 
et  comite.  distracto  Ergo  et  mihi  16meae  pristinae  vitae 
consuetudinem,  C.  Caesar,  interclusam  aperuisti ;  17et  his 
omnibus,  ad  bene  de  omni  republica  sperandum,  quasi 
signum  aliquod  sustulisti.  18Intellectum  est  enim,  mihi 
quidem  in  multis,  et  maxime  in  me  ipso,  sed  paulo  ante 
omnibus,  cum  M.  Marcellum  senatui  populoque  Romano 


ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCELLO.  61 

toncessisti,  commemoratis  praesertim  ^ffensionibus,  te 
auctoritatem  hujus  ordinis,  dignitatemque  reipublicae,  2tuis 
vel  doloribus  vel  suspicionibus  anteferre. 

3Ille  quidem  fructum  omnis  vitae  anteactae  hodicrno 
die  maximum  cepit,  cum  summo  consensu  senatus,  turn 
praeterea  judicio  tuo  gravissimo  et  inaximo.  Ex  quo 
profecto  intelligis,  quanta  in  dato  beneficio  sit  4laus,  cum 
in  accepto  tanta  sit  gloria.  5Est  vero  fortunatus  ilie, 
cujus  ex  salute  non  minor  paene  ad  omnes,  quam  ad 
ipsum  6ventura  sit,  laetitia  pervenerit.  Quod  ei  quidem 
merito,  atque  optimo  jure,  contigit,  Quis  enim  est  illo 
aut  7nobilitate,  aut  probitate,  aut  optimarum  artium  studio, 
aut  innocentia,  aut  ullo  genere  laudis,  praestantior  ? 

II.  8NuLLius  tantum  est  flumen  ingenii,  nullius  dicendi 
aut  scribendi  tanta  vis,  tanta  copia,  quae,  non  dicam 
exornare,  sed  enarrare,  C.  Caesar,  res  tuas  gestas  possit 
Tamen  affirmo  (et  hoc  9pace  dicam  tua,)  nullam  in  his 
esse  laudem  ampliorem,  quam  earn,  quam  hodierno  die 
consecutus  es.  Soleo  saepe  ante  oculos  ponere,  10idque 
libenter  crebris  usurpare  sermonibus,  omnes  nostrorum 
imperatorum,  omnes  exterarum  gentium,  potentissimorum- 
que  populorum,  omnes  clarissimorum  regum  res  gestas, 
cum  tuis  nee  contentionum  magnitudine,  nee  "numero 
proeliorum,  12nec  varietate  regionum,  nee  13celeritate  con- 
ficiendi,  unec  dissimilitudine  bellorum,  posse  conferri : 
15nec  vero  disjunctissimas  terras  citius  cujusquam  passi- 
bus  potuisse  peragrari,  quam  tuis,  non  dicarn  cursibus, 
sed  victoriis,  16lustratae  sint. 

l7Quae  quidem  ego  nisi  ita  magna  esse  fatear,  ut  ea 
vix  cujusquam  mens  aut  cogitatio  capere  possit,  amens 
sim :  sed  tamen  sunt  18alia  majora.  Nam  bellicas  laudes 
solcnt  quidam  19extenuare  verbis,  easque  detrahere  duci- 
bus,  communicare  cum  multis,  ne  propriae  sint  imperatorum 
Et  certe,  20in  armis,  militum  virtus,  locorum  opportunitas, 
auxilia  sociorum,  classes,  21commeatus,  multum  juvant:  max- 
imam  vero  partem,  22quasi  suo  jure,  Fortuna  sibi  vindicat ; 
et,  quidquid  est  prospere  gestum,  id  paene  omne  ducit  suum, 

6 


62  ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCELLO. 

At  vero  Jhujus  gloriae,  C.  Caesar,  quam  es  paulo  ante 
adeptus,  socium  habes  neminem.  Totura  hoc,  2quantum- 
cunque  est,  (quod  certe  maximum,)  totum  est,  inquam, 
tuum.  3JNihil  sibi  ex  ista  laudc  centurio,  nibil  praefec- 
tus,  nihil  cohors,  nihil  turma  4decerpit.  5Quin  etiani 
ilia  ipsa  rerum  humanarum  domina,  Fortuna,  in  istius  se 
societatem  gloriae  non  offert :  tibi  cedit :  6tuam  esse  totam 
et  propriam  fatetur.  Nunquam  enim  temeritas  cum  sap- 
ientia  commiscetur,  7nec  ad  consilium  casus  admittitur. 

III.  DOMUISTI  gentes  8immanitate  barbaras,  multitudine 
innumerabiles,  9locis  infinitas,  omni  copiarum  genere 
abundantes  :  sed  tamen  ea  vicisti,  10quae  naturam  et  con- 
ditionem,  ut  vinci  possent,  habebant :  nulla  est  enim 
tanta  vis,  quae  non  ferro  ac  viribus  debilitari  frangique 
possit.  11Animum  vincere,  iracundiam  cohibere,  victoriam 
temperare,  12adversarium,  nobilitate,  ingenio,  virtute  prae- 
stantem,  non  modo  extollere  jacentem,  sed  etiam  ampli- 
ficare  ejus  pristinam  dignitatem ;  haec  qui  facial,  non 
ego  eum  cum  summis  viris  compare,  sed  13simillimum 
Deo  judico. 

Itaque,  C.  Caesar,  ubellicae  tuae  laudes  celebrabuntur 
illae  quidem  non  solum  nostris,  sed  paene  omnium  gen- 
tium literis  atque  linguis ;  neque  ulla  umquam  aetas  de 
tuis  laudibus  conticescet.  Sed  tamen  I5ejusmodi  res, 
nescio  quomodo,  etiam  cum  leguntur,  obstrepi  clamore 
militum  videntur,  et  tubarum  sono.  At  vero,  cum  aliquid 
clementer,  mansuete,  juste,  moderate,  sapienter  factum, 
(in  16iracundia  praesertim,  quae  est  inimica  consilio,  et 
in  victoria,  quae  natura  insolens  et  superba  est,)  aut 
audimus,  aut  legimus ;  quo  studio  incendimur,  17non  modo 
in  gestis  rebus,  sed  etiam  in  fictis,  ut  eos  saepe,  quos 
nunquam  vidimus,  diligamus !  Te  vero,  quern  praesen- 
tern  intuemur,  18cujus  mentem  sensusque  eos  cernimus, 
ut,  quidquid  belli  fortuna  reliquum  reipublicae  fecerit,  id 
esse  19salvum  velis,  quibus  laudibus  eflferemus  1  20quibus 
studiis  prosequemur  1  qua  benevolentia  complectemur  ? 
Parietes,  21me  dius  fidius,  (ut  mihi  videntur,)  hujus  curia y 


ORATIO     PRO    M.     MARCEI.1.0.  63 

tibi  gratias  agere  gestiunt,  quod  brevi  tempore  futura  sit 
ilia  auctoritas  in  his  majorum  suorum  et  suis  sedibus. 

IV.  EQUIDEM,  cum  1C.  Marcelli,  viri  optimi  2et   com- 
memorabili  pietate  praediti,  lacryraas  modo  vobiscumvid- 
erem,     omnium  Marcellorum  meum  3pectus  memoria  ob 
fudit.     Quibus  tu  etiam  mortuis,  M.  Marcello  conservato, 
dignitatem    suam   reddidisti ;    4nobilissimamque    familiam, 
jam  ad    paucos    redactam,    paene    ab   interitu    vindicasti. 
Hunc    tu    igitur   diem   5tuis    maximis    et  innumerabilibus 
gratulationibus  jure    antepones.      Haec     enim   res   unius 
6est  propria  Caesaris :  ceterae,  7duce    te    gesfae  quidem, 
sed  tamen  multo  magnoque  comitatu.     8Hujus   autem  rei 
tu  idem  et  dux    es,  et  comes :  9quae    quidem   tanta    est, 
ut  tropaeis    monumentisque    tuis   allatura    finem  sit  aetas 
(nihil  enim  est  10opere  aut  manu  factum,  quod  aliquando 
non    conficiat    et    consumat   vetustas) :    at  vero  haec   tua 
njustitia  et  lenitas  animi  florescet  quotidie  magis,  ita  12ut, 
quantum  operibus  tuis  diuturnitas  detrahet,  tantum  afferat 
laudibus.     Et  ceteros  quidem  omnes    13victores   bellorum 
civilium  jam  ante  aequitate  et  misericordia   vicerasrhod- 
ierno     vero  die  te  ipsum  vicisti.     14Vereor,  ne  hoc,  quod 
dicam,    15nou   perinde    intelligi    auditu  possit,  atque  ipse 
cogitans  sentio.     Ipsam  victoriam  vicisse  videris,  cum  ea, 
16quae  ilia  erat  adepta,  victis  remisisti.     Nam,  cum  ipsius 
rictoriae    conditione    jure    17omnes    victi    occidissemus, 
18clementiae  tuae  judicio  conservati  sumus.     Recte  igitur 
unus  invictus   es,  a  quo    etiam   ipsius    victoriae    conditic 
visque  devicta   est. 

V.  19AxQUE  hoc  C.  Caesaris  judicium,  patres  conscripti. 
quam    late    pateat,  attendite :  omnes  enim,  20qui    ad   ilia 
arma  fato  sumus  21nescio  quo  reipublicae  misero  funesto 
que  compulsi,  22etsi  aliqua  culpa  tenemur  erroris  humani. 
23a  scelere  certe  liberati  sumus.  Nam,  cum  M.  Marcellum, 
deprecantibus  vobis,  reipublicae  conservavit ;  memet  mihi, 
2tet  iterum  reipublicae,  nullo  deprecante,  ^eliquos  amplis- 
simos  viros  et  sibi  ipsis  et  patriae.    reddidit :   quorum  et 
frequentiam  el  dignitatem  hoc    pso   in    consessu   videtis 


64  ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCEI,I,O. 

'Non  ille  hostes  induxit  in  curiam ;  sed  2judicavit,  a  pie- 
risque,  ignoratione  potius,  et  falso  atque  inani  metu, 
3quam  cupiditate  aut  4crudelitate,  bellum  esse  susceptum 
Quo  quidem  in  bello  5semper  de  pace  audiendum  putavi 
semperque  dolui,  non  modo  pacem,  sed  6orationem  etiam 
civium,  pacem  flagitantium,  repudiari.  7Neque  enim  ego 
ilia,  nee  ulla  unquam,  secutus  sum  arma  civilia;  semper- 
que mea  consilia  pacis  et  togae  8socia,  non  belli  atque 
armorum,  fuerunt.  9Hominem  sum  secutus  privato  officio, 
non  publico :  10tantumque  apud  me  grati  animi  fidelis 
memoria  valuit,  nut  nulla  non  modo  cupiditate,  sed  ne 
spe  quidem,  prudens  et  sciens,  tanquam  ad  interitum 
ruerem  voluntarium. 

12Quod  quidem  meum  consilium  minime  obscurum  fmt. 
Nam  et  in  hoc  ordine,  Integra  re,  multa  de  pace  dixi :  et 
in  ipso  bello  13eadem,  etiam  cum  capitis  mei  periculo, 
sensi.  uEx  quo  jam  nemo  erit  tarn  injustus  rerum  ex- 
istimator,  qui  dubitet,  quae  Caesaris  voluntas  de  bello 
fuerit,  cum  15pacis  auctores  conservandos  statim  censuerit, 
>6ceteris  fuit  iratior.  Atque  id  minus  mirum  fortasse  turn, 
cum  esset  incertus  exitus,  et  anceps  fortuna  belli :  qui 
vero,  17victor,  pacis  auctores  diligit,  is  profecto  declarat. 
I8se  maluisse  non  dimicare,  quam  vincere. 

VI.  19ATQUE  hujus  quidem  rei  M.  Marcello  sum  testis. 
20Nostri  enim  sensus,  ut  in  pace  semper,  sic  turn  etiam 
in  bello  congruebant.  Quoties  ego  eum,-et  quanto  cum 
dolore,  vidi,  cum  insolentiam  21certorum  hominum,  turn 
etiam  ipsius  22victoriae  fefocitatem,  extimescentem  !  Quo 
gratior  23tua  liberalitas,  C.  Caesar,  nobis,  qui  ilia  vidi- 
mus, debet  esse.  24Non  enim  jam  causae  sunt  inter  se, 
sed  victoriae,  comparandae.  Vidimus  tuam  victoriam 
proeliorum  exitu  terminatam :  gladium  vagina  vacuum  in 
Urbe  non  vidimus.  Quos  amisimus  cives,  eos  25Martis 
vis  perculit,  non  ira  victoriae ;  ut  dubitare  debeat  nemo, 
quin  multos,  si  fieri  posset,  C.  Caesar  ab  inferis  excita- 
ret ;  quoniam  26ex  eadem  acie  conservat,  qufts  potest. 
"Alterius  vero  partis,  nihil  amplius  dicam,  quam  (id,  quod 


ORAT10    PRO    M.    MARCELLO.  65 

omnes  verebamur,)  ^imis  iracundam  futuram  fuisse  victo- 
riam.  Quidam  enira,  non  modo  2armatis,  sed  interdura 
etiam  3otiosis,  minabantur :  nee,  4quid  quisque  sensisset, 
sed  ubi  fuisset,  cogitandum  esse  dicebant ;  ut  mini  quid 
em  videantur  Dii  immortales,  (5etiamsi  poenas  a  pppulo 
Romano  ob  aliquod  delictum  expetiverint,  qui  civile  bel- 
lura  tantum  et  tarn  luctuosum  excitaverint,)  vel  placati 
jam,  vel  satiati  aliquando,  6omnem  spem  salutis  ad  cle- 
mentiam  victoris  et  sapientiam  contulisse. 

7Quare  gaude  tuo  isto  tarn  excellent!  bono ;  et  fruere, 
cum  8fortuna  .et  gloria,  turn  etiam  natura  et  moribus  tuis ; 
ex  quo  quidem  maximus  est  fructus  jucunditasque  sapienti. 
9Cetera  cum  tua  recordabere,  etsi  persaepe  virtuti,  tamen 
plerumque  felicitati  tuae  congratulabere.  De  nobis,  quos 
in  republica  tecum  simul  salvos  esse  voluisti,  quoties 
cogitabis,  toties  l°de  maximis  tuis  beneficiis,  toties  de 
incredibili  liberalitate,  toties  de  singular!  sapientia  tua, 
cogitabis :  1]quae  non  modo  summa  bona,  sed  nimirum 
audebo  vel  sola  dicere.  Tantus  est  enim  splendor  12in 
laude  vera,  tanta  in  magnitudine  animl  et  consilii  dig- 
iiitas,  ut  haec  a  virtute  donata,  cetera  a  fortuna  com- 
modata  esse  videantur.  Noli  igitur  in  conservandis 
bonis  viris  defatigari,  non  cupiditate  praesertim  aut  pra- 
vitate  aliqua  13lapsis,  14sed  opinione  officii,  stulta  fortasse, 
certe  non  improba,  et  specie  quadam  reipublicae.  15Non 
enim  tua  ulla  culpa  est,  si  te  aliqui  timuerunt :  contraque, 
summa  laus,  quod  plerique  minime  timendum  fuisse  sen 
serunt. 

VII.  16NuNc  vero  venio  ad  gravissimam  querelam,  et 
atrocissimam  suspicionem  tuam ;  17quae  non  tibi  ipsi  ma- 
gis,  quam,  cum  omnibus  civibus,  turn  maxime  nobis,  qui 
a  te  conservati  sumus,  providenda  est:  quam  etsi  spero 
esse  falsam,  18nunquam  tamen  verbis  extenuabo.  Tua 
enim  cautio  nostra  cautio  est ;  19ut,  si  in  alterutro  pec- 
candum  sit,  malim  videri  nimis  timidus,  quam  parum 
prudens.  20Sed  quisnam  est  iste  tarn  demens  ?  21de  tuis- 
ne  ?  tametsi  qui  magis  sunt  tui,  quam  quibus  tu  salutem 
,  6* 


66  ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCELLO. 

insperantibus  reddidisti?  an  ex  eo  numero,  Jqui  una  te- 
cum  fuerunt?  Non  est  credibilis  2tantus  in  ullo  fuior, 
ut,  quo  duce  omnia  summa  bit  adeptus,  hujus  vitam  non 
anteponat  suae.  At,  si  tui  nihil  cogitant  sceleris,  3ca- 
vendum  est,  ne  quid  inimici.  Qui  ?  omnes  enim,  qui 
fuerunt,  aut  sua  pertinacia  vitam  amiserunt,  aut  tua  mis- 
ericordia  retinuerunt ;  ut  aut  nulli  supersint  de  inimicis, 
aut,  qui  4supersunt,  sint  amicissimi. 

Sed  tamen,  cum  in  animis  hominum  6tantae  latebrae 
sint  et  tanti  recessus,  augeamus  sane  suspicionem  tuam : 
simul  enim  augebimus  diligentiam.  Nam  quis  est  omnium 
6tam  ignarus  rerum,  tarn  rudis  in  republica,  tain  nihil 
umquam  nee  de  sua  nee  de  communi  salute  cogitans,  qui 
non  intejligat,  tua  salute  contineri  suam,  et  7ex  unius 
tua  vita  pendere  omnium  ?  Equidem,  de  te  dies  noctes- 
que  (8ut  debeo)  cogitans,  9casus  duntaxat  humanos,  et 
incertos  eventus  valetudinis,  et  naturae  communis  fragi- 
litatem,  extimesco  :  10doleoque,  cum  respublica  immortalis 
esse  debeat,  earn  in  unius  mortalis  anima  consistere. 
Si  vero,  ad  humanos  casus,  incertosque  eventus  valetu- 
dinis, usceleris  etiam  accedat  insidiarumque  consensio; 
quern  Deum,  si  cupiat,  opitulari  posse  reipublicae  cre- 
damus  ? 

VIII.  OMNIA  sunt  12excitanda  tibi,  C.  Caesar,  uni, 
quae  jacefe  sentis,  belli  ipsius  impetu  (quod  necesse  fuit) 
perculsa  atque  prostrata  :  13constituenda  judicia,  revocan- 
da  fides,  ucomprimendae  libidines,  15propaganda  soboles : 
16omnia,  quae  dilapsa  jam  fluxerunt,  severis  legibus  vin- 
cienda  sunt.  17Non  fuit  recusandum,  in  tanto  civili  bello, 
tantoque  animorum  ardore  et  armorum,  quin  quassata 
respublica,  qtucunque  belli  eventus  fuisset,  multa  perde- 
ret  et  ornamenta  dignitatis,  et  praesidia  stabilitatis  suae : 
multaque  uterque  dux  faceret  18armatus,  quae  idem  toga- 
tus  fieri  prohibuisset.  Quae  quidem  tibi  omnia  belli 
vulnera  curanda  sunt;  19quibus,  praeter  te,  mederi  nemo 
potest. 

20Ttaque  illam  tuam  praeclarissimam  et  saoientissimam 


ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCELLO.  67 

vocem  invitus  audivi :  "  Satis  diu  vel  naturae  vixi,  vel 
gloriae."  Satis,  si  ita  vis  naturae  fortasse ;  addo  etiam, 
si  placet,  gloriae :  at  (quod  maximum  est)  ^patriae  certe 
parum.  2Quare,  omitte,  quaeso,  istam  3doctorum  homi- 
nnm  in  contemnenda  morte  prudentiam :  noli  nostro  pe- 
riculo  sapiens  esse.  Saepe  enim  venit  ad  aures  meas, 
te  idem  istud  *nimis  crebro  dicere,  satis  te  5tibi  vixisse. 
6Credo :  sed  turn  id  audirem,  7si  tibi  soli  viveres,  aut 
si  tibi  etiam  soli  natus  esses.  8Nunc,  cum  omnium 
salutem  civium  cunctamque  rempublicam  ^es  tuae  ges- 
tae  complexae  sint ;  10tantum  abes  a  perfectione  maxi- 
morum  operiun,  ut  fundamenta,  quae  cogitas,  nondum 
jeceris.  nHic  tu  modum  tuae  vitae,  non  salute  rei- 
publicae,  sed  aequitate  animi,  definies  ?  Quid,  si  12istud 
ne  gloriae  quidem  tuae  satis  est?  cujus  te  esse  avidis- 
simum,  quamvis  sis  sapiens,  non  negabis. 

13Parumne  igitur,  inquies,  gloriam  magnam  relinque- 
mus  ?  Immo  vero  14aliis,  quamvis  multis,  satis ;  tibi  uni 
parum.  15Quidquid  enim  est,  quamvis  amplum  sit,  id  certe 
parum  est  turn,  cum  est  aliquid  amplius.  Quod  si  16re- 
rum  tuarum  immortalium,  C.  Caesar,  hie  exitus  futurus 
fuit,  ut,  devictis  adversariis,  rempublicam  in  eo  statu  re- 
linqueres,  in  quo  nunc  est;  17vide,  quaeso,  ne  tua  divina 
virtus  admirationis  plus  sit  habitura,  quam  gloriae  :  18si- 
quidem  gloria  est  illustris  ac  pervagata  multorum  etmag 
norum,  vel  in  suos,  vel  in  patriam,  vel  in  omne  genus 
hominum,  fama  meritorum. 

IX.  WHAEC  igitur  tibi  reliqua  pars  est ;  20hic  restat 
actus,  21in  hoc  elaborandum  est,  ut  rempublicam  constit- 
uas,  eaque  tu  in  primis  composita,  22cum  summa  tran- 
quillitale  et  otio,  perfruare :  turn  te,  si  voles,  cum  et 
patriae,  quod  debes,  solveris,  23et  naturam  ipsam  expleve- 
ris  satietate  vivendi,  satis  diu  vixisse  dicito.  24Quid  est 
enim  omnino  hoc  ipsum  diu,  in  quo  est  aliquid  extremum ; 
quod  cum  venit,  omnis  voluptas  praeterita  pro  nihilo  est, 
quia  postea  nulla  futura  est  ?  ^Quamquam  iste  tuus  ani- 
mus nunquam  26his  angustiis,  quas  natura  nobis  ad  viven- 


68  ORAT1O    PRO    M.    MARCELLO. 

dum  dedit,  contentus  fuit ;  semperque  immorlalitatis  amo- 
re  flagravit. 

xNec  vero  haec  tua  vita  ducenda  est,  quae  corpore  et 
spiritu  continetur.  Ilia,  ilia,  inquam,  2vita  est  tua,  quae 
vigebit  memoria  saeculorum  omnium ;  quam  posteritas 
alet,  quam  ipsa  aeternitas  semper  tuebitur.  3Huic  tu  in 
servias,  huic  te  ostentes,  oportet :  quae  quidem,  quae 
miretur,  jampridem  multa  habet ;  nunc,  etiam  quae  laudet 
exspectat.  Obstupescent  posteri  certe,  4imperia,  pro- 
vincias,  5Rhenum,  Oceanum,  Nilum,  pugnas  innumerabi- 
les,  incredibiles  victorias,  6monumenta  innumera,  trium- 
phos  audientes  et  legentes  tuos.  Sed,  nisi  haec  urbs 
7stabilita  tuis  consiliis  et  institutis  erit,  vagabitur  modo 
nomen  tuum  longe  atque  late ;  sedem  quidem  stabilem 
et  domicilium  certum  non  habebit.  Erit,  inter  eos  etiam 
qui  nascentur,  sicut  inter  nos  fuit,  8magna  dissensio,  cum 
alii  laudibus  ad  coelum  res  tuas  gestas  efferent,  9alii 
fortasse  aliquid  requirenf,  idque  vel  maximum,  nisi  belli 
civilis  incendium  10salute  patriae  restinxeris ;  nut  illud 
fati  fuisse  videatur,  hoc  consilii.  12Servi  igitur  iis  etiam 
judicibus,  qui  multis  post  saeculis  de  te  judicabunt,  et 
quidem  13haud  scio,  an  incorruptius,  quam  nos  :  nam  et 
.sine  amore  et  sine  cupiditate,  et  rursus  sine  odio  et 
sine  invidia,  judicabunt.  uld  autem  etiam  si  tune  ad 
te  (ut  quidam  falso  putant)  non  pertinebit ;  nunc  certe 
pertinet,  esse  te  talem,  ut  tuas  laudes  obscuratura  nulla 
umquam  sit  oblivio. 

X.  15DivERSAE  voluntates  civium  fuerunt,  distractae- 
que  sententiae :  non  enim  16consiliis  solum  et  studiis, 
sed  armis  etiam  et  castris,  dissidebamus.  17Erat  autem 
obscuritas  quaedam,  erat  certamen  18inter  clarissimos 
duces :  19multi  dubitabant,  quid  optimum  esset ;  multi, 
quid  sibi  expediret ;  multi,  quid  deceret ;  nonnulli 
etiam,  quid  liceret.  20Perfuncta  respublica  est  hoc 
misero  fatalique  bello :  vicit  is,  21qui  non  fortuna  ii\- 
flammaret  odium  suum,  sed  bonitate  leniret ;  nee  qui 
omnes,  quibus  iratus  esset  eosdem  etiam  exsilio  au.* 


ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCELLO.  69 

]morte  dignos  judicaret.  2Arma  ab  aliis  posita,  ab 
aliis  erepta  sunt.  Ingratus  est  injustusque  civis,  qui, 
3armorum  periculo  liberatus,  aniraum  tamcn  retinet  anna- 
turn  ;  4ut  etiam  ille  sit  melior,  qui  in  acie  cecidit,  qui 
in  causa  animam  profudit.  Quae  enim  pertinacia  qui- 
busdam,  eadem  aliis  constantia,  videri  potest.  5Sed  jam 
omnis  fracta  dissensio  est  armis,  et  exstincta  aequitate 
victoris :  restat,  ut  omnes  ^num  velint,  qui  modo  hab- 
ent  aliquid,  non  solum  sapientiae,  sed  etiam  sanitatis. 
Nisi  te,  C.  Caesar,  salvo,  et  in  ista  sententia,  qua  cum 
antea,  turn  hodie  vel  maxime  usus  es,  manente,  salvi 
esse  non  possumus.  Quare  omnes  te,  qui  haec  salva 
esse  volumus,  et  hortamur  et  obsecramus,  7ut  vilae,  ut 
saluti  tuae  consulas :  omnesque  tibi,  (ut  pro  aliis  etiam 
loquar,  quod  8de  me  ipse  sentio,)  quoniam  9subesse  aliquid 
putas,  quod  cavendum  sit,  non  modo  excubias  et  cus- 
todias,  sed  etiam  10laterum  nostrorum  oppositus  et  cor- 
porum,  pollicemur. 

XI.  USED,  unde  est  orsa,  in  eodem  terminetur  oratio 
Maximas  tibi  omnes  gratias  agimus,  C.  Caesar :  12ma 
jores  etiam  habemus.  Nam  omnes  idem  sentiunt ;  quod 
ex  omnium  precibus  et  lacrymis  sentire  potuisti.  Sed, 
quia  non  est  13stantibus  omnibus  necesse  14dicere  ;  a  me 
certe  dici  volunt,  cui  necesse  est  quodammodo,  et 
quod  volunt,  et  quod  decet,  et  quod  (M.  Marcello 
a  te  huic  ordini  populoque  Romano  et  reipublicae 
reddito)  15praecipue  id  a  me  fieri  debere  intelligo. 
Nam  laetari  omnes,  16non  ut  de  unius  solum,  sed  ut 
de  communi  omnium  salute,  sentio :  17quod  autem  sum- 
mae  benevolentiae  est,  (quae  me  erga  ilium  omnibus 
semper  nota  fuit,  ut  vix  C.  Marcello,  optimo  et  aman- 
tissimo  fratri,  praeter  eum  quidem,  cederem  nemini,) 
cum  id  sollicitudine,  cura,  labore  tamdiu  praestiterim, 
quamdiu  est  de  illius  salute  dubitatum,  certe  hoc  tern- 
pore,  magnis  curis,  molestiis,  doloribus  liberatus,  prae- 
stare  debeo.  18Itaque,  C.  Caesar,  sic  tibi  gratias  ago, 
ut,  omnibus  me  rebus  a  te  non  conservato  solum, 


70  ORATIO    PRO    M.    MARCELLO. 

sed  etiam  ornato,  tamen  ad  tua  in  me  unum  innumera- 
bilia  merita,  (quod  tieri  jam  posse  non  arbitrabar,)  maxi- 
*nus  hoc  tuo  facto  cumulus  accesserit. 


'M.TULLII  CICERONIS 
QRATIO 

PRO 
LEGE   MANILIA. 


1.  1.  2QuAMQUAM  mihi  semper  frequens  conspectus 
vester,  multo  jucundissimus,  3hic  autem  locus,  4ad  agen- 
dum 5amplissimus,  ad  dicendum  ornatissimus  est  visus, 
Quirites ,-  tamen  6hoc  aditu  laudis,  qui  semper  optimo 
cuique  tnaxime  patuit,  non  "mea  me  voluntas,  sed  8meae 
vitae  rationes,  ab  ineunte  aetate  susceptae,  prohibuerunt. 
Nam,  cum  antea  9per  aetatem  nondum  10hujus  auctori- 
tatem  loci  attingere  auderem,  statueremque,  nihil  hue, 
nnisi  perfectum  ingenio,  elaboratum  industria,  afFerri 
oportere ;  12omne  meum  tempus  amicorum  temporibus 
transmittendum  putavi.  2.  Ita  neque  hie  locus  vacuus 
unquam  fuit  ab  iis,  qui  13vestram  causam  defenderent ; 
uet  meus  labor,  in  privatorum  periculis  caste  integreque 
versatus,  ex  vestro  judicio  fructum  est  amplissimum 
consecutus.  Nam  cum,  15propter  dilationem  comitiorum, 
16ter  praetor  primus  17centuriis  cunctis  renuntiatus  sum, 
facile  intellexi,  Quirites,  et  quid  de  me  judicaretis,  18et 
quid  aliis  praescriberetis.  Nunc,  cum  et  auctoritatis  in 
me  tantum  sit,  19quantum  vos  honoribus  mandandis  esse 
voluistis ;  20et  ad  agendum  facultatis  tantum,  quantum 
homini  vigilanti  ex  forensi  usu  prope  quotidiana  dicendi 
exercitatio  potuit  afferre  :  certe,  et,  si  quid  auctoritatis 
in  me  est,  zlea  apud  eos  utar,  qui  earn  mihi  dederunt ; 
et,  si  quid  etiam  22dicendo  consequi  possum,  iis  ostendam 


72  ORAT1O    PRO    LEGE    MANILIA. 

potissimum,  ^qui  ei  quoque  rei  fructum  suo  judieio  trl- 
buendum  esse  censuerunt.  3.  2Atque  illud  in  primis 
mihi  laetandum  jure  esse  video,  quod  3in  hac  insolita 
mihi  ex  hoc  loco  ratione  dicendi,  causa  talis  oblata  est, 
in  qua  4oratio  deesse  nemini  potest.  Dicendum  est  enim 
de  Cn.  Pompeii  singulari  eximiaque  virtute  :  hujus  autein 
orationis  5difficilius  est  exitum,  quam  principium  invenire. 
Ita  mihi  non  tarn  6copia,  quam  modus  in  dicendo  quae- 
rendus  est. 

II.  4.  Atque,  ut  inde  oratio  mea  proficiscatur,  7undo 
haec  omnis  causa  ducitur :  bellum  grave  et  periculosum 
8vestris  vectigalibus  atque  sociis  a  duobus  potentissimis 
regibus  infertur,  9Mithridate  et  Tigrane  ;  10quorum  alter 
relictus,  nalter  lacessitus,  occasionem  sibi  ad  occupan- 
dam  12Asiam  oblatam  esse  arbitratur.  13Equitibus  Ro- 
manis,  honestissimis  viris,  afferuntur  ex  Asia  quotidie 
literae,  uquorum  magnae  res  aguntur,  in  vestris  vectiga- 
libus exercendis  15occupatae :  16qui  ad  me,  pro  necessi- 
tudine,  quae  mihi  est  cum  illo  ordine,  causam  reipublicae 
17periculaque  rerum  suarum  detulerunt :  5.  18Bithyniae, 
quae  nunc  vestra  provincia  est,  vicos  exustos  esse  com- 
plures :  19regnum  Ariobarzanis,  quod  finitimum  est  ves- 
tris vectigalibus,  totum  esse  in  hostium  potestate :  Lu- 
cullum,  magnis  rebus  gestis,  20ab  eo  bello  discedere  : 
21huic  qui  successerit,  non  satis  esse  paratum  ad  tantum 
bellum  administrandum :  22unum  ab  omnibus  sociis  et 
embus  ad  id  bellum  imperatorem  deposci  atque  expeti : 
eundem  hunc  unum  ab  hostibus  metui,  praeterea  ne- 
minem.  , 

6.  23Causa  quae  sit,  videtis :  nunc,  quid  agendum  sir, 
considerate.  Primum  mihi  videtur  34de  genere  belli,  de- 
inde  de  magnitudine,  turn  de  imperatore  deligendo  esse 
dicendum. — Genus  est  belli  ejusmodi,  ,quod  maxime  ves- 
tros  animos  excitare  atque  inflammare  25ad  studium  per 
sequendi  debeat:  26in  quo  agitur  populi  Romani  gloria, 
quae  vobis  a  majoribus,  cum  magna  in  rebus  omnibus, 
^un  summa  in  re  militari  tradita  est ;  agitur  salus  socio- 


ORAT1O    PRO    LEGE    MANILIA.  TJ 

rum  atque  amicorum,  pro  qua  multa  majores  vestri  magna 
et  gravia  bella  gesserunt :  aguntur  ^ertissima  populi  Ro 
mani  vectigalia  et  maxima :  quibus  amissis,  2et  pacis 
ornamenta,  et  subsidia  belli  requiretis :  aguntur  bona 
multonim  civium,  quibus  est  3a  vobis  et  ipsorum  et  rei- 
publicae  causa  consulendum. 

III.  7.  ET  quoniam  semper  appetentes  gloriae  praeter 
ceteras  gentes  atque  avidi   laudis    fuistis,  4delenda    vobis 
est   ilia   macula,    Mitkridatico    bello    superiore   suscepta, 
quae  penitus  jam  insedit  atque  inveteravit  in  populi  Ro- 
mani  nomine :  5quod  is,    qui  6uno  die,  tola    Asia,  7tot  in 
civitatibus,  uno  nuntio,  8atque  una  literarum  significatione, 
9cives  Romanes  necandos   trucidandosque    denotavit,  non 
modo  adhuc  poenam  nullam  suo  dignam  scelere  suscepit, 
10sed  ab  illo  tempore  annum  jam   tertium    et  vicesimum 
regnat ;  et  ita  regnat,  ut  se    non    Ponto,  nneque  Cappa- 
dociae  latebris    occultare    velit,    sed    emergere  ize  patrio 
regno,  atque  in   vestris    vectigalibua,   hoc   est,    in  Asiae 
luce  versari.     8.  Etenim  adhuc  ita   vestri  cum  illo  rege 
contenderunt  imperatores,  ut  ab    illo  "insignia   victoriae, 
non  victoriam  reportarent.     Triumphavit  L.  Sulla,  trium- 
phavit  UL.  Murena  de  Mithridate,  duo  fortissimi  viri,  et 
summi  imperatores  :  sed  ita  triumpharunt,  ut  ille  35pulsus 
superatusque    regnaret.     Verumtamen    illis    imperatoribus 
laus  est  tribuenda,  16quod  egerunt :  venia  danda,  quod  re- 
liquerunt:  propterea  quod  ab  eo  bello  Sullam  in  Italiam 
17respublica,  18Murenam  Sulla  revocavit. 

IV.  9.  MITHRIDATES    autem  19omne   reliquum  tempus, 
non  ad  oblivionem  veteris    belli,    sed  ad    comparationem 
novi    contulit :    20qui    posteaquam    maximas    aedificasset 
ornassetque  classes,  exercitusque  permagnos,    quibuscun- 
que  ex  gentibus  potuisset,  comparasset,  et  se  21Bospora- 
nis,  finitimis  suis,    bellum    inferre    simulasset ;    usque  in 
Hispaniam    22legatos    ac    23literas   misit  24ad    eos    duces, 
quibuscum  turn   bellum    gerebamus :  ut,    cum,   duobus  in 
locis  disjunctissimis    maximeque    diversis,  25uno    consilio 
a  binis  hostium   copiis  bellum   terra   marique    gereretur, 

7 


ORATIO    PRO    LEGE    MAN1LIA. 


^os,  ancipiti  contentione  district!,  de  imperio  dimicaretis. 
10.  2Sed  tamen  alterius  partis  periculum,  Sertorianae 
atque  Hispaniensis,  quae  multo  plus  3firmamenti  ac  ro- 
boris  habebat,  4Cn.  Pompeii  divino  consilio  ac  singular! 
virtute  depulsum  est :  5in  altera  parte  ita  res  a  L.  Lu- 
cullo,  summo  viro,  est  administrata,  ut  6initia  ilia  gesta- 
rum  rerum  magna  atque  praeclara,  non  felicitati  ejus, 
sed  virtuti ;  7haec  autem  extrema,  quae  nuper  acciderunt, 
8non  culpae,  sed  fortunae  tribuenda  esse  videantur.  Sed 
de  Lucullo  dicam  9alio  loco,  et  ita  dicam,  Quirites,  ut 
rieque  vera  laus  ei  detracta  oratione  nostra,  neque  falsa 
]0afficta  esse  videatur.  11.  De  vestri  imperii  dignitate 
atque  gloria,  quoniam  is  est  nexorsus  orationis  meae, 
videte,  quem  vobis  animum  suscipiendum  putetis. 

V.  MAJORES  vestri  saepe,  12mercatoribus  Tic  navicula 
riis  injuriosius  tractatis,  bella  gesserunt :  vos,  13tot  civiuin 
Romanorum  millibus  uno  nuntio  atque  uno  temporeneo- 
atis,  quo  tandem  animo  esse  debetis  ?  14Legati  quod 
erant  appellati  superbius,  Corinthum  patres  vestri,  totius 
Graeciae  lumen,  15exstinctum  esse  voluerunt :  vos  eum 
regem  inultum  esse  patiemini,  qui  16legatum  populi  Ro- 
mani,  consularem,  vinculis  ac  verberibus,  atque  omni 
supplicio  excruciatum  necavit  ?  17Illi  libertatem  civium 
Romanorum  imminutam  non  tulerurit :  vos  vitam  ereptam 
negligetis  ?  Jus  legationis  18verbo  violatum  illi  persecuti 
sunt :  19vos  legatum  omni  supplicio  interfectum  relinque- 
tis  ?  12.  Videte,  ne,  ut  illis  pulcherrimum  fuit,  tantam 
vobis  imperii  gloriam  relinquere ;  sic  vobis  turpissimum 
sit,  id,  quod  accepistis,  tueri  et  conservare  non  posse. 
^Quid,  quod  salus  sociorum  summum  in  periculum  ac 
discrimen  vocatur?  Regno  expulsus  est  Ariobarzanes 
rex,  socius  populi  Romani  atque  amicus :  imminent  21duo 
reges  toti  Asiae,  non  solum  vobis  inimicissimi,  sed  etiam 
vestris  sociis  atque  amicis  :  civitates  autem  omnes,  22cunc- 
ta  Asia  atque  Graecia  vestrum  auxilium  exspectare  prop- 
ter  periculi  magnitudinem  coguntur :  23imperatorem  a  vo- 
bis certum  deposcere,  cum  praesertim  vos  alium  miseritis 


ORATIO    PRO    LKGE    MANILLA..  7i> 

ueque  audent,  neque  se  id  facere  ^ummo  sine  periculo 
posse  arbitrantur.  13.  Vident  et  sentiunt  hoc  idem, 
quod  TOS,  2unum  virum  esse,  in  quo  summa  sint  omnia, 
et  eum  3prope  esse,  (4quo  etiam  carent  aegrius,)  cujus 
adventu  ipso  atque  nomine,  tametsi  ille  ad  5maritimum 
bellum  venerit,  tamen  6impetus  hostium  represses  esse 
intelligent  ac  retardates.  Hi  vos,  7quoniam  libere  loqui 
non  licet,  tacite  rogant,  ut  se  quoque,  sicut  ceterarum 
provinciarum  socios,  dignos  existimetis,  8quorum  salutem 
tali  viro  commendetis :  9atque  hoc  etiam  magis,  quam 
ceteros,  quod  ejusmodi  in  provinciam  homines  10cum  im- 
perio  mittimus,  ut,  etiam  si  ab  hoste  defendant,  tamen 
ipsorum  adventus  in  urbes  sociorum  non  multum  ab  hos- 
iili  expugnatione  differant.  11Hunc  audiebant  antea,  nunc 
praesentem  vident,  12tanta  temperantia,  tanta  mansuetu- 
dine,  tanta  humanitate,  ut  ii  beatissimi  esse  videantur, 
apud  quos  ille  diutissime  commoratur. 

VI.  14.  QUARE,  si  propter  socios,  nulla  ipsi  injuria 
lacessiti,  majores  vestri  I3cum  Antiocho,  cum  Philippo, 
cum  Aetolis,  cum  Poenis  bella  gesserunt ;  quanto  vos 
studio  convenit,  uinjuriis  provocatos,  sociorum  salutem 
una  cum  imperii  vestri  dignitate  defendere ;  15praesertim 
cum  de  vestris  maximis  vectigalibus  agatur?  Nam  ce- 
terarum  provinciarum  vectigalia,  Quirites,  16tanta  sunt,  ut 
iis  ad  ipsas  provincias  tutandas  vix  contend  esse  possi- 
mus :  17Asia  ver»  tarn  opima  est  et  fertilis,  18ut  et  uber 
tate  agrorum,  et  varietate  fructuum,  et  magnitudine  pas- 
tionis,  et  multitudine  earum  rerum,  quae  exportantur,  facile 
omnibus  terris  antecellat.  Itaque  haec  vobis  provincia, 
Quirites,  si  19et  belli  utilitatem  et  pacis  dignitatem  sus- 
tinere  vultis,  non  modo  calamitate,  sed  etiam  a  metu 
calamitatis  est  defendenda.  15.  Nam  ceteris  in  rebus, 
20cum  venit  calamitas,  turn  detrimentum  accipitur:  at  in 
vectigalibus  non  solum  adventus  mali,  sed  etiam  metus 
ipse  affert  calamitatem.  Nam  cum  hostium  copiae  non 
longe  absunt,  etiam  si  irruptio  facta  nulla  sit,  tamen 
aipecora  relinquuntur,  agricultura  deseritur,  22mercatorum 


76  ORAT10     PRO     LEGE     MAMMA. 

navigatio  conquiescit.  alta  neque  ex  portu,  neque  ex 
decumis,  neque  ex  scriptura  2vectigal  conservari  potest. 
Quare  saepe  totius  anni  fructus  uno  nimore  periculi, 
atque  uno  belli  terrore  amittitur.  16.  Quo  tandem  ani- 
mo  esse  existimatis  aut  eos,  3qui  vectigalia  nobis  pensi- 
tant,  aut  eos,  qui  exercent  atque  exigunt,  cum  duo  reges 
cum  maximis  copiis  prope  adsint  ?  cum  una  excursio 
equitatus  perbrevi  tempore  totius  anni  vectigal  suferre 
possit?  *cum  publicani  familias  maximas,  quas  in  5sal- 
tibus  habent,  quas  in  agris,  quas  in  portubus  atque  6cus- 
todiis,  magno  periculo  se  habere  arbitrentur  ?  Putatisne 
vos  7illis  rebus  frui  posse,  nisi  eos,  qui  vobis  fructui 
sunt,  conservaveritis,  non  solum,  (ut  antea  dixi,)  calami- 
tate,  sed  etiam  calamitatis  formidine  liberates  ? 

VII.  17.  Ac  ne  illud  quidem  vobis  negligendum  est 
quod  mihi  ego  eextremum  proposueram,  cum  essem  de 
belli  genere  dicturus,  quod  9ad  multorum  bona  civium 
Romanorum  pertinet :  10quorum  vobis  pro  vestra  sapien- 
tia,  Quirites,  habenda  est  ratio  diligenter.  nNam  _et 
publicani,  12homines  et  honestissimi  et  ornatissimi,  13suas 
rationes  et  copias  in  illam  provinciam  contulerunt :  quo- 
rum ipsorum  per  se  res  et  fortunae  curae  vobis  esse 
debent.  Etenim  si  vectigalia,  unervos  esse  reipublicae, 
semper  duximus  ;  eum  certe  ordinem,  qui  exercet  ilia, 
firmamentum  ceterorum  ordinum  recte  esse  dicemus. 
18.  Deinde  15ceteris  ex  ordinibus  homines  gnavi  et  in- 
dustrii  partim  ipsi  in  Asia  16negotiantur,  quibus  absenti- 
bus  consulere  debetis  :  17partim  suas  et  suorum  in  ea  pro- 
vincia  pecunias  magnas  collocatas  habent.  Erit  igitur 
humanitatis  vestrae,  magnum  eorum  civium  numerum 
calamitate  18prohibere ;  sapientiae,  videre,  multorum  ci- 
vium calamitatem  a  repubiica  sejunctam  esse  non  posse. 
19Etenim  illud  primum  parvi  refert,  vos  publicanis  amissa 
vectigalia  postea  victoria  recuperare.  Neque  enim  iis- 
dem  redimendi  facultas  erit,  propter  calamitatem,  neque 
aliis  voluntas,  propter  timorem.  19.  Deinde,  quod  nos 
eadetn  Asia,  atque  idem  iste  Mithridates  20initio  belli 


ORATIO    PRO    LEGE    MANILIA.  77 

Asiatic!  docuit ;  id  quidem  certe  calamitate  docti  memor- 
ia  retinere  debemus.  Nam  turn,  cum  in  Asia  lres  mag 
nas  permulti  amiserant,  2scimus,  Romae,  solutione  im- 
pedita,  fidem  concidisse.  Non  enim  possunt  ana  ,'n 
civitate  multi  3rem  atque  fortunas  amittere,  ut  non  plures 
secum  in  eandem  calamitatem  trahant.  A  quo  periculo 
proliibete  rempublicam,  et,  mihi  credite,  (id  quod  ipsi 
videtis,)  4haec  fides  atque  haec  ratio  pecuniarum,  quae 
Romae,  quae  in  foro  versatur,  implicha  est  cum  illis 
pecuniis  Asiaticis,  et  cohaeret.  5Ruere  ilia  non  possunt 
ut  haec  non  eodem  labefactata  motu  concidant.  Quare 
videte,  num  dubitandum  vobis  sit,  omni  studio  ad  id  bel 
iurn  incumbere,  in  quo  gloria  nominis  vestri,  salus  soci 
orum,  vectigalia  maxima,  fortunae  plurimorum  civium 
6cum  republica  defendantur. 

VIII.  20.  QUONIAM  de  genere  belli  dixi,  nunc  de 
magnitudine  pauca  dicam.  7Potest  enim  hoc  dici ;  belli 
genus  esse  ita  necessarium,  ut  sit  gerendum ;  non  esse 
ita  magnum,  ut  sit  pertimescendum.  In  quo  maxime 
laborandum  est,  8ne  forte  ea  vobis,  quae  diligentissime 
providenda  sunt,  contemnenda  esse  videantur.  9Atque, 
ut  omnes  intelligant,  me  L.  Lucullo  tantum  impertire 
laudis,  quantum  forti  viro,  et  sapientissimo  homini,  et 
magno  imperatori  debeatur ;  dico,  ejus  adventu  maximas 
l°Mithridati  copias,  nomnibus  rebus  ornatas  atque  in- 
structas,  fuisse ;  12urbemque  Asiae  clarissimam,  nobisque 
amicissimam,  Cyzicenorum,  obsessam  esse  ab  ipso  rege 
13maxima  multitildine,  et  oppugnatam  vehementissime ; 
quam  L.  Lucullus  virtute,  assiduitate,  consilio,  summis 
obsidionis  periculis  liberavit :  21.  ab  eodem  imperatore 
uclassem  magnam  et  ornatam,  15quae  ducibus  Sertoria- 
nis  ad  Italiam  studio  inflammata  raperetur,  superatam 
esse  atque  depressam :  16magnas  hostium  praeterea  co- 
pias multis  praeliis  esse  deletas :  17patefactumque  nostris 
legionibus  esse  Pontum,  qui  ante  populo  Romano  ex 
omni  aditu  clausus  esset :  Smopen  atque  Amisum,  quib- 
us  in  oppidis  erant  18domicilia  regis,  omnibus  rebua 
7* 


78  ORAT10    PRO    LEGE     MANILIA. 

ornata  atque  referta ;  ceterasque  urbes  Ponti  et  Cappa- 
dociae  permultas,  1uno  aditu  atque  adventu  esse  captas  : 
regem  spoliatum  regno  patrio  atque  avito,  aad  alios  se 
reges  atque  ad  alias  gentes  supplicem  contulisse :  atque 
haec  omnia,  3salvis  populi  Romani  sociis  atque  integris 
vectigalibus,  esse  gesta.  Satis  opinor  hoc  esse  laudis ; 
atque  ita,  Quirites,  ut  hoc  vos  intelligatis,  a  nullo  4isto 
rum,  qui  huic  obtrectant  legi  atque  causae,  L.  Luculluiu 
eimiliter  ex  hoc  loco  esse  laudatum. 

IX.  22.  REQUIRETUR  fortasse  nunc,  squemadmodum, 
cum  haec  ita  sint,  reliquum  possit  esse  magnum  bellum. 
Cognoscite,  Quirites :  non  enim  hoc  sine  causa  quaeri 
videtur.  Primum  ex  suo  regno  sic  Mithridates  profugit, 
ut  6ex  eodem  Ponto  7Medea  ilia  quondam  profugisse 
dicitur  :  quam  praedicant  in  fuga,  8fratris  sui  membra  in 
iis  locis,  qua  se  parens  persequeretur,  dissipavisse,  ut 
9eorum  collectio  dispersa,  moerorque  patrius,  celeritatem 
persequendi  retardaret.  10Sic  Mithridates,  fugiens,  nmax 
imam  vim  auri  atque  argenti,  pulcherrimarumque  rerum 
omnium,  quas  et  a  majoribus  acceperat,  et  ipse,  bello 
superiore  ex  tota  Asia  direptas,  in  suum  regnum  conges- 
serat,  in  Ponto  omnem  reliquit.  Haec  dum  nostri  col- 
ligunt  omnia  diligentius,  rex  ipse  e  manibus  effugit. 
Jta  12illum  ifi  persequendi  studio  moeror,  hos  laetitia 
retardavit.  23.  13Hunc  in  illo  timore  et  fuga  Tigranes, 
rex  Armenius,  excepit,  diffidentemque  rebus  suis  confir- 
mavit,  et  afflictum  erexit,  perditumque  recreavit.  Cujus 
in  regnum  posteaquam  L.  Lucullus  cum  exercitu  venit, 
uplures  etiam  gentes  contra  imperatorem  nostrum  con- 
citatae  sunt.  Erat  enim  metus  injectus  iis  nationibus, 
quas  nunquam  populus  Romanus  15neque  lacessendas  bello 
neque  tentandas  putavit.  16Erat  etiam  alia  gravis  atque 
vehemens  opinio,  quae  per  animos  gentium  barbararura 
pervaserat,  nfani  locupletissimi  et  religiosissimi  dirip- 
iendi  causa  in  eas  oras  nostrum  exercitum  esse  adduc- 
tum.  Ita  nationes  multae  atque  magnae  18novo  quodam 
ierrore  ac  metu  concitabantur.  Noster  autem  exercitus, 


ORATIO    I'HO    LEGE    MANILIA.  79 

etsi  'urbem  ex  Tigranis  regno  ceperat,  et  proeliis  usus 
erat  secundis,  2tamen  nimia  longinquitate  locorum  ac  de- 
siderio  suorum  commovebatur.  24.  3Hic  jam  plura  non 
dicam :  4fuit  enim  illud  extremum,  ut  ex  iis  locis  a  mi- 
litibus  nostris  reditus  magis  maturus,  quam  processio 
longior  quaereretur.  5Mithridates  autem  et  suam  manutn 
jam  confirmarat,  et  eorum,  qui  se  ex  ejus  regno  college- 
rant,  et  magnis  adventitiis  multorum  regum  et  nationum 
copiis  juvabatur.  Hoc  jam  fere  sic  6fieri  solere  accepi- 
mus,  ut  regum  afflictae  fortunae  facile  multorum  opes 
alliciant  ad  misericordiarn,  maximeque  eorum,  qui  aut 
reges  sunt,  aut  vivunt  in  regno ;  quod  regale  iis  nomen 
''magnum  et  sanctum  esse  videatur.  25.  8Itaque  tantum 
victus  efficere  potuit,  quantum  incolumis  nunquam  est 
ausus  optare.  Nam  cum  se  in  regnum  recepisset  suum, 
non  fuit  eo  contentus,  quod  ei  praeter  spem  acciderat 
9ut  illam,  posteaquam  pulsus  erat,  terram  umquam  at- 
tingeret:  10sed  in  exercitum  vestrum,  clarum  atque  vic- 
torem,  impetum  fecit.  Sinite  hoc  loco,  Quixites,  (sicut 
npoetae  solent,  qui  res  Romanas  scribunt,)  praeterire  me 
nostram  calamitatem :  quae  tanta  fuit,  ut  earn,  ad  aures 
L.  Luculli,  12non  ex  proelio  nuntius,  sed  ex  sermone  ru- 
mor afferret.  26.  13Hic  in  ipso  illo  malo,  gravissimaque 
belli  offensione,  L.  Lucullus,  qui  tamen,  aliqua  ex  parte, 
iis  incommodis  mederi  fortasse  potuisset,  vestro  jussu 
coactus,  14quod  imperii  diuturnitati  modum  statuendum 
veteri  exemplo  putavistis,  partem  militum,  15qui  jam  sti- 
pendiis  confectis  erant,  dimisit,  partem  Glabrioni  tradidit. 
16Multa  praetereo  consulto ;  sed  ea  vos  conjectura  per- 
spicitis.  17Quantum  igitur  illud  bellum  factum  putetis, 
quod  conjungant  reges  potentissimi,  renovent  agitatae 
uationes,  suscipiant  integrae  gentes,  18novus  imperator 
vester  accipiat,  vetere  pulso  exercitu? 

X.  27.  SATIS  mini  multa  verba  fecisse  videor,  quare 
hoc  bellum  esset  genere  ipso  necessarium,  magmtudine 
periculosum  :  restat,  ut  de  imperatore  ad  id  bellum  deligen- 
do,  19ac  tantis  rebus  praeficiendo,  dicendum  esse  videatur. 


80  ORATIO    PRO    LEOE    MANILIA. 

Utinam,  Quirites,  virorum  fortium  atque  ^nnocentium 
copiam  tantam  haberetis,  ut  haec  vobis  deliberatio  diffi- 
cilis  esset,  quemnam  potissimum  tantis  rebus  ac  tanto 
bello  praeficiendum  putaretis !  Nunc  vero  cum  sit  unus 
Cn.  Pompeius,  qui  non  modo  eorum  hominum,  qui  nunc 
.sunt,  gloriam,  sed  etiam  2antiquitatis  memoriam  virtute 
superarit ;  quae  res  est,  quae  cujusquam  animum  in  hac 
causa  dubium  facere  possit  1  28.  Ego  enim  sic  existimo, 
3in  summo  imperatore  quatuor  has  res  inesse  oportere, 
scientiam  rei  militaris,  virtutem,  auctoritatem,  felicitatem 
Quis  igitur  hoc  homine  4scientior  umquam  aut  fuit,  aut 
esse  debuit  ?  qui  5e  ludo  atque  pueritiae  disciplina,  6bello 
maximo,  atque  acerrimis  hostibus,  ad  patris  exercitum 
atque  in  militiae  disciplinam  profectus  est ;  7qui  extrema 
pueritia  miles  fuit  summi  imperatoris,  8ineunte  adoles- 
centia  maximi  ipse  exercitus  imperator  ;  9qui  saepius 
cum  hoste  conflixit,  quam  quisquam  cum  inimico  concer- 
tavit,  plura  bella  gessit,  quam  ceteii  legerunt,  10plures 
provincias  cbnfecit,  quam  alii  concupiverunt ;  ucujus  ado- 
lescentia  ad  scientiam  rei  militaris  non  alienis  praecep- 
tis,  sed  suis  imperils,  non  offensionibus  belli,  sed  victo- 
riis,  "non  stipendiis,  sed  12triumphis  est  erudita.  Quod 
denique  genus  belli  esse  potest,  13in  quo  ilium  non  ex- 
ercuerit  fortuna  reipublicae  1  uCivile,  15Africanum,  16Trans- 
alpinum,  17Hispaniense,  mixtum  ex  civitatibus  atque  ex 
bellicosissimis  natiombus,  18servile,  19navale  bellum,  varia 
et  diversa  genera  et  bellorum  et  20hostium,  non  solum 
gesta  ab  hoc  uno,  sed  etiam  21confecta,  nullam  rem  esse 
declarant  in  usu  militari  positam,  quae  hujus  viri  scien- 
tiam fugere  possit. 

XL  29.  22JAM  vero  virtnti  Cn.  Pompeii  quae  potest 
par  oratio  invenin  ?  quid  est,  quod  quisquam  aut  dignum 
illo,  aut  vobis  novum,  aut  cuiquam  inauditum  possit  af- 
ferre  ?  23Neque  enim  illae  sunt  solae  virtutes  imperato- 
riae,  quae  vulgo  existimantur,  labor  in  negotiis,  fortitudo 
in  periculis,  industria  in  agendo,  celeritas  in  conficiendo, 
consilium  in  providendo  •  2*quae  tanta  sunt  in  hoc  uno, 


ORATIO    PRO    LEGE    MANILIA.  81 

quanla  in  omnibus  reliquis  imperatoribus,  quos  aut  vidi- 
mus, aut  audivimus,  non  fuerunt.  30.  aTestis  est  Italia, 
qnam  ille  ipse  victor,  L.  Sulla,  hujus  virtute  et  subsidic 
confessus  est  liberatam.  2Testis  est  Sicilia,  quam  niul- 
tis  undique  cinctam  periculis,  3non  terrore  belli,  sed 
celeritate  consilii,  explicavit.  4Testis  est  Africa,  quae 
magnis  oppressa  hostium  copiis,  eorum  ipsorum  sanguine 
redundavit.  5Testis  est  Gallia,  per  quam  legionibus  nos- 
tris  in  Hispaniam  iter,  Gallorum  internecione,  patefactum 
est.  6Testis  est  Hispania,  quae  saepissime  plurimos 
hostes  ab  hoc  superatos  prostratosque  conspexit.  Testis 
est  iterum  et  saepius  Italia,  quae,  cum  servili  bello  7tetro 
periculosoque  premeretur,  ab  hoc  auxilium  absente  ex- 
petivit :  8quod  bellum  exspectatione  Pompeii  attenuatum 
atque  imminutum  est,  adventu  sublatum  ac  sepultum. 
31.  Testes  vero  jam  9omnes  orae,  atque  o nines  exterae 
10gentes  ac  nationes,  ndenique  maria  omnia,  turn  univer- 
sa,  turn  in  singulis  omnes  sinus  atque  portus.  Quis 
enim  12toto  mari  locus,  per  hos  annos,  aut  tarn  firmum 
habuit  praesidium,  ut  tutus  esset,  aut  tarn  fuit  abditus, 
ut  lateret  ?  13Quis  navigavit,  qui  non  se  aut  mortis  aut 
servitutis  periculo  committeret,  cum  aut  hieme,  aut  referto 
praedonum  mari  navigaretur  ?  Hoc  tantum  bellum,  tarn 
turpe,  14tam  vetus,  tarn  late  dispersum,  quis  umquam 
arbitraretur  aut  ab  omnibus  imperatoribus  uno  anno,  aut 
15omnibus  annis  ab  uno  imperatore  confici  posse  1  32. 
Quam  provinciam  tenuistis  a  praedonibus  liberam  per  hos- 
ce  annos  ?  16quod  vectigal  vobis  tutum  fuit  ?  quern  socium 
defendistis  ?  cui  praesidio  classibus  vestris  fuistis  ?  quam 
multas  existimatis  insulas  esse  desertas  ?  quam  multas  aut 
metu  relictas,  aut  a  praedonibus  captas  urbes  esse  sociorum  ? 
XII.  SED  quid  ego  17longinqua  commemoro  ?  Fuit 
hoc  quondam,  fuit  18proprium  populi  Romani  longe  a  do- 
mo  bellare,  et  wpropugnaculis  imperii  sociorum  fortunas, 
non  sua  tecta  defendere.  20Sociis  vestris  ego  mare  clau- 
sum  per  hosce  annos  dicam  fuisse,  cum  exercitus  nostri 
a  21Brundisio  nunquam,  nisi  ^umma  hieme,  transmise- 


82  ORATIO    PRO    LEGE     MANILIA. 

rint  ?  Qui  ad  vos  ab  exteris  nationibus  venirent,  captos 
querar,  acum  legati  populi  Roman!  redempti  sim  ?  mer- 
catoribus  tutum  mare  non  fuisse  dicam,  cum  2duodecim 
secures  in  praedonum  potestatem  pervenerint  ?  33.  3Crii- 
dum  aut  Colophonem,  aut  Samum,  nobilissimas  urbcs, 
innumerabilesque  alias,  captas  esse  commemorem,  cum 
vestros  portus,  4atque  eos  portus,  quibus  vitam  et  spiri- 
tum  ducitis,  in  praedonum  fuisse  potestate  sciatis  ?  An 
vero  ignoratis,  portum  Caietae,  celeberrimum  atque  plenis- 
simum  navium,  5inspectante  praetore,  a  praedonibus  esse 
direptum  ?  Ex  Miseno  autem,  6ejus  ipsius  liberos,  qui 
cum  praedonibus  antea  ibi  bellum  gesserat,  a  praedonibus 
esse  sublatos  ?  Nam  quid  ego  70stiense  incommodum, 
atque  illam  labem  atque  ignominiam  reipublicae  querar, 
cum,  prope  inspectantibus  vobis,  classis  ea,  cui  8consul 
populi  Romani  praepositus  esset,  a  praedonibus  capta 
atque  oppressa  est  ?  Pro  dii  immortales  !  tantamne  9unius 
hominis  incredibilis  ac  divina  virtus  tarn  brevi  tempore 
lucem  afferre  reipublicae  potuit,  ut  vos,  qui  modo  ante 
ostium  Tiberinum  classem  hostium  videbatis,  ii  nunc 
nullam  10intra  Oceani  ostium  praedonum  navem  esse 
audiatis  ?  34.  Atque  haec,  qua  celeritate  gesta  sint, 
quamquam  videtis,  tamen  a  me  in  dicendo  praetereunda  non 
sunt.  Quis  enim  umquam,  aut  nobeundi  negotii,  aut  con- 
sequendi  quaestus  studio,  tarn  brevi  tempore,  tot  loca  ad- 
ire,  tantos  cursus  conficere  potuit,  I2quam  celeriter,  On. 
Pompeio  duce,  belli  impetus  navigavit  ?  qui  13nondum 
tempestivo  ad  navigandum  mari  14Siciliam  adiit,  Africam 
exploravit :  inde  Sardinian!  cum  classe  venit,  atque  15haec 
tria  frumentaria  subsidia  reipublicae  firmissimis  praesid- 
iis  classibusque  munivit.  35.  Inde  se  cum  in  Italiam 
recepisset,  duabus  Hispaniis  et  Gallia  Cisalpina  prae- 
sidiis  ac  navibus  confirmata,  missis  item  in  oram  16Illy- 
rici  maris,  et  in  Achaiam  omnemque  Graeciam  navibus, 
17Italiae  duo  maria  maximis  classibus  firmissimisque  prae- 
sidiis  adornavit:  ipse  autem,  18ut  a  Brundisio  profectus 
est,  undequinquagesimo  die  19totam  ad  imperium  populi 


ORATIO    FRO    LEGE     MANILIA.  83 

Romani  Ciliciam  adjunxit :  omnes,  qui  ubique  praedones 
fuerunt,  partim  capti  interfectique  sunt,  partim  1unius 
hujus  imperio  ac  polestati  se  dediderunt.  Idem  2Creten- 
sibus,  cum  ad  eum  usque  in  Pamphyliam  legates  de- 
precatoresque  misissent,  spem  deditionis  non  ademit,  ob- 
sidesque  imperavit.  Ita  tantum  bellum,  tarn  diuturnunc, 
tain  longe  lateque  dispersum,  quo  bello  omnes  gentes  ac 
nationes  premebantur,  Cn.  Pompeius  extrema  hieme  3ap- 
paravit,  ineunte  vere  suscepit,  media  aestate  confecit. 

XIII.  36.  4EsT  haec  divina  atque  incredibilis  virtus 
imperatoris.  Quid  1  ceterae,  quas  paullo  ante  commem- 
orare  coeperam,  quantae  atque  quam  multae  sunt  ?  5non 
enim  solum  bellandi  virtus  in  summo  atque  perfecto 
imperatore  quaerenda  est ;  6sed  multae  sunt  artes  eximiae, 
hujus  administrae  comitesque  virtutis.  Ac  primum,  7quanta 
innocentia  debent  esse  imperatores  1  quanta  deinde  om- 
nibus in  rebus  temperantia  ?  quanta  fide  ?  8quanta  facili- 
tate ?  quanto  ingenio  1  quanta  humanitate  ?  Quae  breviter, 
qualia ,  sint  in  Cn.  Pompeio,  consideremus.  9Summa 
enim  omnia  sunt,  Quirites  ;  sed  ea  magis  10ex  aliorum 
contentione,  quam  ipsa  per  sese  cognosci  atque  intelligi 
possunt.  37.  Quem  enim  npossumus  imperatorem  aliquo 
in  numero  putare,  12cujus  in  exercitu  veneant  centuriatus 
atque  venierint  ?  ^3quid  hunc  hominem  magnum  aut  am- 
plum  de  republica  cogitare,  qui  pecuniam,  ex  aerario  dc- 
promptam  ad  bellum  administrandum,  aut  14propter  cupid- 
itatem  provinciae  magistratibus  diviserit,  aut  propter 
avaritiam  Romae  15in  quaestu  reliquerit  1  —  16Vestra  ad- 
murmuratio  facit,  Quirites,  ut  agnoscere  videamini,  qui 
haec  fecerint :  ego  autem  neminem  nomino ;  quare  irasci 
mihi  nemo  poterit,  nisi  qui  17ante  de  se  voluerit  confit- 
eri.  Itaque,  propter  hanc  avaritiam  imperatorum,  quan- 
tas  calamitates,  quocunque  ventum  sit,  nostri  exercitus 
ferant,  quis  ignorat?  38.  18Itinera,  quae  per  hosce  an- 
nos  in  Italia  per  agros  atque  oppida  civium  Romanorum 
nostri  imperatores  fecerunt,  recordamini :  turn  facilius 
itatuetis,  quid  apud  exteras  nationes  fieri  existimetis 


84  ORATIO    PRO    LEG!    MANILIA. 

Utium  plures  arbitramini  per  liosce  annos  militum  ves- 
trorum  armis  hostium  urbes,  an  ahibernis  sociorum  civi- 
tates  esse  deletas  ?  Neque  enim  potest  2exercitum  .is 
continere  imperator,  3qui  se  ipsum  non  continet :  neque 
severus  esse  4in  judicando,  qui  alios  in  se  severos  esse 
judices  non  vult.  39.  Hie  miramur,  hunc  homiriem  tan- 
turn  excellere  ceteris,  cujus  legiones  sic  in  Asiam  per- 
venerunt,  ut  non  modo  manus  tanti  exercitus,  5sed  ne 
vestigium  quidem  cuiquam  pacato  nocuisse  dicatur  ?  Jam 
vero,  6quemadmodum  milites  hibernent,  quotidie  sermones 
ac  literae  perferuntur.  Non  modo,  7ut  sumptum  faciat 
in  militem,  nemini  vis  aflertur :  sed  ne  cupienti  quidem 
cuiquam  permiltitur.  8Hiemis  enim,  non  avaritiae  pcr- 
fugium  majores  nostri  in  sociorum  atque  amicorum  tectis 
esse  voluerunt. 

XIV.  40.  AGE  vero,  ceteris  in  rebus  9qualis  sit  tem- 
perantia,  considerate.  Unde  illam  tantam  celeritatem, 
et  tarn  incredibilem  cursum  10inventum  putatis  ?  uNon 
enim  ilium  eximia  vis  remigum,  aut  ars  inaudita  quaedam 
gubernandi,  aut  vend  aliqui  novi,  tarn  celeriter  12  in  ulti- 
mas terras  pertulerunt:  sed  eae  res,  quae  13ceteros  re- 
morari  solent,  non  retardarunt :  non  avaritia  ab  institute 
cursu  ad  praedam  aliquam  Hdevocavit,  15non  libido  ad 
voluptatem,  non  amoenitas  ad  delectati«nem,  non  nohili- 
tas  urbis  ad  cognitionem,  non  denique  labor  ipse  ad  quie- 
lem.  Postremo  16signa,  et  tabulas,  ceteraque  ornamenta 
Graecorum  oppidorum,  quae  ceteri  tollenda  esse  arbi- 
trantur,  ea  sibi  ille  ne  visenda  quidem  existimavit.  41. 
Itaque  ornnes  quidem,  nunc  in  his  locis  Cn.  Pom- 
peium,  sicut  aliquem  non  ex  hac  urbe  missum,  sed 
de  coelo  delapsum,  intuentur :  nunc  deuique  incipiunt 
credere,  nfuissei>  homines  Romanes  hac  quando  absti- 
nentia:  18quod  jam  nationibus  exteris  incredibile  ac 
falso  memoriae  proditum  videbatur.  19Nunc  imperii 
vestri  splendor  illis  gentibus  lucet :  nunc  intelligent. 
non  sine  causa  majores  suos  turn,  cum  20hac  tempe- 
tantia  magistratus  habebamus,  servire  populo  Romano, 


ORATIO    PRO    LEGE    MANHIA  85 

imperare  aliis,  maluisse.  Uam  vero  ita  faciles 
aditus  ad  eum  privatorum,  ita  liberae  querimoniae  de 
aliorum  injuriis  esse  dicuntur,  ut  is,  qui  dignitate  princip- 
ibus  excellit,  facilitate  par  infimis  esse  videatur.  42. 
Jam  quantum  3consilio,  quantum  dicendi  gravitate  et  copia 
valeat,  4in  quo  ipso  inest  quaedam  dignitas  imperatoria, 
vos,  Quirites,  5hoc  ipso  in  loco  saepe  cognostis.  Fidem 
vero  ejus  inter  socios  quantam  existimari  putatis,  6quam 
hostes  omnium  gentium  sanctissimam  judicarint  ?  Huma- 
tiitate  jam  tanta  est,  ut  difficile  dictu  sit,  utrum  hostes 
magis  virtutem  ejus  pugnantes  timuerint,  an  mansuetudi- 
nem  victi  dilexerint.  Et  quisquam  dubitabit,  quin  huic 
7tantum  bellum  transmittendum  sit,  qui  ad  omnia  8nostrae 
memoriae  bella  conficienda  divino  quodam  consilio  natus 
esse  videatur  ? 

XV.  43.  ET,  quoniam  9auctoritas  multum  in  belhs 
quoque  administrandis  atque  hi  imperio  militari  valet, 
certe  nemini  dubium  est,  quin  ea  re  idem  ille  imperator 
plurimum  possit.  l(>Vehementer  autem  pertinere  ad  bella 
administranda,  quid  hostes,  quid  socii  de  imperatoribus 
vestris  existiment,  quis  ignorat,  cum  sciamus,  homines 
in  tantis  rebus,  ut  aut  contemnant,  aut  metuant,  aut  ode- 
rint,  aut  ament,  opinione  non  minus  net  fama,  quam 
aliqua  certa  ratione  commoveri  ?  Quod  igitur  nomen 
umquam  in  orbe  terrarum  12clarius  fuit  ?  cujus  res  gestae 
pares  ?  de  quo  homine  vos,  id  quod  maxime  13facit  ad 
auctoritatem,  14tanta  et  tarn  praeclara  judicia  fecistis  ? 
44.  An  vero  ullam  usquam  esse  oram  tarn  desertam  pu- 
tatis, quo  non  15illius  diei  fama  pervaserit,  cum  univer- 
sus  populus  Romanus,  referto  foro,  repletisque  omnibus 
templis,  ex  quibus  17liic  locus  conspici  potest,  unum  sibi 
ad  commune  omnium  gentium  bellum  Cn.  Pompeium 
imperatorem  depoposcit  ?  Itaque,  ut  plura  non  dicaru, 
neque  aliorum  exemplis  confirmem,  17quantum  auctoritas 
valeat  in  bello  ;  ab  eodem  Cn.  Pompeio  18omnium  rerum 
egregiarum  exempla  sumantur :  qui  quo  die  a  vobis  ma- 
litimo  bello  praepositus  est  imperator,  t?nta  repente 

8 


86  ORATJO    PRO    LKOE    MANII.IA. 

Jvilitas  annonae  2ex  summa  inopia  et  caritate  rei  fru- 
mentariae  consecuta  est,  unius.  hominis  spe  et  nomine, 
quantam  vix  ex  summa  ubertate  agrorum  diuturna  pax 
efficere  potuisset.  45.  3Jam,  4accepta  in  Ponto  calami- 
tate,  ex  eo  proelio,  de  quo  vos  paullo  ante  Invitus  ad- 
monui,,cum  socii  pertimuissent,  hostium  oped  animique 
crevissent,  satis  firmum  praesidium  provincia  non  ha- 
beret :  amisissetis  Asiam,  Quirites,  nisi  ipsum  id  tern 
poris  Mivinitus  Cn.  Pompeium  ad  eas  regiones  fortuna 
populi  Romani  attulisset.  Hujus  adventus  et  Mithrida- 
tem  6insolita  inflammatum  victoria  continuit,  et  Tigra- 
nem  magnis  copiis  minitantem  Asiae  retardavit.  Et 
quisquam  dubitabit,  quid  virtute  7profecturus  sit,  qui  tan- 
tnm  auctoritate  profecerit  ?  aut  quam  facile  imperio 
atque  exercitu  socios  et  vectigalia  conservaturus  sit,  qui 
8ipso  nomine  ac  rumore  defenderit  ? 

XVI.  46.  AGE  vero,  9illa  res  quantam  declarat  ejus 
dem  hominis  apud  hostes  populi  Romani  auctoritatem, 
quod  ex  locis  tarn  longinquis,  tamque  diversis,  tarn 
".•revi  tempore  omnes  uni  huic  se  dediderunt  ?  quod 
"Cretensium  legati,  cum  in  eorum  insula  noster  impe- 

••or  exercitusque  esset,  ad  Cn.  Pompeium  nin  ultimas 
j>rope  terras  venerunt,  eiqua  se  omnes  Cretensium  civi 
tates  dedere  velle  dixerunt  ?  Quid  idem  iste  Mithri- 
dates  ?  nonne  ad  eundein  Cn.  Pompeium,  legatum  us- 
que in  Hispaniam  misit  1  12eum  quern  Pompeius  lega- 
tum semper  judicavit:  13ii,  quibus  semper  erat  , moles- 
turn,  ad  eum  potissimum  esse  missum,  speculatorem, 
quam  legatum  judicari  maluerunt.  Potestis  igitur  jam 
constituere,  Quirites,  hanc  auctoritatem,  umultis  postea 
rebus  gestis,  magnisque  vestris  judiciis  amplificatam, 
{Uantum  apud  illos  reges,  quantum  apud  exteras  nationes 
rdiituram  esse  existimetis. 

47.  Reliquum  est,  ut  de  felicitate,  I5quam  praestare  de 
se  ipso  nemo  potest,  meminisse  et  commemorare  de 
altero  possumus,  sicut  aequum  est  homini  36de  potestate 
deorum,  timide  et  pauca  dicamus.  Ego  enim  sic  exis 


ORATIO     PKO      I.EGE     MANILIA.  87 

umo  'Maximo,  Marcello,  Scipioni,  Mario,  et  ceteris 
magnis  imperatoribus,  non  solum  propter  virtutem,  sed 
etiam  propter  fortunam,  saepius  imperia  mandata,  atque 
exercitus  esse  commissos.  Fuit  enim  profecto  quibus 
dam  summis  viris  quaedam  2ad  amplitudinem  et  gloriam, 
et  ad  res  magnas  bene  gerendas  divinitus  adjuncta 
Ibrtuna :  de  hujus  autem  hominis  felicitate,  quo  de  nunc 
agimus,  3hac  utar  moderatione  dicendi,  non  ut  in  illius 
potestate  fortunam  positam  esse  dicam,  sed  ut  praeterita 
meminisse,  reliqua  sperare  videamur,  ne  aut  invisa  diis 
immortalibus  oratio  nostra,  aut  ingrata  esse  videatur. 
48.  Itaque  4non  sum  praedicaturus,  Quirites,  quantas 
ille  res  domi  militiaeque,  terra  marique,  quantaque  feli- 
citate gesserit :  ut  ejus  semper  voluntatibus  non  modo 
cives  assenserint,  socii  5obtemperarint,  hostes  obedierint, 
sed  etiam  venti  tempestatesque  6obsecundarint.  Hoc 
brevissime  dicam,  neminem  unquam  7tam  impudentem 
fuisse,  qui  a  diis  immortalibus  tot  et  tar  '.as  res  tacitus 
auderet  optare,  quot  et  quantas  dii  immortales  ad  Cn. 
Pompeium  detulerunt.  8Quod  ut  illi  proprium  ac  per- 
petuum  sit,  Quirites,  cum  communis  salutis  atque  im- 
perii,  turn  ipsius  hominis  causa  (sicuti  facitis)  9velle 
et  optare  debetis. 

49.  Quare  cum  et  bellum  ita  necessarium  sit,  u 
negligi  non  possit :  ita  magnum,  ut  10accuratissime  sit 
administrandum :  et  cum  ei  imperatorem  praeficere  pos- 
sitis,  in  quo  sit  eximia  belli  scientia,  singular!*  virtus 
clarissima  auctoritas,  egregia  fortuna :  ndubitabitis,  Quir- 
ites, quin  hoc  tantum  boni,  quod  vobis  a  diis  im- 
mortalibus oblatum  et  datum  est,  in  rempublicam  con- 
servandam  atque  amplificandam  conferatis  ? 

XVII.  50.  12QuoD  si  Romae  Cn.  Pompeius  privatu* 
esset  hoc  tempore :  tamen  ad  tantum  bellum  13is  erat 
deligendus  atque  mittendus.  14Nunc,  cum  ad  ceteras 
summas  utilitates  haec  quoque  opportunitas  adjungatur, 
ut  in  iis  ipsis  locis  adsit,  ut  habeat  exercitum,  ut  ab 
iis.  qui  habent,  accipere  statim  possit :  lftjuid  exspee  • 


88  ORATIO  PRO  LKGK  MAXIMA. 

tamus  1  aut  CUT  non,  ducibus  diis  immortalibus,  eidem, 
cui  cetera  summa  cum  salute  reipublicae  commissa  sunt, 
hoc  quoque  bellurn  regium  committimus  ? 

51.  JAt  enim  vir  clarissimus,  amantissimus  reipublicae 
8~sstris  beneficiis  amplissimis  affectus,  Q.  Catulus ;  3item 
que  summis  ornamentis  honoris,  fortunae,  virtutis,  ingen- 
ii  praeditus,  Q.  Hortensius,  4ab  hac  ratione  dissen- 
tiunt :  5quorum  ego  auctoritatem  apud  vos  multis  locis 
plurimum  valuisse,  et  valere  oportere  confiteor  ;  sed  in. 
hac  causa,  tametsi  cognoscitis  auctoritates  contrarias 
fortissimorura  virorum  et  clarissimorum,  tamen,  omissis 
auctoritatibus,  ipsa  re  et  ratione  exquirere  possumus 
veritatem :  atque  hoc  facilius,  quod  ea  omnia,  quae 
adhuc  a  me  dicta  sunt,  iidem  isti  vera  esse  concedunt, 
et  necessarium  bellum  esse,  et  magnum,  et  in  uno  Gn 
Pompeio  summa  esse  omnia.  52.  Quid  igitur  ait  Hor- 
tensius ?  "  Si  uni  6omnia  tribuenda  sint,  unum  dignis- 
simum  esse  Pompeium  :  sed  ad  unum  tamen  omnia 
deferri'  non  oportere."  Obsolevh  jam  ista  oratio,  7re 
multo  magis  quam  verbis  refutata.  Nam  tu  idem,  Q. 
Hortensi,  multa,  8pro  tua  summa  copia  ac  singular! 
facultate  dicendi,  et  in  senatu  contra  9virum  fortem  A. 
Gabinium,  :0graviter  ornateque  dixisti,  cum  is  de  uno 
imperatore  contra  praedones  constituendo  legem  promul- 
gasset :  et  ex  hoc  ipso  loco  permulta  item  contra  legem 
earn  verba  fecisti.  53.  Quid  1  turn,  per  deos  immorta- 
les  !  si  plus  apud  populum  Romanum  auctoritas  tua. 
quam  ipsius  populi  Romani  salus  et  nvera  causa  valu- 
isset,  hodie  hanc  gloriam  atque  hoc  orbis  terrae  imperium 
teneremus  ?  An  tibi  turn  imperium  esse  hoc  videbatur. 
cum  populi  Romani  legati,  praetores,  quaestoresque 
12capiebantur  ?  cum  ex  omnibus  provinciis  commeatu, 
et  private,  et  publico  prohibebamur  ?  cum  ita  clausn 
erant  nobis  omnia  maria,  13ut  neque  privatam  rem  trans- 
marinam,  neque  publicam  jam  obire  possemus  ? 

XVIII.  54.  QUAE  civitas  antea  umquam  fuit,  14non  dico 
Atheniensium,    quae    satis    late    quondam    mare   tenuissa 


ORfc.no     PRO    LEGE    JIAMLIA.  89 

dicitur,  nou  ^arthaginieusium,  qui  permultum  olasse  ma- 
ritiraisque  rebus  valuerunt,  non  2Rhodiorum,  quorum  us- 
que ad  nostram  memoriam  disciplina  navalis  et  gloria 
reinansit :  quae  civitas  antea  umquain  3tana  tenuis,  quae 
tarn  parva  insula  fuit,  quae  non  portus  suos,  et  agros,  et 
aliquam  partem  regionis  atque  orae  maritimae  per  se 
ipsa  defenderet?  At  hercle,  4aliquot  annos  coatinuos 
ante  legem  Gabiniam,  ille  populus  Romanus,  cujus, 
usque  ad  nostram  memoriam,  nomen  invictum  in  nava- 
libus  puguis  permanserat,  5magna  ac  multo  maxima 
parte  non  modo  utilitatis,  sed  dignitatis  atque  imperi 
caruit :  55.  nos,  quorum  majores  ^Antiochum  regen 
elasse  7Persenque  superarunt,  omnibusque  navalibus  pug 
nis  Carthaginienses,  homines  8in  maritimis  rebus  exerci 
tatissimos  paratissimosque  vicerunt,  9ii  nullo  in  loco 
jam  praedonibus  pares  esse  poteramus  :  nos,  qui  antea 
non  modo  Italiam  tutam  habebamus,  sed  omnes  socios 
in  ultimis  oris  auctoritate  nostri  imperii  salvos  10praestare 
poteramus;  turn,  cum  insula  Delos,  tarn  procul  a  nobis 
in  Aegeo  mari  posita,  "quo  omnes  undique  cum  merci- 
bus  atque  oneribu*  commeabant.  referta  divitiis,  parva, 
sine  muro,  12mhil  timebat ;  13iiaeru  non  modo  provinciis, 
atque  oris  Italiae  maritimis,  ac  portubus  nostris,  sed 
etiam  uAppia  jam  via  carebamus  ;  et  his  temporibus 
non  pudebat  magistratus  populi  Romani,  15in  hunc 
ipsum  locum  escendere,  cum  eum  vobis  majores  ves- 
tri  16exuviis  nauticis  et  classium  spoliis  ornatum  re- 
liquissent. 

XIX.  56.  17Boxo  te  animo  turn,  Q.  Hortensi,  popu- 
lus Romanus,  et  ceteros,  qui  erant  in  eadem  sententia, 
dicere  existimavit  e a,  quae  sentiebatis  ,  sed  tamen  18in 
salute  communi  idem  populus  Romanus  dolori  suo 
maluit,  quam  auctoritati  vestrae  obtemperare.  Itaque 
19una  lex,  unus  vir,  unus  annus,  non  modo  nos  iEa 
miseria  ac  turpitudine  liberavit ;  sed  etiam  effecit,  ut 
aliquando  vere  videremur  omnibus  gentibus  ac  nationi- 
bua  terra  mari^ue  imperare.  57.  20Quo  mihi  etiam 

8* 


90  ORA.TIO    PRO    LEGE    MAN  ILIA. 

indignius  vidf.tur  obtrectatum  esse  adhuc,  Gabinio  dicam, 
anne  Pompeio,  an  utrique  ?  (id  quod  est  verius ;)  ne  le- 
garetur  A.  Gabinius  Cn.  Pompeio  expetenti  ac  postulanti. 
Utrum  ille,  qui  postulat  legatum  ad  tantum  bellum,  quern 
velit,  idoneus  non  est,  qui  impetret,  cum  ^eteri  ad  ex- 
pilandos  socios  diripiendasque  provincias,  quos  volue- 
runt,  legates  eduxerint ;  an  2ipse,  cujus  lege  salus  ac 
dignitas  populo  Romano  atque  omnibus  gentibus  con- 
stituta  est,  expers  esse  debet  gloriae  imperatoris  atque 
ejus  exercitus,  3qui  consilio  ipsius  atque  periculo  est 
constitutus  ?  58.  An  C.  Falcidius,  Q.  Metellus,  Q. 
Caelius  Latiniensis,  Cn.  Lentulus,  quos  omnes  4honoris 
causa  nomino,  cum  tribuni  plebis  fuissent,  5anno  proxi- 
mo legati  esse  potuerunt ;  6in  hoc  uno  Gabinio  sunt  tarn 
diligentes,  qui  in  hoc  bello,  quod  lege  Gabinia  geritur, 
in  hoc  imperatore  atque  exercitu,  quern  "per  vos  ipse 
constituit,  etiam  praecipuo  jure  esse  deberet  ?  8de  quo 
legando  spero  consules  ad  senatum  relaturos.  Qui  si 
dubitabunt,  aut  9gravabuntur,  10ego  memet  profiteer  rela- 
turum;  neque  me  impediet  cujusquam,  Quirites,  ninimi- 
cum  edictum,  quo  minus,  fretus  vobis,  vestrum  jus  bene- 
ficiumque  defendam :  neque,  12praeter  intercessionem, 
quidquam  audiam ;  de  qua  (ut  arbitror)  isti  ipsi,  qui  min 
antur,  etiam  atque  etiam,  quid  liceat,  considerabunt. 
Mea  quidem  sententia,  Quirites,  unus  A.  Gabinius,  belli 
maritimi  rerumque  gestaruin  Cn.  Pompeio  13socius  ad- 
scribitur ;  propterea  quod  14alter  uni  id  bellum  suscipien- 
dum  vestris  suffragiis  detulit ;  alter  delatum  susceptumque 
confecit. 

XX.  59.  RELIQUUM  est,  15ut  de  Q.  Catuli  auctoritate 
et  sententia  dicendum  esse  videatur;  qui  cum  ex  vobis 
quaereret,  16si  in  uno  Cn.  Pompeio  omnia  poneretis,  si 
quid  de  eo  factum  esset,  in  /quo  spem  essetis  habituri ; 
ncepit  magnum,  suae  virtutis  fructum,  ac  dignitatis,  cum 
omnes,  prope  una  voce,  "  in  ipso  vos  spem  habituros 
esse"  dixistis.  Etenim  18talis  est  vir,  ut  nulla  res  tanta 
sit  ac  tarn  difficilis,  quam  ille  non  19et  consilio  regere, 


ORATIO    PRO    LEOE    MANILIA.  91 

et  iiitegritate  tueri,  et  virtute  conficere  possit.  Sed  in 
hoc  ipso  ab  eo  1vehementissime  dissentio,  quod,  quo 
minus  eerta  est  hominum  ac  minus  diuturna  vita,  hoc 
magis  respublica,  dum  per  deos  immortales  licet,  frui 
debet  summi  hominis  vita  atque  virtute. — 60.  2At  enim 
nihil  novi  fiat  contra  exempla  atque  instituta  majorum. — 
3Non  dico  hoc  loco,  majores  nostros  semper  in  pace 
consuetudini,  in  bello  utilitati  paruisse,  semper  ad  novos 
casus  temporum,  novorum  consiliorum  rationes  accomo- 
dasse  :  *non  dicam,  duo  bella  maxima,  Punicum  et '  His- 
paniense,  ab  suno  imperatore  esse  confecta :  duas  urbes 
potentissimas,  quae  huic  imperio  maxime  minitabantur, 
Carthaginem  atque  Numantiam,  ab  eodem  Seipione  esse 
deletas  :  enon  commemorabo,  nuper  ita  vobis  patribusque 
vestris  esse^visum,  ut  in  uno  C.  Mario  spes  imperil 
poneretur,  ut  idem  cum  Jugurtha,  idem  cum  Cimbris, 
idem  cum  Teutonis  bellum  administraret :  61 .  7in  ipso 
Cn.  Pompeio,  in  quo  novi  constitui  nihil  vult  Q.  Catu- 
lus,  quam  multa  sint  nova  8summa  Q.  Catuli  voluntate 
constituta,  recordamini. 

XXI.  QUID  9enim  tain  novum,  quam  10adolescentulum, 
privatum,  exercitum  difficili  reipublicae  tempore  nconfi- 
cere  ? — confecit : — huic  praeesse  ? — praefuit : — rem  12op- 
time  ductu  suo  gerere  ? — gessit.  Quid  tarn  praeter  con- 
suetudinem,  quam  homini  peradolescenti,  13cujus  a  sena- 
torio  gradu  aetas  longe  abesset,  imperium  atque  exercitum 
dari  ?  Siciliam  permitti,  atque  Africam,  bellumque  in 
ea  administrandum  ?  Fuit  in  his  provinciis  singular! 
innocentia,  gravitate,  virtute :  bellum  in  Africa  maximum 
uconfecit,  victorem  exercitum  deportavit.  Quid  vero 
tarn  inauditum,  quam  15equitem  Romanum  triumphare  ? 
16At  earn  quoque  rem  populus  Romanus  non  modo  vidit, 
sed  etiam  studio  omni  visendam  et  concelebrandam 
putavit.  62.  Quid  tarn  inusitatum,  quam  ut,  cum  17duo 
consules  clarissimi  fortissimique  essent,  eques  Romanus 
ad  bellum  maximum  formidolosissimumque  pro  consule 
mu  :retur~?  Missus  est.  Quo  quidem  tempore,  cum  esset 


92  ORAT1O    PRO    LEGE    MAMLIA. 

'nonnemo  in  senatu,  qui  diceret,  "  Non  oportere  nutfi 
hominem  privatura  2pro  consule ;"  3L.  Piulippus  dixisse 
dicitur,  "  Non  se  ilium  sua  sententia  pro  consule  sed 
pro  consulibus  mittere."  Tanta  in  eo  reipublicae  bene 
gerendae  spes  constituebatur,  ut  duorum  consulum  munus 
unius  adolescentis  virtuti  committeretur.  Quid  tarn  sin 
gulare,  quam  ut,  ex  scnatusconsulto  4legibus  solutus, 
consul  ante  fieret,  quani  ullum  alium  magistratum  per 
leges  capere  iicuisset  ?  quid  tarn  incredibile,  quam  ut 
6iterum  eques  .Romanus  8ex  senatusconsulto  triumpharet  ? 
7quae  in  omnibus  hominibus  nova  post  hominum  memor- 
iam  constituta  sunt,  ea  tarn  multa  non  sunt,  quam  haec, 
fjuae  in  hoc  uno  homine  vidimus.  63.  Atque  haec  tot 
exernpla,  tanta  ac  tarn  nova,  8profecta  siuit  in  eundeiu 
hominem  a  Q.  Catuli  atque  a  ceterorum  ejusdem  digni- 
tatis  amplissimorum  hominum  auctoritate. 

XXII.  QUARE  videant,  ne  sit  periniquum  et  non  fereu 
dura,  illorum  auetoritatem  9de  Cn.  Pompeii  dignitate  a 
Yobis  comprobatam  semper  esse  :  vestrum  ab  illis  de  eo- 
dem  homine  judicium,  populique  Komani  auetoritatem 
improbari :  praesertim  cum  jam  suo  jure  populus  Roma- 
mis  in  hoc  homine  suam  auetoritatem  vel  contra  omnes, 
qui  10dissentiant,  possit  defendere  :  propterea  quod,  iis- 
dem  istis  reclamantibus,  vos  unum  ilium  ex  omnibus 
delegistis,  quern  bellp  praedomim  praeponeretis.  64.  Hoc 
si  vos  11temere  fecistis,  et  reipublicae  parum  consuluis- 
tis ;  recte  isti  sludia  vestra  suis  consiliis  regere  conantur : 
12sin  autem  vos  plus  turn  13in  republica  vidistis  ;  vos,  his 
repugnantibus,  per  vosmet  ipsos  dignitatem  huic  imperio, 
salutem  orbi  terrarum  attulistis :  aliquando  isti  principes, 
et  sibi,  et  ceteris,  populi  Romani  universi  auctoritati 
parendum  esse  fateantur.  Atque  in  hoc  bello  Asiatico 
et  regio,  non  solum  14militaris  ilia  virtus,  quae  est  in 
Cn.  Pompeio  singularis,  sed  aliae  quoque  virtutes  animi 
multae  et  magnae  requiruntur.  Difficile  est  in  Asia, 
Cilicia,  Syria,  regnisque  I5interiorum  nationum  16ita  ver- 
»ari  vestrum  imperatorem,  ut  nihil  aliud,  quam  de  hoste 


OKAT1O  PRO  LEOE  MANIL1A.  93 

ac  de  laude,  cogitet.  Deinde  etiam  lsi  qui  sunt  pudore 
ac  temperantia  moderatiores,  tamen  eos  esse  tales,  prop- 
ter  inultitudinem  cupidorum  hominum,  nemo  arbitratur. 
65.  Difficile  est  dictu,  Quirites,  quanto  in  odio  simus 
apud  exteras  nationes,  propter  eorum,  2quos  ad  eas 
per  hos  annos  cum  imperio  misimus,  3injurias  ac  libi- 
dines.  ''Quod  enirn  fanum  putatis  in  illis  terris  nos- 
tris  magistratibus  religiosum,  quanv  civitatem  sanctam, 
quam  domum  satis  clausam  ac  munitam  fuisse?  urbes 
jam  locupletes  ac  copiosae  5requiruntur,  quibus  causa 
belli,  propter  diripiendi  cupiditatem,  inferatur.  66.  6Lib- 
enter  haec  coram  cum  Q.  Catulo  et  Q.  Hortensio 
disputarem,  summis  et  clarissimis  viris  ;  noverunt  enim 
sociorum  vulnera :  vident  eorum  calamitates  :  querimo- 
nias  audiunt.  Pro  sociis  vos  contra  hostes  exercitum 
mittere  putatis,  an,  7ho'stium  simulatione,  contra  socios 
atque  amicos  1  quae  civitas  est  in  Asia,  8quae  non  modo 
imperatoris,  aut  legati,  sed  unius  tribuni  militum  animus 
ac  spiritus  capere  possit  ? 

XXIII.  QUARE,  etiam  si  quern  habetis,  qui,  9collatis 
signis,  exercitus  regies  superare  posse  videatur :  tamen, 
10nisi  erit  idem,  qui  se  a  pecuniis  sociorum,  qui  ab  eorum 
conjugibus  ac  liberis,  qui  ab  ornamentis  fanorum  atque 
oppidorum,  qui  ab  auro  gazaque  regia,  manus,  oculos, 
animum  cohibere  possit ;  non  erit  idoneus,  qui  ad  bel- 
lum  Asiaticum  regiumque  mittatur.  67.  T1Ecquam  puta- 
tis civitatem  pacatam  fuisse,  quae  locuples  sit  ?  ecquam 
esse  locupletem,  quae  istis  pacata  esse  videatur  ?  Ora 
maritima,  Quirites,  Cn.  Pompeium  non  solum  propter 
rei  militaris  gloriam,  sed  etiam  propter  animi  continen- 
tiam  requisivit.  l2Videbac  enim  populum  Romanum  non 
locupletari  quotannis  pecunia  publica,  13praeter  paucos ; 
neque  nos  quidquam  aliud  assequi  Hclassium  nomine, 
nisi  ut,  detrimentis  accipiendis,  majore  affici  turpitudine 
videremur.  Nunc,  15qua  cupiditate  homines  in  provincias, 
quibus  jacturis,  quibus  conditionibus,  proficiscantur,  igno- 
rant videlicet  isti,  qui  ad  unum  deferenda  esse  omnia 


y4  OJIAT1O    PRO    LliGE    MAMLli. 

non  arbitrantm  ?  Quasi  vero  Cn.  Pompeium  non  'cum 
suis  virtutibus,  turn  etiam  alienis  vitiis,  magnum  esse 
videamus.  68.  2Quare  nolite  dubitare,  quin  huic  uni 
credatis  omnia,  qui  3inter  annos  tot  unus  inventus  sit, 
quern  socii  in  urbes  suas  cum  exercitu  venisse  gaudeant. 
*Quod  si  auctoritatibus  hanc  causam,  Quirites,  confirman 
dam  putatis  :  est  vobis  auctor,  vir  bellorum  omnium  max- 
iinarumque  rerum  peritissimus,  P.  Servilius :  cujus  tau- 
tae  res  gestae  terra  marique  exstiterunt,  ut,  cum  5de  bello 
deliberetis,  auctor  vobis  gravior  esse  nemo  debeat :  est 
6C.  Curio,  summis  vesjris  beneficiis,  maximisque  rebus 
gestis,  summo  ingenio  et  prudentia  praeditus :  est  7Cn 
Lentulus,  in  quo  omnes,  pro  amplissimis  vestris  honori- 
bus  summum  consilium,  summam  gravitatem  esse  cogno- 
vistis  :  est  ^C.  Cassius,  integritate,  virtute,  constantia 
singular!.  9Quare  videte,  num  horum  auctoritatibus  illo- 
rum  orationi,  qui  dissentiunt,  respondere  posse  videamur. 
XXIV.  69.  QUAE  cum  ita  sint,  C.  Manili,  primum 
10istam  tuam  et  legem,  et  voluntatem,  et  sententiam  laudo, 
vehementissimeque  comprobo :  deinde  te  hortor,  ut,  nauc- 
tore  populo  Romano,  maneas  in  sententia,  neve  cujus- 
quam^ vim  aut  minas  pertimescas.  Primum  in  te  satis 
esse  animi  12perseverantiaeque  arbitror :  deinde  cum  tan- 
tarn  multitudinem  cum  tanto  studio  adesse  videamus, 
13quantam  nunc  iterum  14in  eodem  homine  praeficiendo 
videmus  :  15quid  est,  quod  aut  de  re,  aut  de  perficiendi 
facultate  dubitemus  ?  Ego  autem,  quidquid  in  me  est 
16studii,  consilii,  laboris,  ingenii,  quidquid  17hoc  beneficio 
populi  Romani,  atque  hac  potestate  praetoria,  quidquid 
auctoritate,  fide,  constantia  possum ;  id  omne  ad  hanc 
rem  conficiendam,  tibi  et  populo  Romano  polliceor  ac 
defero.  7p.  Testorque  omnes  deos,  et  eos  maxime,  18qui 
huic  loco  temploque  praesident,  qui  omnium  nientes  eo- 
rum,  19qui  ad  rempublicam  adeunt,  maxime  perspiciunt, 
me  hoc  neque  rogatu  facere  cujusquam,  20neque  quo  Cn. 
Pompeii  gratiam  mihi  per  hanc  causam  ccnciliari  putem, 
neque  quo  mihi  21ex  cujusquam  amplitudirie,  aut  praesidia 
' 


ORATIO  PRO  LtGE  MANIL1A.  95 

periculis,  aut  adjumenta  honoribus  quaerarn  :  propterea 
quod  pericula  facile,  lui  hominem  praestare  oportet,  in- 
aocentia  tecti  repellemus :  honores  autem  neque  ab  uno, 
\eque  ex  hoc  loco,  sed  eadem  nostra  ilia  laboriosissima 
ratione  vitae,  si  vestra  voluntas  feret,  consequemiir.  71. 
Quamobrem,  quidquid  in  hac  causa  mihi  suscepturn  est, 
Quirites,  id  omne  me  reipublicae  causa  suscepisse  con- 
drmo  :  tantumque  abest,  ut  3aliquam  bonam  gratiam  mihi 
quaesisse  videar,  ut  multas  etiam  simultates  parthn  ob- 
scuras,  partim  apertas  intelligam,  4mihi  non  necessarias, 
vobis  non  inutiles,  suscepisse.  Sed  ego  me  6hoc  honore 
v?raeditum,  tantis  vestris  beneficiis  affectum,  statui,  Quir- 
Hes,  vestram  voluntatem,  et  reipublicae  dignitatem,  et 
i-alutem  provinciarum  atque  sociorum,  i£  eis  omnibus  com- 
uodis  et  rationibus  praeferre  oportere.  .• 


!M.  TULLII  CICERONIS 

PRO 

L.   MURENA 
O  RATIO. 


1.  1.  2QuAE  deprecatus  a  diis  immortalibus  sum,  3jv 
iices,  more  institutoque  majorum,  illo  die,  quo,  4auspi 
cato,  5comitiis  centuriatis  L.  Murenam  consulem  renun 
*iavi,  ut  ea  res  mihi  6magistratuique  meo,  7populo  plebi 
que  Romanae  bene  atque  feliciter  eveniret ;  eadein  precor 
ab  eisdem  diis  immortalibus,  8ob  ejusdem  hominis  consu- 
latum  una  cum  salute  obtinendum,  et  ut  vestrae  mentea 
atque  sententiae  cum  populi  Romani  voluntatibus  suffra- 
giisque  consentiant,  9eaque  res  vobis,  populoque  Romano, 
pacem,  tranquijlitatem,  otium,  concordiamque  afFerat. 
10Quod  si  ilia  solemnis  comitiorum  precutio,~  consularibus 
auspiciis  consecrata,  tantam  habet  in  se  vim  et  religionem, 
quantam  reipublicae  dignitas  postulat :  idem  ego  sum 
precatus,  ut  eis  quoque  hominibus,  quibus  hie  consulates, 
nme  rogante,  datus  esset,  ea  res  fauste,  feliciter,  pros- 
pereque  eveniret.  2.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  judices,  et  cuuj 
12omnis  deorum  immortalium  potestas  aut  translata  sit  ad 
vos,  aut  certe  communicata  vobiscum,  idem  consul  cum 
vestrae  fidei  commendat,  qui  antea  diis  immortalibus 
commendavit ;  ut  ejusdem  hominis  voce  et  declaratus 
consul,  et  defensus,  13beneficium  populi  Romani  cum 
vestra  atque  omnium  civium  salute  tueatur.  Et  quoniam 
uin  hoc  officio  stadium  meae  defensionis  ab  accusatori- 
bus  atque  etiam  ipsa  susceptio  causae  reprehensa  est: 


OKATIO    PKO    L.    MUREiNA.  97 

nntequam  pro  L.  Murena  dicere  instituo,  pro  me  ipso 
pauca  dicam  ;  liion  quo  mihi  potior,  hoc  quidem  in  tern- 
pore,  ait  officii  mei,  quam  hujusce  salutis  defensio,  sed 
ut,  ineo  facto  vobis  probato,  majore  auctoritate  ab  hujus 
*honore,  fama,  fortunisque  omnibus  inimicorum  impetus 
propulsare  possim. 

II.  3.  ET  primum  3M.  Catoni,  *vitam  ad  certam  ratiu- 
uis  nonnam  dirigenti,  et  diligentissime  perpendenti  mo- 
menta officiorum  omnium,  6de  offieio  meo  respondebo. 
Negat  fuisse  rectum  Cato,  me  et  consulem,  6et  legis 
ambitus  latorem,  7et  tarn  severe  gesto  consulatu,  8causam 
L.  Murenae  attingere.  9Cujus  reprehensio  me  vehemeii- 
ter  movet,  non  solum  ut  vobis,  judices,  quibus  maxime 
debeo,  verum  etiam  ut  ipsi  Catoni,  gravissimo  atque 
integerrimo  viro,  rationem  facti  mei  probem.  A  quo 
tandem,  M.  Cato,  fest  aequius  consulem  defendi,  quam  a 
consule  ?  Quis  10mihi  in  republira  potest  aut  debet  esse 
conjunctior,  quam  is,  cui  respublica  a  me  uno  traditur 
sustinenda,  magnis  meis  laboribus  et  periculis  sustentata  ? 
HQuod  si  in  iis  rebus  repetendis,  quae  mancipi  sunt, 
is  periculum  judicii  praestare  debet,  qui  se  nexu  obliga- 
vit,  12profecto  etiam  rectius  in  judicio  consulis  designati, 
is  potissimum  consul,  qui  consulem  declaravit,  13auctor 
beneficii  populi  Roman!  defensorque  periculi  esse  debe- 
bit.  4.  14Ac,  si,  ut  nonnullis  in  civitatibus  fieri  solet, 
16patronus  huic  causae  publice  constitueretur,  is  potissime 
honore  affecto  defensor  daretur,  qui,  eodem  honore  prae- 
ditus,  non  minus  afFerret  ad  dicendum  auctoritatis,  quam 
facultatis.  16Quod  si  e  portu  solventibus  ii,  qui  jam  in 
portum  ex  alto  invehuntur,  17praecipere  summo  studio 
solent  et  tempestatum  rationem,  et  praedonum,  et  loco- 
rum  ;  18quod  natura  fert,  ut  eis  faveamus,  19qui  eadem 
pericula,  quibus  nos  perfuncti  sumus,  ingrediantur :  20quo 
tandem  me  animo  esse  oportet,  prope  jam  ex  magna 
jactatione  terram  videntem,  in  hunc,  cui  video  21maximas 
reipublicae  tempestates  esse  subeundas  ?  Quare  si  est 
bom  consulis,  non  solum  22videre,  quid  agatur,  verum 

9 


98  ORATIJ  PKO    L.    MURENA. 

etiam  providers,  quid  futurum  sit,  ostcndam  alio  loco, 
1quanturn  saiutis  cominunis  intersit,  2duos  consules  in 
republica  kalendis  Januariis  esse.  5.  Quod  si  ita  est, 
non  tarn  me  3officium  debuit  ad  hominis  amici  fortunas, 
quam  respublica  consulem  ad  communem  salutera  defen- 
dendam  vocare. 

IH.  4NAM  quod  legem  de  ambitu  tuli,  certe  ita  tuli,  ut 
earn,  quam  mihimet  ipsi  jampridem  tulerim  de  civium 
periculis  deferidendis,  non  abrogarem.  Etenim  si  6largi- 
tionem  factam  esse  confiterer,  idque  recte  factum  esse 
defenderem,  facerem  improbe,  6etiam  si  alius  legem  tu- 
lisset :  7cum  vero  nihil  commissum  contra  legem  esse 
defendam,  quid  est,  quod  meam  defensionem  latio  legis 
impediat  ?  .  6.  8Negat  esse  ejusdem  severitatis,  Catilinam, 
exitiuin  reipublicae  intra  moenia  molientem,  9verbis  et 
oaene  iinperio  urbe  expulisse,  10et  mine  pro  L.  Murena 
aicere.  HEgo  autem  has  partes  lenitatis  et  misericor- 
diae,  quas  me  natura  ipsa  12docuit,  semper  egi  libenter  : 
13illam  vero  gravitatis  severitatisque  14personam  non  ap- 
petivi,  sed  ab  republica  mini  impositam  sustinui,  sicut 
hujus  imperii  dignitas  in  summo  periculo  civium  postu- 
labat.  15Quod  si  turn,  cum  respublica  vim  et  severitatem 
desiderabat,  vici  naturam,  et  tarn  vehemens  fui,  quam 
cogebar,  non  quam  volebam:  nunc,  I6cum  omnes  me 
causae  ad  misericordiam  atque  ad  humanitatem  vocent, 
quanto  tandem  studio  debeo  "naturae  meae  consuetudi- 
nique  servire  ?  18At  de  I9officio  defensionis  meae,  ac  de 
ratione  accusationis  tuae,  fortasse  etiam  alia  in  parte 
orationis  dicendum  nobis  erit. 

7.  Sed  me,  judices,  non  minus  20hominis  sapientissimi 
atque  ornatissimi,  Ser.  Sulpicii,  conquestio,  quam  Cato- 
nis  accusatio  2lcommovebat :  qui  22gravissime  et  acerbis- 
sime  ferre  dixit,  me  23familiaritatis  necessitudinisque 
oblitum,  causam  L.  Murenae  contra  se  defendere.  Huic 
ego,  judices,  satisfacere  cupio,  vosque  adhibere  ^arbi- 
tros.  Nam  cum  grave  est,  vere  accusari  in  amicitia, 
turn,  etiam  si  falso  accuseris.  ^on  est  negligendum. 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA.  1)9 

Ego,  Ser.  Sulpici,  me  in  petitione  tua  tibi  omnia  studia 
*tque  officia,  pro  nostra  necessitudine,  et  debuisse  con- 
fiteor,  et  praestitisse  arbitror.  Nihil  tibi,  consulatum 
petenti,  2a  me  defuit,  quod  esset  aut  ab  amico,  aut  a 
gratioso,  aut  a  consule  postulandum.  Abiit  illud  tem- 
pus  :  3mutata  ratio  est.  4Sic  existimo,  sic  mihi  persua- 
deo,  me  tibi  contra  honorem  L.  Murenae,  quantum  tu  a 
me  postulare  ausus  sis,  tantum  debuisse :  contra  salutem, 
nihil  debere.  8.  Neque  enim,  si  tibi  turn,  cum  peteres 
consulatum,  adfui,  idcirco  nunc,  6cum  Murenam  ipstim 
petas,  adjutor  6eodem  pacto  esse  debeo.  Atque  hoc 
non  modo  non  laudari,  sed  ne  concedi  quidem  potest, 
ut,  amicis  nostris  accusantibus,  non  etiam  alienissimos 
defendamus. 

IV.  MIHI  autem  cum  Murena,  judices,  et  vetus,  et 
magna  amicitia  est,  quae  7in  capitis  dimicatione  a  Ser. 
Sulpicio  8non  idcirco  obruetur,  quod  ab  eodem  in  honoris 
contentione  superata  est.  9Quae  si  causa  non  esset, 
tamen  vel  dignitas  hominis,  vel  honoris  ejus,  quern  adep- 
tus  est,  amplitude,  summam  mihi  superbiae  crudelita- 
tisque  famam  inussisset,  si  hominis,  et  suis  et  populi 
Romani  ornamentis  amplissimi,  causam  tanti  periculi 
repudiassem.  Neque  enim  jam  mihi  licet,  10neque  est 
integrum,  ut  meum  laborem  hominum  periculis  sublev- 
andis  non  impertiam.  Nam  cum  "praemia  mihi  tanta 
pro  hac  industria  sint  data,  quanta  antea  nemini :  12labo- 
res,  per  quos  ea  ceperis,  cum  adeptus  sis,  deponere, 
esset  hominis  et  astuti  et  ingrati.  9.  13Quod  si  licet 
desinere,  si  te  auctore  possum^  si  nulla  inertiae,  nulla 
superbiae  turpitude,  nulla  inhumanitatis  culpa  suscipitur : 
ego  vero  libenter  desino.  Sin  autem  fuga  laboris  Sesid- 
iam,  repudiatio  supplicum  superbiam,  amicorum  neglec- 
tio  14improbitatem  coarguit :  nimirum  haec  causa  est  ejus- 
modi,  quam  nee  industrius,  nee  misericors,  nee  officiosus 
deserere  possit.  Atque  hujusce  rei  conjecturam  15de  tuo 
ipsius  studio,  Servi,  facillime  ceperis.  Nam  si  tibi  ne- 
cesse  putas,  16etiam  adversariis  amicorum  tuorum  de  jure 


100  OKATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

corisulentibus  respondere  ;  !et,  si  turpe  existimas,  2te  ad 
vocato,  ilium  ipsum,  quern  contra  veneris,  3causa  cadere 
noli  tarn  esse  injustus,  ut,  cum  4tui  fontes  vel  inimicis 
tuis  pateant,  nostros  rivulos  etiam  amicis  putes  clausos 
esse  oportere.  10.  Etenim,  si  me  8tua  familiaritas  6ab 
hac  causa  removisset,  et,  si  hoc  idem  Q.  Hortensio, 
M.  Crasso,  clarissimis  viris,  si  item  ceteris,  a  quibus 
intelligo  tiiam  gratiam  magni  aestimari,  accidisset :  in  ea 
civitate  consul  designatus  defensorem  non  haberet,  in 
qua  nemini  umquam  7infimo  majores  nostri  patronum  de- 
esse  voluerunt.  Ego  vero,  judices,  ipse  me  existimarem 
8nefarium,  si  amico,  crudelem,  si  misero,  superbum,  si 
consuli  defuissem.  Quare  9quod  dandum  est  amicitiae, 
large  dabitur  a  me,  ut  tecum  agam,  Servi,  non  secus, 
ac  si  meua  esset  frater,  qui  mihi  est  carissimas,  10isto 
in  loco.  nQuod  tribuendum  est  officio,  fidei,  12religioni, 
id  ita  moderabor,  ut  meminerim,  me  contra  amici  studium 
pro  amici  periculo  dicere. 

.  V.  11.  l3lNTELLioo,  judices,  tres  totius  accusatioriis 
partes  fuisse,  et  earum  unam  in  reprehensione  vitae,  alter- 
am  in  contentione  dignitatis,  tertiam  in  criminibus  am- 
bitus esse  versatam.  Atque  harum  trium  partium  prim  a 
ilia,  14quae  gravissima  esse  debebat,  15ita  fuit  infirma  et 
levis,  ut  illos  lex  magis  quaedam  accusatoria,  quarh  vera 
maledicendi  facultas  de  vita  L.  Murenae  dicere  oliquid 
coegerit.  l6Objecta  est  enim  Asia :  quae  ab  hoc  17non 
ad  voluptatem  et  luxuriam  expetita  est,  sed  in  militari 
labore  peragrata.  18Qui  si  adolescent,  patre  suo  imper- 
atore,  non  meruisset  ;  aut  hostem,  aut  patris  imperiurn 
timuisse,  aut  a  parente  repudiatus  videretur.  19An,  cum 
sedere  in  equis  triumphantium  praetextati  potissimum 
filii  soleant,  20hulc  donis  militaribus  patris  triumphum 
decorare  fugiendum  fuit,  ut,  rebus  communiter  gestis, 
pae'ne  simul  cum  patre  triumpharet?  12.  Hie  vero,  ju- 
dices, et  fuit  in  Asia,  et  viro  fortissimo,  parent!  suo, 
inagno  adjumento  in  periculis,  solatio  in  laboribus,  gra- 
tulationi  in  victoria  fuit.  21Et,  si  habet  Asia  suspicionem 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    JIURENA.  101 

iLXuriae  quandam,  non  Asiam  nunquam  vidisse,  sed  in 
Asia  continenter  vixisse,  laudandum  est.  Quamobrem 
non  Asiae  nomen  objiciendum  Murenae  fuit,  ex  qua  laus 
familiae,  memoria  generi,  honos  et  gloria  nomini  consti 
tuta  est  :  Jsed  aliquod  aut  in  Asia  susceptum,  aut  ex  Asia 
deportatum  fiagitium  ac  dedecus.  2Meruisse  vero  stipen- 
dia  in  eo  bello,  quod  turn  populus  Romanus  non  modo 
maximum,  sed  etiam  solum  gerebat,  virtutis  :  patre  im- 
peratore  libentissime  meruisse,  3pietatis :  finem  stipendio- 
rum,  patris  victoriam  ac  triumphum  fuisse,  felicitatis  fuit. 
*Maledicto  quidem  idcirco  nihil  in  hisce  rebus  loci 
est,  quod  omnia  laus  occupavit. 

VI.  13.  5SALTATOREM  appellat  L.  Murenam  Cato. 
6Maledictum  est,  si  vere  objicitur,  vehementis  accusato 
ris :  sin  falso,  maledici  conviciatoris.  7Quare  cum  ista 
sis  auctoritate,  non  debes,  M.  Gato,  arripere  maledictum 
8ex  trivio,  aut  ex  9t>currarum  aliquo  10convivio,  neque 
temere  consulem  popidi  Romani  saltatorem  rocare  : 
sed  conspicere,  quibus  praeterea  •  viliis  afFectum  esse 
necesse  sit  eum,  cui  vere  istud  objici  possit.  Nemo 
enim  fere  saltat  sobrius,  nisi  forte  insanit :  neque  in 
solitudine,  nneque  in  convivio  moderate  atque  honesto 
Tempestivi  convivii,  amoeni  loci,  multarum  deliciarum 
comes  est  extrema  saltatio.  12Tu  mihi  arripis  id,  quod 
necesse  est  omnium  vitiorum  esse  postremum  :  .13relin- 
quis  ilia,  quibus  remotis  hoc  vitium  omnino  esse  non 
potest.  uNullum  turpe  convivium,  non  amor,  non  com- 
issatio,  non  libido,  non  sumptus  ostenditur.  Et,  cum 
ea  non  reperiantur,  15quae  voluptatis  nomen  babent, 
quaeque  vitiosa  sunt :  in  quo  ipsam  luxuriam  reperire 
non  potes,  in  eo  te  16umbram  luxuriae  reperturum  putas  ? 
14.  Ninil  igitur  in  vitam  L.  Murenae  dici  potest? 
Nihil,  inquam,  omnino,  judices.  Sic  a  me  consul  de- 
signatus  defenditur,  ut  ejus  nulla  fraus,  nulla  avaritia, 
nulla  perfidia,  nulla  crudelitas,  17nullum  petulans  dic- 
tum proferatur.  Bene  habet :  jacta  sant  fundamenta 
defensionis.  Nondum  enim  nostris  laudibus,  quibus  utar 

9* 


102  ORArlO    PRO    L.    MUKENA. 

postea,  sed  prope  inimicorum  confessione,  virum  bonuui, 
atque  integrum  hominem  defendimus. 

VII.  ^uo  constitute,  facilior  est   mihi  aditus  ad  con- 
tentionem  dignitatis,  quae  pais  altera  fuit  accusationis. 

15.  2Summam  video  esse  in  te,  Ser.  Sulpici,  dignita- 
tem generis,  integritatis,  industriae,  ceteroruraque  orna- 
mentorum  omnium,  quibus  fretum  ad  consulatus  petitio- 
nem  aggredi  par  est.  Paria  cognosco  esse  ista  in  L. 
Mureria,  atque  ita  paria,  ut  neque  ipse  dignitate  vmci 
potuerit,  neque  te  dignitate  superarit.  3Contempsisti  L. 
Murenae  genus :  extulisti  tuum.  4Quo  loco  si  tibi  hoc 
sumis,  nisi  qui  patricius  sit,  neminem  bono  esse  genere 
natum :  facis,  ut  rursus  plebes  in  Aventinum  sevocanda. 
esse  videatur.  5Sin  autem  sunt  amplae  et  honestae  fa- 
miliae  plebeiae  ;  et  6proavus  L.  Murenae,  et  avus,  prae- 
tores  fuerunt,  et  pater,  cum  amplissime  atque  honestis- 
sime  7ex  praetura  triumphasset,  hoc  faciliorem  huic  grad- 
um  consulatus  adipiscendi  reliquit,  quod  is  jam  8patri 
debitus,  a  filio  petebatur.  16.  Tua  vero  nobilitas,  Ser. 
Sulpici,  tametsi  summa  est,  tamen  9hominibus  literatis 
et  historicis  est  notior,  populo  vero  et  suffragatoribus 
obscurior.  Pater  enim  10fuit  equestri  loco  :  avus  nulla 
illustri  laude  celebratus.  Itaque  non  ex  sermone  homin- 
um  recenti,  sed  "ex  annalium  vetustate  eruenda  est 
memoria  nobilitatis  tuae.  Quare  ego  te  semper  in  nos- 
trum numeriim  aggregare  soleo,  quod  virtute  industriaque 
perfecisti,  ut,  cum  equitis  Romani  esses  filius,  summa 
tamen  amplitudine  dignus  putarere  :  nee  mihi  umquam 
minus  in  12Q.  Pompeio,  novo  homine,  et  fortissimo  viro, 
virtutis  esse  visum  est,  quam  in  homine  nobilissimo, 
13M.  Aemilio.  Etenim  uejusdem  animi  atque  ingenii  est, 
posteris  suis,  quod  Pompeius  fecit,  amplitudinem  nomin- 
is,  15quam  non  acceperat  tradere  ;  et,  ut  Scaurus,  memor- 
iam  prope  intermortuam  generis  sui  virtute  renovare. 

VIII.  17.     QUAMQUAM     ego    jam    putabam,    judices, 
multis    viris    fortibus    ne    ignobilitas    objiceretur   generis, 
16meo  labore  esse  perfecturn  ;  17qui    non    modo    18Curiis, 


ORATIO     PRO     L.    MUREN'A.  103 

Catonibus,  Pompeiis,  antiquis  illis,  fortissimis  viris,  novis 
hominibus,  sed  his  recentibus,  Mariis,  et  Didiis,  et 
Caeliis  commemorandis  Jjacebant.  Cum  ego  vero  2tanto 
intervallo  3claustra  ista  nobilitatis  refregissem,  ut  aditus 
ad  consulatum  posthac,  sicut  apud  majores  nostros  fuit, 
non  magis  nobilitati,  quam  virtuti,  pateret :  non  arbitrabar, 
cum  *ex  familia  vetere  et  illustri  consul  designatus  ab 
equitis  Roman!  filio,  consule,  defenderetur,  de  generis  nov- 
itate  accusatores  esse  dicturos.  Etenim  mibi  ipsi  ac- 
cidit,  ut  cum  Muobus  patriciis,  altero  improbissimo  atquo 
audacissimo,  altero  modestissimo  atque  optimo  viro,  pet- 
erem  :  superavi  tamen  6dignitate  Catilinam,  gratia  Gal- 
bam.  'Quod  si  id  crimen  homini  novo  esse  deberet, 
profecto  mini  neque  inimici,  neque  invidi  defuissent.  18. 
Omittamus  igitur  de  genere  dicere,  8cujus  est  magna  in 
utroque  dignitas :  videamus  cetera. 

9"  Quaesturam  una  petiit,  et  sum  ego  factus  prior." — 
10Non  est  respondendum  ad  omnia.  Neque  enim  quem- 
quam  vestrum  fugit,  ncum  multi  pares  dignitate  fiant, 
tmus  autem  primum  solus  possit  obtinere,  non  eundem 
esse  ordinem  dignitatis  et  renuntiationis ;  propterea  quod 
renuntiatio  gradus  habeat,  dignitas  autem  sit  persaepe 
eadem  omnium.  12Sed  quaestura  utriusque  propemodum 
pari  momento  sortis  fuit  Habuit  hica3lege  Titia  pro- 
vinciam  tacitam  et  quietam :  14tu  illam,  cui,  cum  quaes- 
tores  sortiuntur,  etiam  acclamari  solet,  15Ostiensem,  non 
tain  gratiosam  et  illustrem,  quam  negotiosam  et  moles- 
tarn.  16Consedit  utriusque  nomen  in  quaestura.  Nullum 
nim  vobis  sors  campum  dedit,  17in  quo  excurrere  virtus 
ognoscique  posset.  19.  18Reliqui  temporis  spatium  in 
contentionem  vocatur.  Ab  utroque  dissimillima  ratione 
tractatum  est. 

IX.  SERVIUS  hie  nobiscum  19hanc  urbanam  militiam 
tespondendi,  scribeudi,  cavendi,  plenam  sollicitudinis 
ac  stomachi,  secutus  est :  jus  civile  didicit :  multum 
vigilavit :  laboravit  :  praesto  multis  fuit :  multorum  stul- 
ritiatn  perpessus  est :  arrogaitiam  pertulit :  20difficultatem 


104  ORATIO     PRO     JL.     MURENA- 

exsorbuit :  vixit  ad  aliorum  arbitrium,  non  ad  suuin 
Magna  laus,  et  grata  hominibus,  unum  hominem  eiabo 
rare  Hn  ea  scientia,  quae  sit  multis  profutura.  20.  Quill 
Murena  interea?  Fortissimo  et  sapientissimo  viro,  sum- 
rao  irnperatori,  2legatus  L.  Lucullo  fuit :  qua  in  legatione 
duxit  exerciturn  :  3signa  contulit:  manum  conseruit :  rm;g- 
nas  copias  hostium  fudit :  urbes  partim  vi,  partim  obsid- 
ione  cepit :  4Asiam  istam  refertara,  et  eandem  delicatain, 
sic  obiit,  ut  in  ea  neque  avaritiae,  neque  luxuriae  ves 
tigium  reliquerit :  maximo  in  bello  5sic  est  versatas,  ut 
hie  multas  res  et  magnas  sine  imperatore  gesserit,  nullam 
sine  hoc  imperator.  Atque  haec,  quamquam  praesente 
L.  Lucullo  loquar,  tamen  ne  ab  ipso,  propter  periculura 
nostrum,  6concessam  videamur  habere  licentiam  fingendi, 
publicis  literis  testata  sunt  omnia ;  quibus  L.  Lucullus 
tantum  laudis  impertit,  quantum  neque  ambitiosus  impera- 
tor, neque  invidus,  tribuere  alteri  in  c&mmunicanda  gloria 
debuit.  21.  7Summa  in  utroque  est  honestas,  sunima  dlg- 
nitas :  quam  ego,  si  mihi  per  Servium  liceat,  pari  atque 
eadem  in  laude  ponam.  Sed  non  licet.  Agitat  rein 
militarem :  insectatur  totam  hanc  legationem :  assiduitatis 
et  operarum  harum  quotidianarum  putat  8esse  consulatum. 
"  Apud  exercitum  9mihi  fueris,  inquit,  tot  annos  1  10forurn 
non  attigeris  ?  abfueris  tamdiu  1  et,  cum  longo  intervalio 
veneris,  cum  iis,  qui  in  foro  habitarunt,  de  dignitate 
contendas  ?"  Primum  ista  nostra  assiduitas,  Servi,  nescis, 
quantum  interdum  afferat  hominibus  fastidii,  quantum 
satietatis.  Mihi  quidem  vehementer  expediit,  npositam 
in  oculis  esse  gratiam.  Sed  tamen  ego  12mei  satietatein 
magno  meo  labore  superavi,  et  tu  idem  fortasse :  verum 
tamen  utrique  nostrum  13desiderium  nihil  obfuisset.  22. 
Sed,  ut,  hoc  omisso,  14ad  studiorum  atque  artium  con- 
tentionem  revertamur  :  15qui  potest  dubitari,  quin  ad 
consulatum  adipiscendum  16multo  plus  afferat  dignitatis 
rei  railitaris,  quam  juris  civilis  gloria  ?  Vigilas  tu  de 
uocte,  ut  tuis  consultoribus  respondeas  :  ille,  ut  eo,  quo 
intendit,  mature  cum  exercitu  perveniat.  Te  "galiorum, 


ORATIO    PRO    I..    MURENA  ]  UO 

• 

ilium  'buccinarum  cantus  exsuscitat.  2Tu  actionem  in- 
stituis,  ille  aciem  instmit ;  tu  caves,  3ne  tui  consultores , 
ille,  ne  urbes  aut  castra  capiantur.  4Ille  tenet  et  scit, 
ut  hostium  copiae ;  tu,  ut  aquae  pluviae  arceantur :  ille 
5exercitatur  6in  propagandis  finibus ;  tu  7in  regendis  :  ac 
nimirum,  (dicendum  est  enim  quod  sentio,)  8rei  milita- 
ris  virtus  praestat  ceteris  omnibus. 

X  HAEC  nomen  populo  Romano,  haec  huic  urhi 
aeternam  gloriam  peperit :  haec  orbem  terrarum  parere 
huic  imperio  coegit :  omnes  urbanae  res,  omnia  haec 
nostra  praeclara  studia,  9et  haec  forensis  laus  et  industria 
latent  in  tutela  ac  praesidio  bellicae  virtutis.  lcSimul 
atque  increpuit  suspicio  tumultus,  nartes  illico  nostrae 
conticescunt. 

23.  12Et,  quoniam  mihi  videris  istam  scientiam  juris, 
tamquam  filiolam  osculari  tuam,  non  patiar  te  in  tanto 
errore  versari,  ut  13istud  nescio  quid,  quod  tanto  opere 
didicisti,  praeclarum  aliquid  esse  arbitrere.  Aliis  ego 
te  virtutibus,  ucontinentia,  gravitate,  justitia,  fide,  cete- 
ris omnibus,  consulatu  et  omni  honore  semper  dignis- 
simum  judicavi.  15Quod  quidem  jus  civile  didicisti, 
non  dicam,  operam  perdidisti :  sed  illud  dicam,  nullam 
esse  16in  ilia  disciplina  17munitam  ad  consulatum  viam. 
Omnes  enim  artes,  quae  nobis  populi  Romani  studia 
conciliant,  18et  admirabilem  dignitatem,  et  pergratam  utili- 
tatem  debent  habere. 

XL  24.  SUMMA  dignitas  est  in  iis,  qui  militari  laude 
antecellunt ;  omnia  enim,  19quae  sunt  in  imperio,  et  in 
statu  civitatis,  ab  iis  defendi  et  firmari  putantur :  summa 
etiam  utilitas :  siquidem  eorum  20consilio  et  periculo, 
cum  republica,  turn  etiam  nostris  rebus  perfrui  possumus. 
Gravis  etiam  ilia  est,  et  plena  dignitatis,  dicendi  facul- 
tas,  (21quae  saepe  valuit  in  consule  deligendo,)  posse 
consilio  atque  oratione,  et  senatus,  et  populi,  et  eorum, 
qui  res  judicant,  mentes  permovere.  Quaeritur  consul, 
qui  dicendo  nonnunquam  comprimat  22tribunicios  furores 
qui  concitatum  populum  flectat,  23qui  largitioni  resistat 


106  ORATIO     PRO    L.    JlURENA. 

• 

Non  mirum,  si  ob  hanc  facultatem  homines  saepe  etiarn 
non  nobiles  consulatum  consecuti  sunt :  praesertim  cum 
haec  eadem  res  1plurimas  gratias,  firmissimas  amicitias, 
maxima  studia  pariat.  Quorum  2in  isto  vestro  artificio, 
Sulpici,  nihil  est.  -.25.  .Primum,  dignitas  3in  tarn  tenui 
scientia  quae  potest  esse  ?  4Res  enim  sunt  parvae,  pic^o 
in  singulis  literia  atque  interpunctionibus  verborum  occupa- 
tae.  Deinde,  etiam  si  quid  apud  majores  nostros  fuit  in 
isto  studio  admirationis,  id,  6enuntiatis  vestris  mysteriis, 
totum  est  contemptum  et  abjectum.  6Posset  agi  lege, 
necne,  pauci  quondam  sciebant.  Tastes  enim  vulgo  non 
habebant.  Erant  in  magna  potentia,  qui  consul ebantur  : 
a  quibus  etiam  dies,  8tamquam  a  Chaldaeis,  petebantur. 
Inventus  est  scriba  quidam,  9Cn.  Flavius,  10qui  cornicum 
oculos  confixerit,  net  singulis  diebus  ediscendos  fastos 
populo  proposuerit,  et  ab  ipsis  cautis  jureconsultis  eorum 
sapientiam  compilarit.  12Itaque  irati  illi,  quod  sunt  veriti, 
ne,  dierum  ratione  pervulgata  et  cognita,  sine  sua  opera 
lege  posset  agi,  13notas  quasdam  composuerunt,  ut  om- 
nibus in  rebus  ipsi  interessent. 

XII.  26.  uCuM  hoc  fieri  bellissime  posset:  "  Fundus 
Sabinus  meus  est :"  "  immo  meus  :"  deinde  judicium  : 
noluerunt.  "  Fundus,"  inquit,  "  qui  est  in  agro,  qui  Sa- 
binus vocatur."  Satis  verbose.  Cedo,  quid  postea  ?  "  Eum 
ego  ex  jure  Quiritium  meum  esse  aio."  Quid  turn  ? 
15"  Inde  ibi  ego  te  ex  jure  16manu  consertum  voco." 
Quid  huic  tarn  loquac.ter  litigioso  responderet  17ille,  undo 
petebatur,  non  habebat.  18Transit  idem  jureconsultus, 
tibicinis  Latini  modo  :  !e"  Unde  tu  me,"  inquit,  "  ex  jure 
manu  consertum  vocasti,  inde  ibi  ego  te  revoco."  Prae- 
tor interea  ne  20pulchrum  se  ac  beatum  putaret,  21atque 
aliquid  ipse  sua  sponte  loqueretur,  ei  quoque  22carmen 
compositum  est,  cum  ceteris  rebus  absurdum,  turn  vero 
in  illo :  "  23Suis  utrisque  2*superstitibus  istam  viam  dico : 
inite  viam."  25Pr~<}sto  aderat  sapiens  ille,  qui  inire  viam 
doceret.  "  Redite  viam."  Eodem  duce  redibant.  26Haec 
jam  turn  apud  illos  barbatos  ridicula,  credo,  videdantur : 


ORATIO    PKO     I,.     MURENA.  107 

homines,  cum  recte  atque  in  loco  constitissent,  juberi 
abire :  ut,  unde  abissent,  eodem  statim  redirent.  lisdem 
ineptiis  fucata  sunt  2illa  omnia,  "  Quando  te  in  jure  con- 
spicio  :"  et  haec  :  "  3Anne  tu  dicis  causa  vindicaveris  7" 
quae  dum  erant  occulta,  necessario  ab  eis,  qui  ea  teiie- 
bant,  petebantur  :  postea  vero  pervulgata,  atque  4in  man- 
ibus  jactata  et  excussa,  5inanissima  prudentiae  reperta 
sunt,  fraudis  autem  et  stultitiae  plenissima.  27.  6Nam 
cum  permulta  praeclare  legibus  essent  constituta,  ea  jure- 
consultorum  ingeniis  pleraque  corrupta  ac.  depravata  sunt. 
Mulieres  omnes,  propter  7infirmitatem  consilii,  majores 
in  tutorum  potestate  esse  voluerunt :  hi  invenerunt  gen- 
era tutorum,  8quae  potestate  mulierum  continerentur. 
9Sacra  interire  illi  noluerunt :  horum  ingenio ,  senes  10ad 
coemptiones  faciendas,  interimendorum  sacrorum  causa, 
reperti  sunt.  nln  omni  denique  jure  civili  aequitatem 
reliquerunt,  verba  ipsa  tenuerunt :  ut,  quia  12in  alicujus 
libris  exempli  causa  13id  nomen  invenerant,  putarunt, 
omnes  mulieres,  14quae  coemptionem  facerent,  Caias 
vocari.  15Jarn  illud  mihi  quidem  mirum  videri  solet, 
tot  homines,  tarn  ingeniosos,  per  tot  annos  etiam  nunc 
statuere  non  potuisse,  16utrum  diem  tertium,  an  17per- 
endinum  :  judicem,  an  arbitrum :  rem,  an  litem  dici 
oporteret. 

XIII.  28.  ITAQUE  (ut  dixi)  18dignitas  in  ista  scien- 
«a  consularis  nunquam  fuit  ;  quae  tota  19ex  rebus  fic- 
fis  commenticiisque  constaret :  gratiae  vero  multo  min- 
5>res.  Quod  enim  omnibus  patet,  et.  aeque  promptum 
est  mihi  et  adversario  mea,  id  esse  20gratum  nullo 
pacto  potest.  Itaque  non  modo  beneficii  collooandi 
spem,  21secl  etiam  illud,  quod  aliquandiu  fuit,  "  Licet 
consulere,"  jam  perdidistis.  Sapiens  existimari  nemo 
potest  22in  ea  prudentia,  quae  neque  extra  Romam 
usquam,  neque  Romae,  rebus  prolatis,  quidquam  valet. 
Peritus  ideo  habori  nemo  potest,  quod  in  eo,  quod 
sciunt  omnes,  nullo  modo  possunt  inter  se  discrepare. 
Difficilis,  autem  res  ideo  non  putatur,  quod  23et  per 


108  ORATIO    PRO    I..    MUREN'A. 

paucis  et  minime  obscuris  literis  continetur.  Haque,  si 
mihi,  Domini  vehementer  occupato,  stomachurn  moveritis, 
triduo  me  jureconsultnm  esse  profitebor.  2Etenim  quae 
de  scripto  aguntur,  scripta  sunt  omnia :  neque  tamen 
quidquam  3tam  anguste  scriptum  est,  quo  ego  non  pos- 
sim,  "  Qua  de  re  agitur,"  addere ;  4quae  consuluntur 
autem,  minimo  periculo  respondentur.  Si  id,  quod  opor- 
tet,  responderis  ;  idem  videare  resporidisse,  quod  Servius  : 
sin  aliter ;  5etiam  controversum  jus  nosse  et  tractare 
videare.  29.  Quapropter  non  solum  ilia  gloria  militaris 
vestris  formulis  atque  actionibus  anteponenda  est,  verum 
etiam  dicendi  consuetudo  longe  et  multum  6isti  vestrae 
exercitationi  ad  honorem  '  antecellit.  Itaque  mihi  viden- 
tur  plerique  7initio  multo  hoc  maluisse  :  post,  cum  id 
assequi  non  potuissent,  8istuc  potissimum  sunt  delapsi. 
lit  aiunt  9in  Graecis  artificibus,  cos  10auloedos  esse,  qui 
citharoedi  fieri  non  potuerint ;  sic  nonnullos  videmus, 
qui  oratores  evadere  non  potuerunt,  eos  ad  juris  studium 
11devenire.  12Magnus  dicendi  labor,  magna  res,  magna 
dignitas,  summa  autem  gratia.  Etenim  a  vobis  ^salubri- 
tas  quaedam :  ab  iis,  qui  dicunt,  salus  ipsa  petitur. 
Deinde  vestra  responsa  atque  decreta  et  evertuntur 
eaepe  dicendo,  et  sine  defensione  oratoris  firma  esse  non 
possunt :  uin  qua  si  satis  profecissem,  parcius  de  ejus 
laude  dicerem :  nunc  nihil  de  me  dico,  sed  de  iis,  qui 
in  dicendo  magni  sunt  aut  fuerunt. 

XIV.  30.  DUAE  sunt  15artes,  quae  possunt  locare  hom- 
ines in  amplissimo  gradu  dignitatis :  una  imperatoris, 
altera  oratoris  boni  :  ab  hoc  enim  pacis  ornamenta  reti- 
nentur:  ab  illo  belli  peri cula  repelluntur.  16Ceterae  tamen 
virtutes  ipsae  per  se  multum  valent,  justitia,  fides,  pudor, 
lemperantia ;  quibus  te,  Servi,  excellere  omnes  intelli- 
gunt :  17sed  nunc  de  studiis  ad  honorem  dispositis,  non 
de  insita  cujusque  virtute  dispute.  Omnia  ista  nobis 
studia  de  manibus  excutiuntur,  simul  atque  18aliquis  motus 
novus  bellicum  canere  coepit.  Etenim,  ut  ait,  1!)ingenio- 
sus  poeta,  et  auctor  valde  bonus,  proeliis  promulgafis 


OKAT;O  PRO  i..  MURENA.  109 

"'pellitur  e  medio,"  non  solum  2ista  vestra  vcrbosa  sim 
ulatio  prudentiae,  sed  etiam  ipsa  ilia  domina  rerum, 
"  sapientia ;  vi  geritur  res;  sperniturw  orator,"  3non  solum 
odiosus  in  dicendo,  ac  loquax,  verum  etiam  "  bonus 
horridus  miles  amatur  :"  vestrum  vero  studium  totum  jacet. 
"  Nor.  ex  jure  maim  consertum,  sed  4mage  ferro,"  inquit, 
"  rem  repetunt. '  Quod  si  ita  est,  cedat,  opinor,  Sulpici, 
forurn  castris,  otium  militiae,  5stilus  gladio,  6umbra  soli : 
sit  denique  in  civitate  ea  7prima  res,  propter  quam  ipsa 
est  civitas  omnium  princeps.  31.  Verum  8haec  Cato 
nimium  nos  nostris  verbis  magna  facere  demonstrat ;  et 
oblitos  esse,  bellum  illud  omne  Mithridaticum  cum  muli- 
erculis  esse  gestum.  Quod  ego  longe  secus  existimo, 
judices :  deque  eo  pauca  disseram ;  9neque  enim  causa 
in  lioc  continetur. 

Nam,  si  omnia  bella,  quae  10cum  Graecis  gessimus, 
contemnenda  sunt,  derideatur  de  rege  Pyrrho  triumphus 
M'  Curii :  de  Philippo,  T.  Flaminini :  de  Aetolis,  M. 
Fulvii :  de  rege  Perse,  L,  Paulli :  de  Pseudophilippo 
Q.  Metelli :  de  Corinthiis,  L.  Mummii :  sin  haec  bella 
gravissima  victoriaeque  eorum  bellorum  gratissimae  fue- 
runt ;  cur  Asiaticae  nationes,  atque  nille  a  te  hostis 
contemnitur  ?  Atqui,  ex  veterum  rerum  monumentis,  vel 
maximum  bellum  populum  Romanum  cum  12Antiocho 
gessisse  video  :  cujus  belli  victor  13L.  Scipio,  partita 
cum  Publio  fratre  gloria,  quam  laudem  ille,  Africa  op- 
pressa,  ucognonaine  ipso  prae  se  ferebat,  eandem  hie 
sibi  ex  Asiae  nomine  assumpsit.  32.  Quo  quidem  in 
bello  virtus  enituit  egregia  15M.  Catonis,  proavi  tui :  quo 
ille,  cum  esset,  ut  ego  mini  statuo,  talis,  qualem  te  esse 
video  16nunquam  esset  profectus,  si  cum  mulierculis 
bellandum  esse  arbitraretur.  17Neque  vero  cum  P.  Afri- 
cano  senatus  egisset,  ut  legatus  fratri  proficisceretur ; 
curn  ipse,  paullo  ante,  Hannibale  ex  Italia  expulso,  ox 
Airica  ejecto,  Carthagine  oppressa,  maximis  periculis 
rempublicam  liberasset,  nisi  illud  grave  belhim  et  vehe- 
mens  putaretur. 

10 


110  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

XV.  ATQUI,  si  diligenter,    Jquid    Mithridates    potuent, 
et  quid  effecerit,  et  qui  vir  fuerit,  consideraris  ;  omnibus 
regibus,  quibuscum  populus  Romanus  bellum  gessit,  hunc 
regem   nimirum    antepones ;    quern    L.  Sulla,  maximo  e'. 
fortissimo  exercitu,  2pugna  excitatum,  3non  rudis  impera- 
tor,  ut  aliud  nihil  dicam,  4bello  invectum  totam  in  Asiam 
5cum    pace    dimisit :    quern    L.    Murena,   pater  hujusce 
vehementissime     vigilantissimeque     vexatum,    repressum 
magna  ex  parte,  non   oppressum   reliquit :    qui    rex,  sibi 
aliquot  annis  sumptis  ad  confirmandas  6rationes  et  copias 
belli,  tantum  ipse  opibus  conatuque  invaluit,  ut  se  Ocea- 
num  cum  Ponto,  Sertorii  copias  cum  suis    conjuncturum 
putaret.      33.    Ad   quod    bellum   7duobus     consulibus   ita 
missis,    ut   alter    Mithridatem  persequeretur,  alter  Bithy- 
niam  tueretur :  8alterius  res  et  terra  et  mari   calamitosae 
vehementer  et  opes  regis  et  riomen  auxerunt:  L.  Luculli 
vero  res  tantae  exstiterunt,  ut  neque  majus  bellum   com- 
memorari  possit,  neque  majore  consilio  et  virtute  gestum. 
9Nam,  cum  totius  impetus  belli  ad  Cyzicenorum   moenia 
constitisset,  eamque  urbem  sibi  Mithridates  10Asiae  januam 
fore  putasset,  qua  effracta  et    revulsa,    tola    pateret    pro- 
vincia :  perfecta  ab  Lucullo  haec  sunt  omnia,  ut  urbs  fide 
lissimorum    sociorum    defenderetur,     llet    onmes    copiae 
regis     diuturnitate     obsessionis      consumerentur.      Quid  ? 
illam    12pugnam    navalem   ad    Tenedum,     cum    contento 
cursu,    acerrimis    ducibus,    hostium    classis    Italiam    spe 
atque  animis  inflata    peteret,  mediocri  certamine  et  parva 
limicatione  commissam  arbitraris  ?     Mitto  proelia  :   prae- 
tereo  oppugnationes  oppidorum.     Expulsus  regno  tandem 
aliquando,  tantum  tamen  consilio  atque  auctoritate  valuit, 
ut  se,  rege  Armeniorum  adjuncto,  I3novis  opibus    copiis- 
que  renovarit. 

XVI.  Ac,  si  mihi  nunc  de  rebus  gestis  esset  nostn 
exercitus  imperatorisque  dicendum,  plurima  et  maxima 
proelia  commemorare  possem.  uSed  non  id  aginms. 
34.  Hoc  dico  :  si  bellum  hoc,  si  hie  hostis,  si  ille  rex 
contemnendus  fuisset,  neque  tanta  cura  15senatus  et  po- 


ORATIO    PRO     L.     MURE.VA.  Ill 

pulus  Roma  mis  suscipiendum  putasset,  neque  tot  annoa 
gessisset,  neque  tanta  gloria  L.  Luculli :  neque  verc 
ejus  belli  conficiendi  curam  tanto  studio  apopulus  Ro 
manus  ad  Cn.  Pompeium  detulisset :  •  cujus  ex  omnibui 
pugnis,  quae  sunt  innumerabiles,  2vel  acerrima  mihi  vid~ 
etur  ilia,  quae  cum  rege  commissa  est,  et  summa  con- 
tentione  pugnata.  Qua  ex  pugna  cum  se  ille  eripuisset, 
et  3Bosporum  confugisset,  quo  exercitus  adire  non  posset  : 
*etiam  in  extrema  fortuna  et  fuga,  nomen  tamen  retinuit 
regium.  Itaque  ipse  Pompeius,  regno  possesso,  ex  om- 
nibus oris  ac  notis  sedibus  hoste  pulso,  5tamen  tantum 
in  unius  anima  posuit,  ut,  cum  omnia,  quae  ille  tenuerat, 
adierat,  sperarat,  victoria  possideret ;  tamen  non  ante 
quam  ilium  vita  expulit  bellum  confectum  judicarit. 
Hunc  tu  hostem,  Cato,  contemnis,  quocum  per  tot  annos, 
tot  proeliis,  tot  imperatores  bella  gesserunt?  cujus  ex- 
pulsi  et  ejecti  vita  tanti  aestimata  est,  ut,  morte  ejus 
nuntiata,  turn  denique  bellum  confectum  6arbitraremur  1 
Hoc  igitur  in  bello  L.  Murenam,  legatum  fortissimi  ani- 
mi,  summi  consilii,  maximi  laboris  cognitum  esse  7de- 
fendimus :  et  8hanc  ejus  operam  non  minus  ad  consula- 
tum  adipiscendum,  quam  hanc  nostram  forensem  industriam, 
dignitatis  habuisse. 

XVII.  35.  "  9Ar  enim  in  praeturae  petitions  prior  re- 
nuntiatus  est  Servius." — 10Pergitisne  vos,  tamquam  ex 
"syngrapha,  agere  cum  populo,  ut,  quem  locum  semel 
honoris  cuipiam  dederit,  eundem  12reliquis  honoribus 
debeat  ?  13Quod  enim  fretum,  quem  HEuripum  tot  motus, 
tantas,  tarn  varias  habere  putatis  agitationes  fluctuum, 
quantas  perturbationes  et  quantos  aestus  habet  ratio 
comitiorum  ?  Dies  intermissus  unus,  aut  nox  interposita, 
saepe  perturbat  omnia :  et  15totam  opinionem  parva  non- 
nunquam  commutat  aura  rumoris.  Saepe  etiam  sine  ulla 
aperta  causa  fit  aliud,  atque  existimamus,  ut  nonnunquarn 
ita  factum  esse  etiam  populus  admiretur :  quasi  vero 
uon  ipse  fecerit.  36.  Nihil  e«t  iricertius  vulgo,  nihil 
obscurius  voluntate  hominum,  16nihil  fallacius  ration* 


112  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURF.NA. 

tola  comitiorum.  Quis  L.  Philippum  surnmo  ingenio, 
'opera,  gratia,  nobilitate,  a  M.  Herennio  superari  posse 
arbitratus  est  ?  quis  2Q.  Catulum,  liumanitate,  sapientia, 
integritate  antecellentem,  a  Cn.  Mallio  1  quis  M.  Scau- 
rum,  3hominem  gravissimum.  civem  egregium,  fortissiinum 
senatorem,  a  Q.  Maximo  ?  Non  inodo  horum  nihil  ita 
fore  putatum  est,  sed  ne  cum  esset  factum  quidem,  qua- 
re  ita  factum  esset  intelligi  potuit.  Nam  ut  tempestates 
4saepe  certo  aliquo  coeli  signo  commoventur,  saepe  im- 
proviso,  nulla  ex  certa  ratione,  obscura  aliqua  ex  causa 
concitantur:  sic,  in  hac  comitiorum  tempestate  populari. 
saepe  intelligas,  quo  signo  commota  sit ;  5saepe  ita  ob 
scura  causa  est,  ut  casu  excitata  esse  videatur. 

XVIII.  37.  SED  tamen,  6si  est  reddenda  ratio,  7duae 
i-es  vehementer  in  praetura  desideratae  sunt,  quae  ambae 
in  consulatu  Murenae  profuerunt :  una,  8exspectatio  mune- 
ris,  quae  et  rumore  nonnullo,  et  studiis  sermonibusque 
competitorum  creverat :  9altera,  quod  ii,  quos  in  provincia 
ac  legatione  omnis  et  liberalitatis  et  virtutis  suae  testes 
habuerat,  nondum  decesserant.  Horum  utrumque  ei 
fortuna  ad  consulatus  petitionem  reservavit.  Nam  et  L 
Luculli  exercitus,  qui  ad  triumphum  convenerat,  idem 
10comitiis  L.  Murenae  praesto  fuit ;  et  umunus  amplissi- 
mum,  quod  petitio  praeturae  desiderabat,  praetura  restituit. 
38.  Num  tibi  haec  parva  videntur  adjumenta  et  subsidia 
consulatus  ?  12 Voluntas  militum  ?  quae  cum  per  se  Aralet 
multitudine,  turn  apud  suos  gratia,  turn  vero  in  corisule 
declarando  multum  etiam  apud  universum  populum  Ro- 
manum  auctoritatis  habet.  SufFragatio  militaris  ?  impera- 
.ores  enim  comitiis  consularibus,  non  13verborum  inter- 
pretes  deliguntur.  14Quare  gravis  est  ilia  oratio,  "  me 
Baucium  recreavit :  me  praeda  donavit :  hoc  d.uce  castra 
cepimus,  signa  contulimus :  nunquam  iste  plus  militi 
aboris  imposuit,  quam  sibi  sumpsit  ipse  ;  16cum  fortis, 
turn  etiam  felix."  16Hoc  quanti  putas  esse  ad  famain 
nominum  ac  voluntatem  ?  17Etenim  si  tanta  illis  comitiis 
teligio  est,  ut  adhuc  semper  18omen  valuerit  praerogati- 


ORATJO    TKO    L.    MUKE.NA.  113 

vum     quid  minim  est,  in    hoc    felicitatis    faraam    serino- 
nenique  valuisse  ? 

XIX.  SED,  si  haec  Heviora  ducis,  quae  sunt  gravissiiua, 
^et  bane    urbanam  sufiragationem  militari  anteponis,  noli 
3ludoruin     hujus     elegantiara,    et    scenae    magnificentiam 
valde    contemnere ;     quac    huic    admodum     ''profuerunt. 
Nam    quid    ego    dicam,    populum    ac  vulgus  imperitorum 
ludis    magno    opere     delectari  1      Minus    est    mirandum 
5Quamquam  huic  causae  id  satis    est :    sunt  enim  populi 
ac  multitudinis  comitia.     Quare  si  populo    ludorum  mag- 
nificentia  voluptati  est,  non  est   mirandum,    earn.  L.  Mu- 
renae  apud  populum  profuisse.     39.  Sed  si   nosmet  ipsi, 
qui   et    ab    delectatione    omni  6negotiis  impedimur,  et  in 
ipsa  occupatione   delectationes    alias   multas  habere  pos- 
sumus,  ludis  tamen  7oblectamur  et  ducimuf;  quid  tu  ad- 
mirere  de  multitudine  indocta?     40.  8L.  Otho,  vir  fortis, 
meus    necessarius,    equestri    ordini    restituit   non    solum 
dignitatem,    sed    etiam     9voluptatem.     Itaque    lex    haec, 
quae    ad    ludos    pertinet,    est    omnium    gratissima,    quod 
honestissuno  ordini  10cum    splendore    fructus    quoque  ju- 
cunditatis  est  restitutus.     Quare  delectant  homines,  mihi 
crede,  ludi,    eliam  illos,  qui  dissimulant,  non  solum  eos, 
qui  fatentur  :  quod  ego  Hin  mea  petitione  sensi.     ]2Nam 
nos  quoque    habuimus    scenam    competitricem.     Quod  si 
ego,  qui    13trinos    ludos    aedilis    feceram,    tamen    Antonii 
ludis  ucommovebar :  tibi,  qui  casu  nullos  feceras,  15nihil 
hujus  istam  ipsam,  quam  irrides,  argenteam  scenam,  ad- 
vfcrsatam  putas  ?     41 .  Sed    haec   sane  sint  paria  omnia  : 
16sit  par  forensis  opera  militari :  sit  par  militari  suffraga- 
tio  urbana :    sit   idem    magnificentissimos    et   nullos    um- 
quam    fecisse     ludos ;    quid  I    in    ipsa   praetura    nihilne 
existimas  17inter  tuam   et  istius  sortem   interfuisse  ? 

XX.  18Hujus  sors  ea  i'uit,  quam  omnes  tui  necessarii 
tibi  optabamus,  juris    dicendi :    in  qua  19gloriam  conciliat 
magnitude   negotii,    gratiam    aequitatis    largitio :    qua  in 
sorte   sapiens  praetor,   qualis   hie    fuit,  oflfensionem  vital 
^aequabilitate  deceruendi,  benevolentiam   adjungit  lenitate 

10* 


114  OKA'IIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

audiendi.  Egregia  et  ad  consulatum  apta  piovincia,  in 
qua  laus  aequitatis,  integritatis,  facilitatis,  *ad  extremum 
ludorum  voluptate  concluditur.  42.  2Quid  tua  sors  ? 
3tristis,  atrox  :  quaestio  pecnlatus,  ex  altera  parte,  lacri- 
marum  et  4squaloris,  5ex  altera,  plena  catenarum  atque 
indicum.  6Cogendi  judices  inviti,  retinendi  contra  vol- 
untatem  :  7scriba  damnatus,  ordo  totus  alienus  :  8Sullana 
gratificatio  reprehensa  ;  multi  viri  fortes,  et  9prope  pars 
civitatis  offensa  est :  10lites  severe  aestimatae ;  ucui 
placet,  obliviscitur,  cui  dolel,  meminit.  Postremo  tu  in 
provinciam  ire  noluisti.  Non  possum  id  in  te  repre- 
liendere,  quod  in  me  ipso  et  praetor  et  consul  probavi. 
Sed  tamen  12L.  Murenae  provincia  multas  bonas  gratias 
cum  optima  existimatione  attulit.  Habuit  proficiscens 
delectum  in  Umbria :  dedit  ei  13facultatem  respublica 
liberalitatis :  qua  usus,  multas  sibi  tribus,  14quae  muni- 
cipiis  Umbriae  conficiuntur,  adjunxit.  Ipsa  autem  in 
Gallia,  15ut  nostri  homines  desperatas  jam  pecunias  exige 
rent,  aequitate  diligentiaque  perfecit.  Tu  interea  Romae 
16scilicet  amicis  praesto  fuisti.  Fateor  :  sed  tamen  illud 
cogita,  nonnullorum  amicorum  studia  minui  solere  in  eos, 
a  quibus  provincias  contemni  intelligant. 

XXI.  43.  ET,  quoniam  ostendi,  judices,  parem  digni- 
tatem ad  consulatus  petitionem,  17disparem  fortunam 
provincialium  negotiorum  in  Murena  atque  in  Sulpicio 
fuisse ;  dicam  jam  apertius,  in  quo  meus  necessarius 
fuerit  inferior  Servius,  et  ea  dicam,  vobis  audientibus, 
I8amisso  jam  tempore,  quae  ipsi  soli,  re  integra,  saepe 
dixi.  Petere  consulatum  nescire  te,  Servi,  persaepe  tibi 
dixi :  et  19in  iis  rebus  ipsis,  quas  te  magno  et  forti  ani- 
mo  et  agere  et  dicere  videbam,  tibi  solitus  sum  dicere, 
magis  te  fortem  senatorem  mihi  videri,  quam  sapientem 
candidatum.  Primum  20accusandi  terrores  et  minae,  quib- 
as  tu  quotidie  uti  solebas,  sunt  fortis  viri ;  sed  et  pop- 
uli  opinionem  21a  spe  adipiscendi  avertunt,  et  amicorum 
studia  debilitant.  Nescio  quo  pacto  semper  hoc  fit: 
neque  22in  uno  aut  altero  animadversum  est,  sed  jam  in 


ORATIO    PRO    1,.    MURENA.  lift 

pluribus  ;  simul  atque  candidatus  accusationem  meditari 
visus  est,  ut  honorem  desperasse  videatur.  44.  JQuid 
ergo  ?  acceptam  injuriam  persequi  non  placet  1  Immo 
vehementer  placet :  sed  ^liud  tempus  est  petendi,  aliud 
persequendi.  Petitorem  ego,  praesertim  consulates,  magna 
spe,  magno  animo,  3magnis  copiis  et  in  forum  et  in 
campnm  deduci  volo :  non  placet  mihi  *inquisitio  candi- 
dati,  praenuntia  repulsae :  non  testium  potius,  quam  suf- 
fragatorum  comparatio :  non  minae  magis,  quam  blandit 
iae  :  rion  Meclamatio  potius,  quam  persalutatio  :  praeser 
tim  cum  jam,  hoc  novo  more,  omnes  fere  domos  omnium 
concursent,  6et  ex  vrdtu  candidatorum  faciant,  quantum 
quisque  animi  et  facultatis  habere  videatur.  45.  "  Vides 
ne  tu  ilium  tristem  ?  demissum  ?  7jacet,  diffidit,  abjecit 
hastas."  Serpit  hie  rumor :  "  scis  tu  ilium  accusationem 
cogitare  ?  inquirere  in  competitores  ?  testes  quaerere  1  8Ali- 
um  faciam,  quoniam  sibi  hie  ipse  desperat."  Ejusmodi  can- 
didatorum amici  intimi  9debilitantur,  studia  deponunt,  aut 
testatam  rem  abjiciunt,  aut  suam  10operam  et  gratiam 
judicio  et  accusation!  reservant. 

XXII.  ACCEDIT  eodem,  ut  etiam  ipse  candidatus  "to 
turn  animum,  atque  omnem  curam,  operam,  diligentiam  • 
que  suam  in  petitione  non  possit"  ponere.  Adjungitur 
enim  accusationis  cogitatio,  12non  parva  res,  sed  nimirum 
omnium  maxima.  Magnum  est  enim,  te  13comparare  ea, 
quibus  possis  hominem  e  civitate,  praesertim  non  inopem, 
neque  infirmum,  exturbare  ;  qui  et  per  se,  et  per  suos, 
et  vero  14etiam  per  alienos  defendatur.  Omnes  enim  ad 
pericula  propulsanda  concurrimus  ;  et  qui  non  aperte 
inimici  sumus,  etiam  alienissimis,  15in  capitis  pericuhs, 
amicissimorum  officia  et  studia  praestamus.  46.  Quare 
ego  expertus  et  petendi,  et  defendendi,  et  accusandi 
molestiam,  16sic  intellexi:  in  petendo,  studium  esse  acer- 
rimum  ;  in  defendendo,  officium ;  in  accusando  laborem. 
Itaque  nsic  statuo,  fieri  nullo  modo  posse,  18ut  idem 
accusationem  et  petitionem  consulatus  diligenter  adornet 
atque  instruat.  19Unum  sustinere  pauci  possunt,  utrum- 


116  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

que  nemo.  Tu,  ]cum  te  de  curriculo  petitionis  deflexis- 
ses,  animumque  ad  accusandum  transtulisses,  existimasti 
te  utrique  negotio  satisfacere  posse  ?  Yehementer  errasti. 
Quis  enira  dies  fuit,  posteaquam  6in  istam  accusandi  de- 
nuntiationem  ingressus  es,  quern  tu  non  totum  in  ista 
ratione  consumpseris  1 

XXIII.  3L,EGEM  ambitus  flagitasti,  quae  tibi  non  de- 
erat.  4Erat  enim  severissime  scripta  Calpurnia.  6Gestus 
est  mos  et  voluntati  et  dignitati  tuae.  6Sed  tota  ilia  lex 
aecusationem  tuam,  si  haberes  nocentem  reum,  fortasse 
armasset :  petitioni  vero  refragata  est.  47.  Poena  7grav- 
ior  in  plebem  tua  voce  efflagitata  est ; — 8commoti  anircri 
tenuiorum ; — 9exsilium  in  nostrum  ordiuem :  concessit 
senatus  postulationi  tuae,  l°sed  non  libenter  duriorem 
fortunae  communi  conditionem  te  auctore,  constituit. 
11Morbi  excusationi  poena  addita  est,  12voluntas  offensa 
multorum,  quibus  aut  contra  valetudinis  commodum  labo- 
randum  est,  aut  incommodo  morbi  etiam  ceteri  vitae 
fructus  relinquendi.  Quid  ergo?  13haec  quis  tulit?  14Is, 
qui  auctoritati  senatus,  voluntati  tuae  paruit :  denique 
is  tulit,  qui  minime  probarat.  ]5Illa,  quae  mea  summa 
voluntate  senatus  frequens  repudiavit,  mediocriter  adver- 
sata  tibi  esse  existimas  ?  16Confusionem  suffragiorum 
flagitasti,  "prorogationem  legis  Maniliae,  18aequationem 
gratiae,  dignitatis,  sufiragiorum.  Graviter  19homines  hon- 
esti,  atque  in  suis  vicinitalibus  et  municipiis  gratiosi 
tulerunt,  a  tali  viro  esse  pugnatum,  ut  omnes  et  20digni- 
tatis  et  gratiae  gradus  tollerentur.  21Idem  editicios  judi- 
ces  esse  voluisti,  22ut  odia  occulta  civium,  quae  tacitis 
mine  discordiis  continentur,  in  fortunas  optimi  cujusque 
erumperent.  48.  Haec  omnia  tibi  accusandi  viam  muni- 
ebant,  23adipiscendi  obsaepiebant. 

Atque  24ex  omnibus  ilia  plaga  est  injecta  petitioni  tuae, 
non  tacente  me,  maxima  de  qua  ab  homine  ingenio- 
sissimo  et  copiosissimo,  Hortensio,  multa  gravissime 
dicta  sunt.  Quo  etiam  mihi  25durior  locus  dicendi 
datus:  ut,  cum  ante  me  et  ille  dixisset,  et  vir  summa 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA.  117 

dignitate,  et  diligentia,  et  facultate  dicendi,  M.  Crassus, 
]ego  in  extreme  non  partem  aliquam  agerem  causae,  sed 
de  tota  re  dicerem,  quod  mihi  videretur.  2Itaque  in  iis 
dem  rebus  fere  versor,  et,  quoad  possum,  judices,  oc 
curro  vestrae  saj>ientiae. 

XXIV.  SED    tamen,    Servi,    3quam    te    securim    putas 
injecisse    petitioni    tuae,    cum    tu    populum  Romanum  in 
eum  metum  adduxisti,  ut   pertimesceret,    ne  consul  Cati 
Una  fieret,    dura    tu    accusationem    comparares,   4deposita 
atque  abjecta  petitione  ?     49.  Etenim  te  5inquirere  vide- 
bant,    tristem     ipsuin,    moestos    amicos ;     observationes, 
6testificationes,    seductiones    testium,    7secessionem    sub- 
seriptorum  animadvertebant:  quibus  rebus  certe  ipsi  can- 
didatorum  vultus  obscuriores  videri  solent ;  Catilinam  in- 
terea    alacrem    atque   laetum,    stipatum   choro  juventntis, 
vallatum  8indicibus  atque  sicariis,    inflatum   cum  spe  mi- 
litum,    turn    9collegae    mei,    quemadmodum    dicebat   ipse, 
promissis ;    circumfluentem    colonorum    10Arretinorum    et 

'  Fesulanorum  exercitu ;  quam  turbam,  dissimillimo  ex 
genere,  distinguebant  homines  nperculsi  Sullani  temporis 
calamitate.  Vultus  erat  ipsius  plenus  furoris :  oculi 
sceleris :  sermo,  arrogantiae :  sic  ut  ei  jam  exploratus 
et  12domi  conditus  consulatus  videretur.  Murenam  con- 
ternnebat  :  Sulpicium  13accusatorem  suum  numerabat, 
non  competitorem  :  ei  vim  denuntiabat  :  reipublicae 
minabatur.  - 

XXV.  50.    QUIBUS  rebus  qui  timor  bonis  omnibus   m- 
jectus  sit,  quantaque  desperatio  14reipublicae,  si  ille  factus 
esset,  nolite  a  me  commoneri  velle :    vosmet   ipsi  vobis- 
cum    recordamini.     Meministis    enim,   cum   illius   nefarii 
gladiatoris  voces  15percreuuissent,  quas  habuisse  in  concio- 
ne  domestica  dicebatur,  cum  miserorum  fidelem  defensorem 
negasset    inveniri    posse,    nisi    16eum,    qui    ipse   miser 
esset :   17integrorum    et    fortunatorum    promissis    saucios 
et  miseros  credere  non  oportere  :  quare  qui  18consumpta 
replere,   erepta   recuperare   vellent,   spectarent,  quid  ipse 
fleberet,   quid  pussideret,  quid  auderet :   minime  timidum, 


118  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

et  valde  calamitosum  esse  oportere  cum,  qui  esset  fuiu- 
rus  dux  et  signifer  calamitosorum.  51.  Turn  igitur.  his 
rebus  auditis,  meministis  fieri  senatusconsultum,  1referente 
me,  ne  postero  die  comitia  haberentur,  ut  de  his  rebus 
in  senatu  agere  possemus.  Itaque  postridie,  frequenli 
senatu,  2Catilinam  excitavi,  atque  eum  de  his  rebus  jussi, 
si  quid  vellet  quae  ad  me  allatae  essent,  dicere.  Atque 
ille,  ut  semper  fuit  3apertissimus,  non  se  purgavit,  sed 
indicavit  atque  induit.  Turn  enim  dixit,  4duo  corpora 
esse  reipublicae,  imum  debile,  infirmo  capite :  alterura 
firmum,  sine  capite  r  huic,  cum  ita  de  se  meritum  esset, 
caput,  se  vivo,  non  defuturum.  5Congemuit  senatus 
frequens,  neque  tamen  satis  severe  pro  rei  indignitate 
decrevit.  Nam  partim  ideo  fortes  in  decernendo  non 
erant,  quia  nihil  timebant :  partim,  quia  timebant.  6Tum 
erupit  e  senatu,  triumphans  gaudio,  quern  omnino  vivum 
illinc  exire  non  _  oportuerat :  praesertim  cum  idem  ille 
in  eodem  ordine  7paucis  diebus  ante  Catoni,  fortissimo 
viro,  judicium  minitanti  ac  denuntianti,  respondisset,  si 
quod  esset  in  suas  fortunas  incendium  excitatum,  id  se 
non  aqua,  8sed  ruina  restincturum. 

XXVI.  52.  His  turn  rebus  commotus,  et  quod  homi 
nes  jam  turn  conjuratos  cum  gladiis  in  campum  deduci 
a  Catilina  sciebam,  descendi  in  campum  cum  firmissi 
mo  praesidio  fortissimorum  virorum,  9et  cum  ilia  lata 
insignique  lorica,  non  quae  me  tegeret,  (etenim  sciebam 
Catilinam  non  latus  aut  ventrem,  sed  caput  et  collum 
solere  petere,)  verum  ut  omnes  boni  animadverterent,  et, 
cum  in  metu  et  periculo  consulem  viderent,  id  quod  est 
factum,  ad  opem  praesidiumque  meum  concurrerent 
Itaque  cum  te,  Send,  10remissiorem  in  petendo  putarent, 
Catilinam  et  spe  et  cupiditate  inflammatum  viderent, 
omnes,  qui  illam  ab  republica  pestem  depellere  cupiebant, 
ad  Murenam  se  statim  contulerunt.  53.  nMagna  est 
autem  comitiis  consularibus  repentina  voluntatum  inclina- 
tio  praesertim  cum  incubuit  12ad  virum  bonum  et  multis 
aliis  adjumentis  petitionis  ornatum.  Qui  cum  honestis 


ORATIO    rjlO    L.    MURENA.  119 

simo  patre  atque  majoribus,  1modestissima  adolescentia, 
clarissima  legatione,  2praetura  probata  in  jure,  grata  in 
munere,  ornata  in  provincia,  petisset  diligenter,  et  ita 
petisset,  ut  neque  minanti  cederet,  neque  cuiquam  mina- 
retur :  huic  mirandum  est,  magno  adjuraento  Catilinae 
subitam  spem  consulatus  adipiscendi  fuisse  ? 

54.  Nunc  mihi  tertius  ille  locus  est  orationis  de  am- 
bitus criminibus,  3perpurgatus  ab  iis,  qui  ante  me  dixe- 
runt,  a  me,  quoniam  ita  Murena  voluit,  retractandus :  quo 
in  loco  *Postumio,  familiari  meo,  ornatissimo  viro,  6de 
divisorum  indiciis  et  de  deprehensis  pecuniis,  adolescent! 
ingenioso  et  bono,  6Ser.  Sulpicio,  7de  equitum  centuriis, 
M.  Catoni,  homini  in  omni  virtute  excellenti,  de  ipsius 
accusatione,  de  senatusconsulto,  de  republica  respondebo. 

XXVIT.  55.  SED  pauca,  quae  meum  animum  repente 
moverunt,  prius  de  L.  Murenae  fortuna  conquerar.  Nam 
cum  saepe  antea,  judices,  et  ex  aliorum  miseriis,  et 
ex  meis  curis  laboribusque  quotidianis,  fortunatos  eos 
homines  judicarem,  qui,  remoti  8a  studiis  ambitionis, 
otium  ac  tranquillitatem  vitae  secuti  sunt :  turn  vero  in 
his  L.  Murenae  tantis  tamque  improvisis  periculis  ita 
sum  animo  affectus,  ut  non  queam  satis  neque  communem 
omnium  nostrum  conditionem,  ^eque  hujus  eventum  for- 
tunamque  miserari :  qui,  primum,  dum  ex  honoribus  con- 
tinuis  familiae  majorumque  suorum  10unum  adscendere 
gradum  dignitatis  conatus  est,  venit  in ,  periculum,  ne  et 
aea,  quae  relicta,  et  haec,  quae  ab  ipso  parta  sunt,  amit- 
tat ;  deiude,  12propter  studium  novae  laudis,  etiam  in 
veteris  fortunae  discrimen  adducitur.  56.  Quae  cum  sint 
gravia,  judices,  turn  illud  acerbissimum  est,  quod  habet 
eos  accusatores,  non  qui  13odio  inimicitiarum  ad  accus- 
andum,  sed  qui  studio  accusandi  ad  inimicitias  descen- 
derunt.  Nam,  ut  omittam  Servium  Sulpiciunij  quern  in- 
telligo  i4non  injuria  L.  Murenae,  sed  honors  contentions 
permotum,  accusat  15paternus  amicus,  Cn.  Poslumius, 
vetus,  ut  ait  ipse,  vicinus  ac  necessarius  ;  16qui  necessi- 
tudinis  causas  complures  protulit,  simultaHs  nullam  com 


120  O  RATIO    PRO    L.    HUH  EN  A. 

memorare  potuit:  accusat  ^er.  Sulpicius,  sodalis  filii, 
2cujus  ingenio  paterni  oranes  necessarii  munitiores  esse 
debebant :  accusat  M.  Cato,  qui  quamquam  a  Murena 
nulla  re  umquam  3alienus  fuit,  tamen  ea  conditione  nobis 
erat  in  liac  civhate  natus,  ut  ejus  opes  et  ingenium 
praesidio  multis  etiam  alienissimis,  vix  cuiquam  inimico, 
exitio  esse  deberent.  57.  Respondebo  igitur  Postumio 
primum,  4qui,  nescio  quo  pacto,  mihi  videtur  praetorius 
candidatus  in  consularem,  quasi  desultorius  in  quadriga- 
rum  curriculum,  incurrere.  5Cujus  competitores  si  nihil 
deliquerunt,  dignitati  eorum  concessit,  cum  petere  de- 
stitit ;  sin  autem  eorum  aliquis  largitus  est,  expetendus 
amicus  est,  qui  alienam  potius  injuriam,  quam  suam 
persequatur.  ****** 

XXVIII.  58.  6Venio  nunc  ad  M.  Catonem,  7qupd  est 
iirmamentum  ac  robur  totius  accusationis ;  8qui  tamen 
ita  gravis  est  accusator  et  vehemens,  ut  multo  magis 
ejus  auctoritatem,  quam  criminationem  pertimescam.  9In 
quo  ego  accusatore,  judices,  primum  illud  deprecabor, 
ne  quid  L.  Murenae  dignitas  illius,  ne  quid  exspectatio 
tribunatus,  ne  quid  totius  vitae  splendor  et  gravitas  noceat : 
denique  ne  ea  soli  huic  obsint  bona  M.  Catonis,  quae 
ille  adeptus  est,  ut  multis  prodesse  posset.  Bis  consul 
fuerat  10P.  Africanus,  et  duos  terrores  hujus  imperii,  Car- 
thaginem  Numantiamque,  deleverat,  cum  accusavit  L. 
Cottam.  Erat  in  eo  summa  eloquentia,  summa  fides, 
summa  integritas,  auctoritas  tanta,  quanta  nin  ipso  imper- 
io  populi  Romani,  quod  illius  opera  tenebatur.  Saepe 
hoc  majores  natu  dicere  audivi,  hanc  accusatoris  eximi 
am  dignitatem  plurimum  12L.  Cottae  profuisse.  Nolue- 
runt  sapientissimi  homines,  qui  turn  rem  illam  judica- 
bant,  ita  quemquam  13cadere  in  judicio,  ut  nimiis  ad- 
versarii  viribus  abjectus  videretur.  59.  Quid?  uSer. 
Galbam  -'nam  traditum  memoriae  est)  nonne  proavo  tuo, 
fortissimo  atque  florentissimo  viro,  M.  Catoni,  incum- 
benti  ad  ejus  perniciem,  populus  Romanus  1£eripuit  ? 
Semper  in  hac  civitate  nimis  magnis  accusatorum 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA.  121 

opibus  et  populus  universus,  et  sapientes  ac  1multum 
in  posterum  prospicientes  judices  restiterunt.  2Nolo 
accusator  in  judicium  potentiam  afFerat,  non  rim  ma- 
jorem  aliquam,  non  auctoritatem  excellentem,  non  nimiam 
gratiam.  3Valeant  haec  omnia  ad  salutem  innocentium 
ad  opem  impotentium,  ad  auxilium  calamitosorum :  in 
periculo  vero,  et  in  pernicie  civiura,  repudientur.  60. 
Nam  si  quis  hoc  forte  dicet,  Catonem  descensurum  ad 
accusandum  non  fuisse,  4nisi  prius  de  causa  judicasset ; 
iniquam  legem,  judices,  et  miseram  conditionem  instit- 
uet  periculis  hominum,  si  existimabit,  5judicium  accusa- 
toris  in  reum  pro  aliquo  praejudicio  valere  oportere. 

XXIX.  Eoo  6tuum  consilium,  Cato,  propter  singu- 
lare  anirai  mei  de  tua  virtute  judicium,  vituperare  non 
audeo ;  nonnulla  in  re,  forsitan  7conformare  et  leviter 
emendare  possim.  8"  Non  multa  peccas,"  inquit  ille 
fortissimo  viro  senior  magister:  "  sed,  si  peccas,  te 
regere  possum."  At  ego  te  verissime  dixerim  peccare 
nihil,  neque  ulla  in  re  te  esse  hujusmodi,  ^t  corrigen- 
dus  potius,  quam  leviter  inflectendus  esse  •  videare 
Finxit  enim  te  ipsa  natura  ad  hqnestatem,  gravitatem, 
temperantiam,  magnitudinem  animi,  justitiam,  ad  omnes 
denique  virtutes  magnum  hominem  et  excelsum.  10Ac 
cessit  istuc  doctrina  non  moderata,  unec  mitis,  sed,  ut 
mihi  videtur,  paullo  asperior,  et  durior,  quam  aut  veri- 
tas  aut  natura  patiatur.  61.  Et  quoniam  non  est  no- 
bis  haec  oratio  habenda  aut  12cum  13imperita  multitudine, 
aut  in  aliquo  conventu  agrestium,  audacius  paullo  de 
ustudiis  humanitatis,  quae  et  mihi  et  vobis  nota  et 
jucunda  sunt,  disputabo.  In  M.  Catone,  judices,  15haec 
bona,  quae  videmus,  divina  et  egregia,  ipsius  scitote 
esse  propria.  Quae  nonnunquam  requirimus,  ea  sunt 
onmia  non  a  natura,  sed  a  magistro.  16Fuit  enim  qui 
dam  summo  ingenio  vir,  17Zeno,  cujus inventorum  aemidi 
18Stoici  nominantur.  Hujus  1&sententiae  sunt  et  prae 
cepta  ejusmodi :  20sapientem  21gratia  nunquam  moveri, 
uunquam  cujusquam  delicto  ignoscere  :  neminem  miseri- 
11 


i<454  ORAT10     PRO    T,.    ML'RENA. 

cordem  esse,  nisi  stultum  et  levem  :  viri  non  esse,  ne* 
que  exorari,  neque  placari :  'solos  sapientes  esse,  si  dis- 
tortissimi  sint,  formosos ;  si  mendicissimi,  divites ;  2si 
servitutem  serviant,  reges :  nos  autem.  qui  sapientes  non 
sumus,  fugitives,  exsules,  hostes,  insanos  denique  esse 
dicunt :  3omnia  peccata  esse  paria  :  omne  delictum  scelus 
esse  nefarium :  nee  minus  delinquere  eum,  qui  gallum 
gallinaceum,  cum  opus  non  fuerit,  quam  eum,  qui  patrem 
suffocaverit :  sapientem  4nihil  opinari,  nullius  rei  poenit- 
ere,  nulla  in  re  falli,  sententiam  mutare  nunquam. 

XXX.  62.  HAEC  homo  ingeniosissimus,  M.  Cato, 
6auctoribus  eruditissimis  inductus,  arripuit :  neque  dispu- 
tandi  causa,  ut  magna  pars,  sed  ita  vivendi.  6Petunt 
aliquid  publicarii?  7"  Cave  quidquam  habeat  momenti 
gratia."  Supplices  aliqui  veniunt,  miseri  et  calamitosi  ? 
"  Sceleratus  et  nefarius  fueris,  si  quidquam,  misericordia 
adductus,  feceris."  Fatetur  aliquis  se  peccasse,  et  ejus 
delicti  veniam  petit  ?  "  Nefarium  est  facinus,  ignoscere." 
At  leve  delictum  est.  "  Omnia  peccata  sunt  paria." 
8Dixisti  quidpiam?  "  Fixum  et  statutum  est."  9Non  re 
ductus  es,  sed  opinione.  "  Sapiens  nihil  opinatur." 
10Errasti  aliqua  in  re.  Maledici  putat.  nHac  ex  dis- 
ciplina  nobis  ilia  sunt :  12"  Dixi  in  senatu  me  nomen* 
consularis  candidati  delatururn."  Iratus  dixisti.  "  Nun- 
quam,  inquit,  sapiens  irascitur."  13At  temporis  causa 
"  Improbi,"  inquit,  "  hominis  est,  mendacio  fallere  ;  mutare 
sententiam,  turpe  est ;  exorari,  scelus  ;  misereri,  flagitium." 
63.  uNostri  autem  illi,  (fatebor  enim,  Cato,  me  quoque 
in  adolescentia,  diffisum  ingenio  meo,  quaesisse  adju- 
menta  doctrinaie,)  nostri,  inquam,  illi  a  Platone  et  Anstot- 
ele,  moderati  homines  et  temperati,  aiunt,  apud  sapien- 
tem 15valere  aliquando  gratiam :  viri  boni  esse  misereri 
distincta  genera  esse  delictorum,  et  dispares  poenas  • 
esse  apud  16hominem  conslantem  ignoscendi  locum :  ip- 
sum  sapientem  17saepe  aliquid  opinari,  quod  nesciat. 
irasci  nonnunquam :  exorari  eundem  et  placari :  quod 
dixerit,  interdum,  si  ita  rectius  sit,  mutare:  de  sententia 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    MUREXA.  123 

decodere    aliquando :    ^mnes    virtutes    mediocritate    qua- 
darn  esse  moderatas. 

XXXI.  64.  2Hos  ad  magistros  si  qua  te  fortuna, 
Cato,  cum  ista  natura  detulisset,  non  tu  quidem  vir 
inelior  esses,  nee  fortior,  nee  temperantior,  nee  justior, 
(neque  enim  esse  potes,)  sed  3paullo  ad  lenitatem  pro- 
pensior.  Non  accusares  nullis  adductus  inimicitiis, 
nulla  lacessitus  injuria,  4pudentissimum  hominem,  summa 
dignitate  atque  honestate  praeditum :  putares  cum  5in 
ejusdem  anni  custodia  te  atque  L.  Mure n am  fortuna 
posuisset,  aliquo  te  cum  hoc  reipublicae  vinculo  esse 
conjunctum :  quod  atrociter  in  senatu  dixisti,  aut  non 
dixisses,  aut  6seposuisses,  aut  mitiorem  in  partem  inter- 
pretarere.  65.  Ac  te  ipsum  (quantum  ego  opinione  augu- 
ror)  nunc  et  animi  quodam  impetu  concitatum,  et  vi 
naturae  atque  ingenii  elatum,  et  recentibus  "praeceptorum 
studiis  flagrantem  jam  usus  flectet,  dies  leniet,  aetas 
mitigabit.  Etenim  isti  ipsi  mihi  videntur  vestri  prae- 
ceptores  et  virtutis  magistri  fines  officiorum  6paullo  lon- 
gius,  quam  natura  vellet,  protulisse :  9ut,  cum  ad  ultimum 
anima  contendissemus,  ibi  tamen,  ubi  oportet,  consiste- 
remus.  ™"Nihil  ignoveris."  nlmmo  aliquid,  non  omnia. 
"  Nib.il  gratiae  causa  feceris."  12Immo  resistito  gratiae, 
cum  officium  et  fides  postulabit.  "  Misericordia  com- 
motus  ne  sis."  13Etiam  ;  in  dissolvenda  severitate  :  sed 
tdrtnen  est  laus  aliqua  humanitatis.  14"  In  sententia  per- 
maneto."  Vero ;  nisi  sententiam  alia  vicerit  melior. 
66.  Hujuscemodi  15Scipio  ille  fuit,  quern  non  poenitebat 
faeere  idem,  quod  tu :  habere  eruditissimum  hominem, 
et  paene  divinum  domi :  16cujus  oratione  et  praeceptis, 
quamquam  erant  17eadem  ista,  quae  te  delectant,  tamen 
asperior  non  est  factus,  sed  (ut  accepi  a  senibus)  lenis- 
simus.  Quis  vero  C.  Laelio  comior  ?  quis  jucundior, 
eodem  ex  studio  isto  ?  quis  illo  gravior,  sapientior  ?  Pos- 
sum de  18L.  Philo,  de  O.  19Gallo  dicere  haec  eadem : 
sed  te  domum  jam  deducam  tuam.  Quemquamne  exis- 
timas  20Catone,  proavo  tuo,  commodiorem,  21comiorem, 


124  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA, 

'moderatiorem  fuisse  ad  omnem  ratioriem  humanitatis  \ 
De  cujus  praestanti  virtute  cum  vere  graviterque  diceres, 
domesticum  2te  habere  dixisti  exemplum  ad  imitandum. 
Est  illud  quidem  exemplum  tibi  propositum  domi :  sed 
tamen  naturae  similitude  illius  ad  te  magis,  qui  ab  illo 
ortus  es,  quam  ad  unumquemque  nostrum  pervenire  potuit  : 
ad  imitandum  vero  4;am  mihi  propositum  exemplar  illud 
est,  quam  tibi.  Sed,  si  illius  3comitatem  et  facilitatem 
tuae  gravitati  severitatique  adsperseris,  non  4ista  quidem 
erunt  meliora,  quae  nunc  sunt  optima,  sed  certe  condita 
jucundius. 

XXXII.  67.  QUARE,  ut  ad  id,  quod    institui,    revertar, 
5tolle  mihi  e  causa  nomen  Catonis  :    remove  ac  praeter- 
mitte  auctoritatem,  quae  in  judiciis  aut  nihil  valere,    aut 
ad  salutem  debet  valere  :  congredere   mecum    criminibus 
ipsis.     6Quid    accusas,    Cato  ?    quid  affers   in  judicium 7 
quid    arguis  ?     Ambitum   accusas  1      Non    defendo.     7Me 
reprehendis,    quod    idem  defendam,   quod  lege  punierim 
8Punivi  ambitum,  non    innocentiam.     9Ambitum    vero  ip- 
sum    vel   tecum    accusabo,    si    voles.      Dixisti,    senatus 
consultum,    me    referente,    esse    factum,    10"  si    mercede 
"corrupti    obviam    candidatis    issent,    si    conduct!    secta- 
rentur,    12si   gladiatoribus   vulgo   locus   tributim,    et    item 
prandia    si    vulgo   essent  data,   contra  legem  Calpurniam 
factum  videri."     Ergo   ita  senatus  judicat,    contra   legem 
facta   haec  videri,  13si   facta    sint :    decernit,    quod  niffil 
opus    est,    dum    candidatis   morem  gerit.     HNam  factum 
sit,    necne,    vehementer   quaeritur.      Si    factum  sit,  quin 
contra    legem   sit,   dubitare  nemo  potest.     68.  Est  igitui 
ridiculum,  quod  est  dubium,  id  relinquere  incertum  :  quod 
nemini    dubium  potest  esse,  id  judicare.     15Atqui   id  de« 
cernitur  omnibus    postulantibus    candidatis :    ut  ex  sena- 
tiiscot.sulto,    neque    cujus    intersit,    neque    contra    quern 
sit,    intelligi    possit.     Quare    doce,    a    L.     Murena    ilia 
esse    commissa :    turn   egomet   tibi,   contra   legem    com- 
missa  esse,   concedam. 

XXXIII.  "  16MuLTi    obviam    prodierunt   de  provincia 


ORAT10    PRO    L.    MUREXA  12i 

decedent!,  consulatum  petenti."      Solet  fieri.     lEccui  au- 
tem   non   proditur    revertenti  ?      2"  Quae    fuit   ista  multi- 
tude !"      Primum,    si    tibi    3istam    rationem    non    possim 
reddere :    quid   habet    admirationis,    tali    viro    advenienti, 
candidato    consulari,    obviam   prodisse  multos  ?  quod  nisi 
esset    factum,    magis    mirandum    videretur.      69.    Quid  ? 
si  etiam  illud  addam,  4quod  a  consuetudine  non  abhorret, 
rogatos  esse  multos  ?    num    aut    criminosum  sit,  aut   mi- 
randum, qua  in  civitate  5rogati  infimorum  hominum  filios, 
prope  de  nocte,  ex  ultima  saepe  urbe,    deductura    venire 
soleamus,    in    ea   6non    esse     gravatos    homines    prodire 
bora   tertia    in    campum    Martium,    praesertim    talis    viri 
nomine    rogatos  ?     Quid  ?    si  7omnes  societates  venerunt, 
quarum    er   numero    multi    hie  sedent  judices  ?  quid  ?  si 
multi   homines    nostri  ordinis  honestissimi  ?  quid  ?  si  ilia 
officiosissima,    quae    neminem    patitur    non    honeste    in 
urbem  introire,  8tota  natio  candidatorum  1  si  denique  ipse 
accusator    9noster    Postumius    obviam    cum    bene  magna 
caterva    sua    venit :    quid,  habet  ista  multitude  admiratio- 
nis 1     Omitto  10clientes,  vicinos,  tribules,  exercitum  totum 
Luculli,    qui   ad    triumphum    per    eos    dies  venerat :  hoc 
dico,    "frequentiam    in    isto    officio    gratuitam,  non  modo 
dignitati  ullius  umquam,  sed  ne  voluntati  quidem  defuisse. 
70.  13"  At  sectabantur  multi." — Doce,    mercede  :  conced- 
am  esse  crimen.     Hoc  quidem  remote,  quid  reprehendis  ? 
XXXIV.    13u  QUID  opus    est,    inquit,    sectatoribus  ?" — 
A  me  tu  id    quaeris,  quid  opus  sit  eo,  14quo  semper  usi 
sumus  ?      15Homines    tenues    nnum    habent    in    nostrum 
ordinem  aut    promerendi    aut    referendi    beneficii    locum, 
hanc  in  nostris  petitionibus  operam  atque  assectationem. 
16Neque  enim  fieri  potest,  neque    postulandum  est  a  no- 
bis,  aut  ab  equitibus  Romanis,  ut  snos    necessaries  can- 
didatos  sectentur  totos  dies :  17a  quibus  si  domus   nostra 
celebratur,    si     interdura    ad    forum    deducimur,    si   uno 
I8basilicae    spatio  honestamur,    diligenter  observari   vide- 
mur  et  coli :   19tenuiorum  et  non   occupatorum  amicorum 
est    ista    assiduitas,     quorum    copia    bonis    et    beneficii 

11* 


126  ORAT1O    FRO    L.    MURENA. 

deesse  non  solet.  71.  Noli  igitur  eripere  %un(-  inferior! 
generi  hominum  fructum  officii,  Cato :  sine  eos,  qui 
omnia  a  nobis  sperant,  habere  ipsos  quoque  aliquid, 
quod  nobis  tribuere  possint.  2Si  nihil  erit,  praeter  ipso- 
rum  sufFragium,  tenue  est :  si,  ut  suffragentur,  nihil 
valent  gratia.  Ipsi  denique,  ut  solent  loqui,  3non  dicere 
pro  nobis,  non  spondere,  non  vocare  domum  suam  pos- 
sunt :  atque  4haec  a  nobis  petunt  omnia,  neque  ulla  re 
alia,  quae  a  nobis  consequuntur,  nisi  opera  sua,  com- 
pensari  putant  posse.  Itaque  et  5legi  Fabiae,  quae  est 
de  numero  sectatorum,  et  senatusconsulto,  quod  est  6L. 
Caesare  consule  factum,  restiterunt.  7Nulla  est  enim 
poena,  quae  possit  observantiam  tenuiorum  ab  hoc  vetere 
instituto  officiorum  excludere. — 72.  8"  At  spectacula  sunt 
tributitn  data,  et  ad  prandium  vulgo  vocati." — Etsi  hoc 
factum  a  Murena  omnino,  judices,  non  est,  ab  ejus  ami 
cis  autem  9more  et  modo  factum  est ;  tamen  admonitus 
re  ipsa,  recorder,  quantum  hae  quaestiones  in  senatu 
habitae  10punctorum  nobis,  Servi,  detraxerint.  Quod 
enim  tempus  fuit  aut  nostra  aut  patrum  nostrorurn  rnemor- 
ia,  "quo  haec,  sive  ambitio  est,  sive  liberalitas,  non 
fuerit,  ut  locus  et  in  circo  et  in  foro  daretur  amicis  et 
tribulibus  ?  12Haec  homines  tenuiores  primum,  nondum 
qui  a  suis  tribulibus  vetere  instituto  assequebantur  *  * 

XXXV.  7$  ***13PRAEFECTUM  fabrum  semel  locum 
tribulibus  suis  udedisse  :  quid  statuent  in  viros  primarios, 
15qui  in  circo  totas  tabernas,  tribulium  causa,  compara 
runt  ?  16Haec  omnia  sectatorum,  spectaculorum,  prandio 
rum  item  crimina,  a  multitudine  in  tuam  nimiam  diligen- 
tiam,  Servi,  conjecta  sunt  :  in  quibus  tamen  Murena  ab 
senatus  auctoritate  defenditur.  Quid  enim  ?  Senatus 
num  obviam  prodire  crimen  putat?  "  Non  ;  sed  mercede." 
J7Convince.  Num  sectari  multos  ?  "  Non ;  sed  conduc- 
tos."  18Doce.  Num  locum  ad  spectandum  dare  ?  aut 
ad  prandium  invitare  1  "  Minime  ;  19sed  vulgo,  passim." — 
Quid  est  vulgo  ?  "  Universes."  Non  igitur,  si  20L.  Nat- 
ta,  summo  loco  adolescens,  qui,  et  quo  animo  jam  sit, 


ORATIO     PRO     L.    MURENA.  J  27 

et  qualis  vir  futurus  sit,  videmus,  Hn  equitum  centuriis 
voluit  esse  et  ad  hoc  officium  necessitudinis,  et  ad  reliquum 
tempus,  gratiosus,  id  erit  2ejus  vitrico  fraudi,  aut  cri- 
mini :  nee,  si  Virgo  Vestalis,  hujus  propinqua  et  neces- 
saria,  locum  suum  4gladiatoribus  concessit  huic,  ^on  et 
ilia  pie  fecit,  et  hie  a  culpa  est  remotus.  6Omnia  haec 
sunt  officia  necessariorum,  commoda  tenuiorum,  munia 
candidatorum. 

74.  At  enim  agit  mecum  7austere  et  Stoice  Cato. 
Negat  verum  esse,  allici  benevolentiam  cibo :  negat, 
8judicium  hominum  in  magistratibns  mandandis  cormmpi 
voluptatibus  oportere.  Ergo  ad  coenam,  petitionis  causa, 
si  quis  vocat,  condemnetur.  9"  Quippe,"  inquit,  "  tu  mihi 
summum  imperium,  tu  summam  auctoritatem,  tu  guber- 
iiacula  reipublicae  petas  fovendis  hominum  sensibus,  et 
deleniendis  animis,  et  adhibendis  voluptatibus  ?  10Utrum 
lenocinium,"  inquit,  "  a  grege  delicatae  juventutis,  an  orbis 
terrarum  imperium  a  populo  Romano  petebas  ?" — nHor 
ribilis  bratio :  sed  earn  usus,  vita,  mores,  civitas  ipsa 
respuit.  Neque  tamen  Lacedaemonii,  12auctores  istius 
ritae  atque  orationis,  qui  quotidianis  epulis  in  robore  ac- 
cumbunt,  neque  vero  13Cretes,  quorum  nemo  gustavit 
umquam  cubans,  14melius,  quam  Romani  homines,  15qui 
tempora  voluptatis  laborisque  dispertiunt,  respublicas  suas 
retinuerunt :  16quorum  alteri  uno  adventu  nostri  exercitus 
deleti  sunt ;  alteri  nostri  imperil  praesidio  disciplinam 
suam  legesque  conservant. 

XXXVI.  75.  QUARE  noli,  Cato,  majorum  instituta, 
quae  17res  ipsa,  quae  diuturnitas  imperil  comprobat,  nim- 
ium  severa  oratione  reprehendere.  Fuit  18eodem  ex 
studio  vir  eruditus  apud  patres  nostros,  et  honestus  homo 
et  nobilis,  Q.  Tubero.  Is,  cum  19epulum  Q.  Maximus, 
20 African!  patrui  sui  nomine,  populo  Romano  daret,  roga- 
tus  est  a  Maximo,  21ut  triclinium  sterneret,  cum  esset 
Tubero  ejusdem  Africani  sororis  filius.  Atque  ille,  homo 
eruditissimus,  ac  Stoicus,  ^travit  pelliculis  haedinis 
lectulos  Punicanbs,  et  exposnit  vasa  Samia  :  quasi  vero 


12$  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

esset  Diogenes  Cynicus  moituus,  et  non  divini  hominis 
African!  mors  honestaretur ;  quern  cum  supremo  ejus  die 
Maximus  laudaret,  gratias  egit  diis  immortalibus,  quod 
ille  vir  in  hac  republica  potissimum  natus  esset ;  necesse 
enim  fuisse,  ibi  esse  terrarum  imperium,  ubi  ille  esset. 
Hujus  in  morte  celebranda  graviter  tulit  populus  Roma- 
nus  %anc  perversam  sapientiam  Tuberonis.  76.  Itaque 
2homo  integerrimus,  civis  optimus,  cum  esset  L.  Paulh 
nepos,  P.  African!,  ut  dixi,  sororis  filius,  3his  haedinis 
pelliculis  praetura  dejectus  est.  Odit  populus  Romanus 
privatam  luxuriam,  publicam  magnificentiam  diligit :  *non 
amat  profusas  epulas,  sordes  et  inhumanitatem  multo 
minus :  Mistinguit  rationem  officiorum  ac  temporum,  vi- 
cissitudinem  laboris  ac  voluptatis.  Nam,  quod  ais,  nulla 
re  allici  hominum  mentes  oportere  ad  magistratum  man- 
dandum,  nisi  dignitate ;  6hoc  tu  ipse,  in  quo  summa  est 
dignitas,  non  servas.  Cur  enim  quemquam,  ut  studeat 
tibi,  ut  te  adjuvet,  rogas  ?  -  Rogas  tu  me,  ut  mihi  prae- 
sis,  ut  committam  ego  me  tibi.  Quid  tandem  ?  istuc 
me  rogari  oportet  abs  te,  an  te  potius  a  me,  ut  pro  mea 
salute  laborem  periculumque  suscipias  ?  77.  Quid  ?  quod 
habes  7nomenclatorem  1  in  eo  quidem  8fallis  et  decipis. 
9Nam,  si  nomine  appellari  abs  te  cives  tuos  honestum 
est,  turpe  est  eos  notiores  esse  servo  tuo  quam  tibi. 
10Sin,  etiam  si  noris,  tamen  per  monitorem  appellandi 
sunt,  aicur  ante  petis,  quam  insusurravit  ?  aut  quid,  cum 
admoneris,  tamen,  quasi  tute  noris,  ita  salutas  ?  quid, 
posteaquam  es  designatus,  multo  salutas  negligentius  ? 
12Haec  omnia  ad  rationem  civitatis  si  dirigas,  recta  sunt : 
sin  perpendere  ad  disciplinae  praecepta  velis,  reperian- 
tur  pravissima.  Quare  nee  plebi  Romanae  eripiendi 
13fructus  isti  sunt  ludorum,  gladiatorum,  conviviorum, 
quae  omnia  majpres  nostri  comparaverunt :  14nec  candi- 
datis  ista  benignitas  adimenda  est,  quae  liberalitatem 
magis  significat,  quam  largitionem. 

XXXVII.  78.  l5Ar  enim  te  ad  accusandum  respublica 
adduxit.     16Credo,  Cato,  te  isto  animo  atxjue  ea  opinione 


ORATIO     PRO     I,.     MURENA.  129 

renisse.  Sed  tu  imprudentia  laberis.  Ego  quod  faciot 
judices,  cum  amicitiae  dignitatisque  L.  Murenae  gratia 
facio,  turn  me  pacis,  otii,  concordiae,  libertatis,  salutis, 
vitae  denique  omnium  nostrum  causa  facere  1clamo  atque 
tester.  Audite,  audite  consulem,  judices,  nihil  dicam 
arrogantius,  tantum  dicam,  totos  dies  atque  nodes  de 
republica  cogitantem.  Non  usque  co  L.  Catilina  rem 
publicam  despexit  atque  contempsit,  ut  ea  copia,  quani 
secum  eduxit,  se  hanc  civitatem  oppressurum  arbitraretur. 
2Latius  patet  illius  sceleris  contagio,  quam  quisquam 
putat ;  ad  plures  pertinet.  Intus,  intus,  inquam,  est, 
3equus  Trojanus  :  a  quo  nunquam,  me  consule,  dormien- 
tes  opprimemirii.  79.  Quaeris  a  me,  quid  ego  Catilinam 
metuam.  Nihil ;  et  curavi,  ne  quis  metueret :  sed  4copias 
illius,  quas  hie  video,  dico  esse  metuendas :  nee  tam 
timendus  est  nunc  exercitus  L.  Catilinae,  quam  isti,  qui 
ilium  exercitum  deseruisse  dicuntur.  Non  enim  deseru- 
erunt,  sed  ab  illo  in  speculis  atque  insidiis  relicti,  5in 
capite  atque  in  cervicibus  nostris  restiterunt.  Hi  et  6ime- 
grum  consulem,  et  bonum  imperatorem,  7et  natura,  et  fortu- 
na  cum  reipublicae  salute  conjunctum,  dejici  de  urbis  prae- 
sidio,  et  de  custodia  civitatis  8vestris  sententiis  deturbari 
volunt.  Quorum  ego  ferrum  et  audaciam  rejeci  9in  cam- 
po,  debilitavi  in  foro,  compressi  etiam  domi  meae  saepe, 
judices,  his  vos  si  alterum  consulem  tradideritis,  plus 
multo  erunt  vestris  sententiis,  quam  suis  gladiis  con- 
secuti.  Magni  interest,  judices,  id  quod  ego  multis  re- 
pugnantibus  egi  atque  pcrfcci,  esse  10kalendis  Januariis 
in  republica  duo  consules.  80.  Nolite  arbitrari,  medioc- 
ribus  consiliis,  aut  usitatis  viis,  uaut  *  *  Non  lex  im- 
proba,  non  perniciosa  largitio,  non  auditum  aliquando 
aliquod  malum  12reipublicae  quaeritur.  Inita  sunt  in  hac 
civitate  consilia,  judices,  urbis  delendae,  civium  truci- 
dandorum,  nominis  Romani  exstinguendi.  Atque  haec 
cives,  cives,  inquam,  (si  eos  hoc  nomine  appellari  fas 
est,)  de  patria  sua  et  cogitant  et  cogitaverunt ;  horum 
ego  quotidie  consiliis  occurro,  audaciam  debilito,  sceleri 


130  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

resisto.  Sed  vos  moneo,  judices :  ]in  exitu  est  jam 
meus  consulatus  :  nolite  mihi  subtrahere  2vicarium  meae 
diligentiae  :  nolite  adimere  eum,  cui  rempublicam  cupio 
tradere  incoluraem,  ab  his  tantis  periculis  defendendam. 
XXXVIII.  81.  ATQ.UE  ad  haec  mala,  judices,  quid 
accedat  aliud,  non  videtis?  Te,  te  appello,  Cato :  uuu- 
ne  prospicis  3tempestatem  anni  tui  ?  jam  enim  hesterna 
concione  intonuit  vox  perniciosa  Mesignati  tribuni,  col- 
legae  tui :  contra  quern  multum  5tua  mens,  multuni 
omnes  boni  providerunt,  qui  te  ad  tribunatus  petitionem 
vocaverunt.  Omnia,  quae  per  hoc  triennium  agitata 
sunt,  jam  ab  eo  tempore,  quo  6a  L.  Catilina  et  Cn. 
Pisone  initum  consilium  senatus  interficiendi  scitis  esse, 
in  hos  dies,  in  hos  menses,  in  hoc  tempus  erumpunt. 

82.  Qui    locus   est,  judices,  quod  tempus,  qui  dies,  quae 
nox,    cum    ego   non   ex   istorum    insidiis  ac  mucronibus, 
non  solum   meo,   sed   multo  etiam  magis  divino  consilio 
eripiar    atque    evolem  ?     Neque    isti    me    7meo    nomine 
interfici,    sed    vigilantem    consulem    de  reipublicae  prae- 
sidio    demovere    volunt :    nee    minus    vellent,    Cato,    te 
quoque  aliqua  ratione,  si  possent,    tollere :  id  quod,  mihi 
crede,    8et    agunt,    et   moliuntur.     Vident,  quantum  in  te 
sit  animi,    quantum    ingenii,    quantum    auctoritatis,  quan- 
tum   reipublicae     praesidii  :    sed     cum     9consulari    auc- 
toritate    et    auxilio    spoliatam    vim   tribuniciam    viderint, 
turn    se    facilius    inermem    et    debilitatum    te    oppressu- 
ros    arbitrantur.     Nam    10ne    sufficiatur    consul,  non  tim- 
ent.     nVident    te    in   tuorum    potestate  collegarum  fore : 
sperant  12sibi    Silanum,    clarum    virum,    sine    collega,  te 
sine    consule,    rempublicam    sine    praesidio    objici  posse. 

83.  His  tantis  in    rebus  tantisque  in  periculis,  est  tuum, 
M.  Cato,   qui    non    mihi,    non  tibi,  sed  patriae  natus  es, 
videre  quid  agatur,  retinere  adjutorem,  defensorem,  socium 
in    republica,    consulem    13non    cupidum,  consulern  (quod 
maxime    tempus    hoc    postulat)    fortuna    constitutum    ad 
Ainplexandum  otium  :  scientia,  ad  bellum  gerendnm  :  14ani 
mo.  et.  usu,  ad  quod  velis  negotium. 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA.  131 

XXXIX.  QUAMQUAJI  ^ujusce  rei  potestas  omni* 
in  vobis  sita  est,  judices :  totam  rempublicam  vos  in 
hac  causa  tenetis,  vos  gubernatis.  iSi  L.  Catilina  cum 
suo  consilio  nefariorum  hominum,  quos  secum  eduxit, 
hac  de  re  posset  judicare,  condemnaret  L.  Murenam : 
si  interficere  posset,  occideret.  2Petunt  enim  rationes 
illius,  ut  orbetur  auxilio  respublica :  ut  minuatur  contra 
suum  furorem  imperatorum  copia :  ut  major  facultas 
tribunis  plebis  detur,  3depulso  adversario,  seditionis 
ac  discordiae  concitandae.  4Idemne  igitur  delecti  am- 
plissimis  ex  ordinibus  honestissimi  atque  sapientissimi 
viri  judicabunt,  quod  ille  importunissimus  gladiator,  hos- 
tis  reipublicae  judicaret ?  84.  Mihi  credite,  judices, 
in  hac  causa  non  solum  de  L.  Murenae,  verum  etiam 
de  vestra  salute  sententiam  feretis.  In  discrimen  ex- 
tremum  venimus :  nihil  est  jam,  unde  nos  reficiamus, 
aut  ubi  lapsi  resistamus.  Non  solum  minuenda  non 
sunt  auxilia,  quae  habemus,  sed  etiam  nova,  si  fieri 
possit,  comparanda.  Hostis  est  enim  -non  5apud  Ani- 
enem,  quod  bello  Punico  gravissimum  visum  est,  sed 
in  urbe,  in  foro :  (dii  immortales !  sine  gemitu  hoc  dici 
non  potest :)  6non  nemo  etiam  in  illo  sacrario  reipub- 
licae, in  ipsa,  inquam,  curia  non  nemo  hostis  est.  Dii 
7faxint,  ut  8meus  collega,  vir  fortissimus,  hoc  Catilinae 
nefarium  latrocinium  armatus  opprimat !  ego  togatus 
vobis  bonisque  omnibus  adjutoribus,  hoc,  quod  concep- 
tum  respublica  periculum  parturit,  consilio  discutiara 
et  comprimam !  85.  Sed  quid  tandem  fiet,  si  9haec 
elapsa  de  manibus  nostris,  in  eum  annum,  qui  cons«qui- 
tur,  redundarint  ?  Unus  erit  consul,  et  is  non  in  ad- 
ministrando  bello,  sed  in  sufficiendo  collega  occupatus 
Hunc  jam  qui  10impedituri  sint,  *  *  ilia  pestis  immanis, 
nimportuna,  prorumpet,  qua  poterit :  et  jam  populo  Ro- 
mano minatur :  in  agros  suburbanos  repente  advolabit : 
12versabitur  in  castris  furor,  in  curia  timor,  in  foro 
conjuralio,  in  campo  exercitus,  in  agris  vastitas :  on> 
ni  autem  in  sede  ac  loco  ferrum  flammamque  metu- 


132  ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA. 

emus  Quae  jamdiu  comparantur,  eadem  ista  omnia, 
asi  ornata  suis  praesidiis  erit  respublica,  facile  et 
magistratuum  consigns  et  privatorum  diligentia  compri- 
mentur. 

XL.  86.  QUAE  cum  ita  sint,  judices,  primum  rci- 
publicae  causa,  qua  nulla  res  cuiquam  2potior  debet  esse, 
vos,  pro  mea  summa  et  vobis  cognita  in  rempublicam 
diligentia,  moneo,  pro  auctoritate  consular!  hortor,  pro 
magnitudine  periculi  obtestor,  ut  otio,  ut  paci,  ut  saluti, 
ut  vitae  vestrae  et  ceterorum  civium  consulatys :  deiride 
ego  fidem  vestram,  3defensoris  et  amici  officio  adduc- 
tus,  oro  atque  obsecro,  judices,  ut  ne  hominis  miseri, 
et  cum  4corporis  morbo,  turn  animi  dolore  confecti,  L. 
Murenae,  recentem  gratulationem  nova  lamentatione 
obruatis.  Modo  maxiino  benencio  populi  Romani  or- 
natus,  fortunatus  videbatur,  quod  primus  in  familiam 
veterem,  primus  in  5municipium  antiquissimum  consu 
latum  attulisset ;  nunc  idem  6squalore  sordidus,  confectus 
morbo,  lacrymis  ac  moerore  perditus,  vester  est  supplex, 
judices,  vestram  fidem  obtestatur,  misericordiam  implo- 
rat,  vestram  potestatem  ac  vestras  opes  7intuetur.  87. 
Nolite,  per  deos  immortales!  judices,  8hac  eum  re,  qua 
se  honestiorem  fore  putavit,  etiam  ceteris  ante  partis 
honestatibus  atque  omni  dignitate  fortunaque  privare. 
9Atque  ita  vos  L.  Murena,  judices,  orat  atque  obsecrat, 
si  injuste  neminem  laesit ;  si  nullius  aures  voluntatem- 
ve  violavit ;  si  nemini,  ut  levissime  dicam,  odio,  nee 
domi,  nee  militiae,  fuit.  sit  apud  vos  10modestiae  loo 
us,  sit  demissis  hominibus  perfugium,  sit  auxiliurn 
pudori.  T1  Misericordiam  spoliatio  consnlatus  magnam 
habere  debet,  judices.  12Una  enim  eripiuntur  cum  con- 
sulatu  omnia.  Invidiam  vero  his  temporibus  habere 
consulates  ipse  nullani  potest.  13Objicitur  enim  con- 
cionibus  seditiosorum,  insidiis  conjuratorum,  telis  Cat- 
ilinae  :  ad  omne  denique  periculum,  atque  ad  omnem 
invidiam  solus  opponitur.  88.  Quare  quid  invidondum 
Murenae,  aut  cniquam  nostrum  sit  uin  hoc  praecbro 


ORATIO    PRO    L.    MURENA.  133 

consulatu,  non  video,  judices.  Quae  vero  miseranda 
sunt,  ea  et  mihi  ante  oculos  versantur,  et  vos  videre 
et  perspicere  potestis. 

XLI.  Si  (quod  Jupiter  omen  avertat !)  'hunc  vestns 
sententiis  afflixeritis,  2quo  se  miser  vertet  ?  domumne  ? 
ut  earn  imaginem  clarissimi  viri,  parentis  sui,  quam 
paucis  ante  diebus  3laureatarg  in  sua  gratulatione 
conspexit,  eandem  deformatam  ignominia  4lugentem- 
que  videat  ?  an  ad  matrem,  quae  5misera,  modo  con- 
sulem osculata  filium  suum,  nunc  cruciatur  et  sollici- 
ta  est,  ne  eundem  paullo  post  spoliatum  omni  digni- 
tate  conspiciat  ?  89.  Sed  quid  ego  matrem,  aut  domuin 
appello,  quern  6nova  poena  legis  et  domo,  et  parente, 
omnium  suorum  consuetudine  conspectuque  privat  ? 
Ibit  igitur  in  exsilium  miser  1  Quo  ?  ad  Orientisne 
partes,  in  quibus  annos  multos  legatus  fuit,  et  exerci- 
tus  duxit,  et  res  maximas  gessit?  7At  habet  magnum 
dolorem,  unde  cum  honore  decesseris,  eodem  cu"m 
ignominia  reverti.  An  se  in  contrariam  partem  terra- 
rum  abdet,  ut  Gallia  Transalpina,  quern  nuper  8summo 
cum  imperio  libentissime  viderit,  eundem  lugentem, 
moerentem,  exsulem  videat?  In  ea  porro  provincia, 
quo  animo  9C.  Murenam,  fratrem  suum,  adspiciet  ?  10qui 
hujus  dolor  ?  qui  illius  moeror  erit  ?  quae  utriusque 
lamentatio?  "quanta  autem  perturbatio  fortunae  alque 
sermonis,  'quod,  quibus  in  locis  paucis  ante  diebus 
factum  esse  consulem  Murenam,  nuntii  literaeque  cele- 
brassent,  et  unde  hospites  atque  amici  gratulatum  Ro- 
mam  concurrerint,  repente  eo  accedat  ipse  nuntius 
suae  calamitatis?  90.  Quae  si  acerba,  si  misera,  si 
luctuosa  sunt,  si  alienissima  a  mansuetudine  et  miseri- 
cordia  vestra,  judices,  12conservate  populi  Romani  bene 
ficium  :  reddite  reipublicae  consulem  :  date  hoc  ipsius 
pudori,  date  patri  mortuo,  date  generi  et  familiae,  date 
etiam  Lanuvio,  municipio  honestissimo,  quod  in  hac  tota 
causa  frequens  moestumque  vidistis.  Nolite  a  sacris 
patriis  13Junonis  Sospitae,  cui  omnes  consules  14facere 

12 


134  ORATIO    PAO    L.    HUHKNA. 

necesse  est,  'domesticum  et  suum  consulem  potissimum 
avellere.  Quern  ego  vobie,  si  quid  habet  momenti 
commendatio,  aut  auctoritatis  2confirmatio  mea,  consul 
consulem,  judices,  ita  3commendo,  ut  cupidissimum  4otii, 
studiosissimum  bonorum,  accerrimum  contra  seditionem, 
fortissimum  in  bello,  mimicissimurn  huie  ponjur^tioni, 
quae  nunc  rempublicaaa  labefactat,  futunun  eat**  Vro 
mittam  et  spondeam. 


EXPLANATORY  NOTES. 


EXPLANATORY   NOTES. 


Page 

1.  M.  TULLII  CICERONIS,  &c.  "First  Oration  of  M.  Tullius  ] 
Cicero  against  Lucius  Catiline,  delivered  in  the  Senate." — Catiline's 
intention  was  to  leave  Rome,  and  join  his  army,  then  assembling  in 
different  parts  of  Italy  ;  while  the  other  conspirators  remained  within 
the  walls,  to  butcher  the  senators  and  fire  the  capitol.  Cicero,  hav- 
ing discovered  this  design,  summoned  the  senate  to  meet  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  with  the  intention  of  laying  before  it  the 
whole  circumstances  of  the  plot.  But  Catiline  having  unexpectedly 
appeared  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly,  his  audacity  impelled  the 
consular  orator  to  an  abrupt  invective,  which  is  directly  addressed 
to  the  traitor,  and  commences  without  the  preamble  by  which  most 
of  his  other  harangues  are  introduced. 

In  point  of  effect,  this  oration  must  have  been  perfectly  electric. 
The  disclosure  to  the  criminal  himself  of  his  most  secret  purposes  : 
their  flagitious  nature,  threatening  the  life  of  every  one  present ;  the 
whole  course  of  his  villanies  and  treasons,  blazoned  forth  with  the 
fire  of  incensed  eloquence ;  and  the  adjuration  to  him,  by  fleeing 
from  Rome,  to  free  his  country  from  such  a  pest,  were  all  wonder- 
fully calculated  to  excite  astonishment,  admiration,  and  horror. 

The  great  object  of  the  whole  oration,  was  to  drive  Catiline  into 
banishment ;  and  it  appears  somewhat  singular,  that  so  dangerous  a 
personage,  and  one  who  might  have  been  so  easily  convicted,  should 
thus  have  been  forced,  or  even  allowed,  to  withdraw  to  his  army, 
instead  of  being  secured  and  punished.  From  the  language  of  Sal- 
lust,  (Cat.  c. 31,)  this  oration  would  appear  to  have  been  originally 
altogether  extemporaneous,  and  to  Lave  been  subsequently  commit- 
ted to  writing  by  Cicero. 


2.  Quoitsque  tandem,  &c.     "  How  far,  then,  Catiline,  wilt  thou 
trifle  with  our  patience  1     How  long,  too,  will  that  frantic  wicked- 
ness -rf  thine  bafHe  our  efforts  1     To  what  extent  will  thy  unbridled 
12*  137 


138  THE    FTRST    ORATION 

Page. 

|  a  fecity  insolently  display  itself!" — We  may  suppose  the  whom 
senate  to  have  remained,  for  a  time,  buried  in  the  deepest  silence, 
every  eye  directed  towards  Catiline ;  and  Cicero,  at  last,  slowly 
rising  from  his  curule  chair,  and  pointing  the  finger  of  indignant 
scorn  at  the  guilty  intruder,  to  have  burst  forth  into  this  startling  and 
impassioned  exordium. 

3.  Abutere.     Literally,  "wilt  thou  abuse." — Cicero  prefers  the 
softer  and  more  poetic  termination  re,  in  the  imperfect  and  future 
indicative,  and  present  and  imperfect  subjunctive.     In  the  present 
indicative  he  rarely  employs  it. — Patientia  nostra.     The  reference 
in  nostra  is  to  himself  and  the  senate  generally. 

4.  Iste  tuus.     The  pronoun  iste  is  here  employed  to  mark  indig- 
nant scorn  and  contempt.     It  must  be  observed,  with  regard  to  iste, 
that  it  is,  strictly  speaking,  used,  together  with  its  derivatives,  in 
reference  to  the  person  addressed.     Thus,  iste  locus,  "  that  place 
where  you  are ;"   ista  verba,  "  those  words  which  you  uttered." 
When  Cicero  addressed  his  antagonist,  in  any  instance,  he  often 
used  iste,  in  accordance  with  the  principle  just  laid  down  ;  and,  as 
he  generally  used  it  contumeliously,  it  acquired  a  reproachful  mean- 
ing.    But  this  is  by  no  means  universally  the  case.     In  the  present 
passage,  however,  iste  has  this  scornful  meaning,  and  tuus  is  merely 
added  in  order  to  strengthen  its  general  reference   to  the  person 
addressed. 

5.  Eludet.     A  metaphor  borrowed  from  the  movements  of  gladi- 
ators, in  avoiding  a  blow  from  an  opponent.     (Donat.  in  Ter.  Eun. 
1,  1, 10.)  So  Catiline  is  said,  by  the  orator,  to  baffle  every  effort,  on 
the  part  of  good  citizens,  for  preserving  the  public  repose. — Quern 
adfinem.    Equivalent,  in  Ciceronian  Latinity,  to  quousque  or  quam- 
diu.     (Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  \.  finis. — Schutz,  Index  Lat.  s.  v.)— 
Jactabit.     The  student  will  mark  the  force  of  the  frequentative.     It 
is  equivalent  to  insolenler  se  geret. 

6.  Nihilne  te,  &c.     "  Have  the  guards  stationed  nightly  on  the 
Palatine  hill  produced  no  impression  upon  thee  1     Have  the  watches 
planted  throughout  the  city  produced  none  1     None,  the  consterna- 
tion that  pervades  all  classes  ]     None,  the  thronging  together  of  all 
good  citizens  1"  &c.     Literally,  "  Has  the  nightly  guard  of  the  Pal- 
atium  in  no  respect  moved  thee  1     In  no  respect  have  the  watchea 
of  the  city  1"  &c. 

7.  Palatii.     The  Palatine  was  the  most  central  one  of  the  seven 
hills  of  Rome,  and  the  most  important  to  be  guarded  in  case  any 
public  disturbance  arose,  since  a  foe,  in  possession  of  it,  might  easily 
make  himself  master  of  the  rest  of  the  city.     Hence  the  necessity 
of  its  being  secured  on  the  present  occasion.     The  Palatine  hill  wan 


AGAINST    CATiLINK-  139 

';  Pace. 

the  residence  of  Romulus,  and  in  fact,  the  first  part  of  the  city  that      I 
was  inhabited.     Here,  in  a  later  age,  stood  the  imperial  mansion  of 
Augustus  and  his  successors,  and  hence  the  origin  of  the  modern 
term  "  palace." 

8.  Urbis  vigiliae.     When  there  was  any  alarm  or  disturbance  in 
the  city,  or  when  any  suspicion  was  entertained  of  public  commotion 
or  secret  conspiracy,  the  inferior  magistrates  (the  aediles,  quaes- 
tors, and  tribunes,)  were  entrusted  by  the  senate  with  the  care  of 
the  public  peace,  and  planted  guards  and  watches  in  proper  places. 
Compare  Sallust,  (Cat.  c.  30,)  "  Ut  Romae  per  totam  urbem  vigi- 
(ine  haberenlur,  Usque  minores  magistratus  praeessent." 

9.  Coiicursus.     Several  editions  have  consensus  ("  the  union,") 
which  is  also  given  by  Quintilian  (9,  3,  30)  in  citing  from  this  passage. 
The  more  spirited  reading,  however,  is  undoubtedly  concursus. 

10.  Munitissimus.     In  dangerous  emergencies,  the  senate  were 
usually  convened  in  the  temple  of  some  tutelary  divinity,  and  not  in 
a  curia,  or  senate-house.     The  place  selected,  on  the  present  occa- 
sion, was  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  at  the  foot  of  the  Palatine 
hill ;  and  it  is  hence  called  "  munitissimus  locus,"  from  the  circum- 
stance of  there  being  a  guard,  at  the  time,  on  the  Palatine.     With 
respect  to  the  true  position  of  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  (which 
some  editors  very  erroneously  make  to  have  been  in  the  capitol,) 
consult  Lin.  1,  12.     Ovid.  Fast.  6,  794.     Nardini,  6,  12. 

1 1 .  Horum  ora  vullusque.     "  The  looks  and  countenances  of 
these  who  are  here  assembled."    Ora  refers  to  the  looks  of  aversion 
directed  at  Catiline  by  the  great  majority  of  those  present ;  vultus 
to  their  countenances,  in  which  were  depicted  anxiety  and  alarm. 
Muretus  refers  the  words  to  the  aversion  manifested  by  the  senators 
on  the  entrance  of  Catiline  into  the  assembly,  when  all  quitted  that 
part  of  the  benches  where  he  had  taken  his  seat.  They  would  rather 
seem  to  refer  to  the  deportment  of  the  senate  during  all  the  time 
that  he  had  been  present. 

12.  Patere.     "  Lie  open  to  view,"  i.  e.  are  brought  fully  to  light. 
—  Cons  trie  tarn  jam  horum  omnium  teneri.     Literally,  "  is  now  held 
firmly  grasped  by  the  knowledge  of  all  of  these,"  i.  e.  is  now  become 
a  matter  of  firm  conviction  to  all  who  are  here  assembled.     Con- 
ttrictus  is  elegantly  applied  to  whatever  is  firmly  held  in,  and  can 
no  longer  escape,  our  grasp.    While  the  compound  term  conssientia 
(instead  of  the  simple  scienlia}  is  employed  to  denote  that  many 
are  acquainted  with  the  conspiracy.     Compare  the  explanation  of 
Schwtz,  (Index  Lat.  s.  v.,)  "  Communis  inter  complures  rei  alicu- 
jus  notitia." — We   have  given  horum  omnium   with    Graeviua. 
instead  of  the  common  reading  omnium  horum. 


140  HE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

'£  13.  Proximo..  Cicero  delivered  this  oration  on  the  8th  Novem- 
ber. .  A  meeting  of  the  conspirators  had  taken  place  on  the  night 
of  the  6th,  at  the  house  of  Laeca.  This  is  what  Cicero  calls  noz 
superior .  The  morning  of  the  7th  was  the  time  fixed  for  his  assas- 
sination by  the  two  Roman  knights.  During  that  day,  Cicero  caused 
all  the  movements  of  the  conspirators  to  be  closely  watched,  and 
ascertained  also,  by  his  secret  agents,  all  that  was  done  on  the 
night  of  the  7th.  This  was  the  nox  proximo,.  Compare  chapter 
4th,  and  Pro  Sull.  c.  18. 

14.  Immo  vero.     "  Nay,  indeed."     Graevius  omits  vero,  but  its 
presence  imparts  additional  strength  to  the  clause.     Compare  Ep. 
ad  Att.  12,  42:    "  F erendus  tibi  in  hoc  error:  ferendusl     immo 
vero  etiam  adjuvandus."     And  also  Tursellinus  de  Part.  Lat.  s.  v. 
Immo. 

15.  Pullici  consilii  particeps.     "  A  sharer  in  the  public  delibera- 
tions."    Cicero's  object  is  to  excite  the  indignation  of  the  senate 
against  Catiline,  for   his  having  come  into  that   assembly,  not  to 
inquire  or  seek  for  any  thing,  but  actually  to  take  part  in  their  de- 
liberations, v 

16.  Viri  fortes.     Spoken  ironically.     "  Men,  full  of  courage." 
Cicero  charges  himself  and  the  senate  with  cowardice,  in  not  having 
before  this  brought  Catiline  to  punishment. — Satisfacere  reipublicae. 
"  To  be  doing  our  duty  to  the  state." — Istius.     "  Of  that  wretch." 
Pointing  at  Catiline.     Compare  note  4,  page  1. 

17.  In  tc  conferri,  &c.     Understand  jampridem,  from  the  previ- 
ous clause.     "  Long  since  ought  that  ruin  to  have  been  heaped  upon 
thy  own  head,"  &c.     The  pronoun  istam  tacitly  implies  that  the 
ruin  in  question  is  the  work  of  Catiline,  and  this  idea  is  immediately 
enlarged  upon  in  what  follows,  quam  tit  in  nos  omnes,  &c. 

18.  An  vero.     The  primitive  meaning  of  an  is  "or,"  and,  when 
used  interrogatively,  the  sentence  is  always  elliptical.     Thus,  an 
decertare  mecum  voluitl     "  Did  he  wish  to  contend  with  me.?' 
This,  when  resolved,  is  nothing  more  than,  "  Am  I  wrong  in  my 
surmise,  or  did  he  wish  to  contend  with  me!"     So,  in  the  present 
instance,  an  vero  vir  amplissimus,  &c.,  which  we  translate,  "Did, 
in  fact,  that  very  illustrious  individual,"  &c.,  is,  in  reality,  when  fully 
expressed,  "am  I  wrong  in   my  assertion,  or  did,  in  fact,"  &c 
The  same  explanation  will  apply  to  the  Greek  "/,  when  used  as  an 
interrogative  particle. 

19.  P.  Scipio.     The  reference  is  to  P.  Scipio  Naslca.     He  ia 
called  privatus  because  the  office  of  pontifex  maximus  was  not  a 
magistracy ;  and  hence  the  same  person  could  be  pontifex  and  also 
consul  or  praetor.     Compare  the  remarks  of  Muretus,  ad  loc.    The 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  141 

Page. 

term  privatus  may,  therefore,  be   rendered,  "  although  filling  no      J 
office  of  magistracy."     As  regards  Scipio  Nasica,  consult  Historical 
Index,  s.  v.  Scipio. — Giacchum.     Consult  Historical  Index,  a.  v. 
Gracchus,  and  Legal  Index,  s.  v.  Sempronia  Lex. 

20.  Mediocriter  labcfoctantem,  &c.     "  When  only  disturbing,  in 
a  moderate  degree,  the  settled  order  of  things  in  the  state."     The 
idea  literally  involved  is  the  causing  what  was  before  firmly  fixed 
to  totter,  and  swerve  from  its  place.     Status  is  here  figuratively 
employed,  in  allusion  to  the  posture  or  attitude  of  a  gladiator  in 
combat. — It  will  be  observed,  that  Cicero  designedly  extenuates  the 
offence  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  in  order  that  the  rigour,  with  which 
he  was  punished,  might  be  conuasted  the  more  strongly  with  the 
impunity  enjoyed  by  Catiline. 

21.  Catilinam.     The  common  text  has  vcro  after  CatUinam; 
but  since  this  already  occurs  with  an,  in  the  previous  part  of  the 
sentence,  and  does  not  appear  in  the  present  passage  as  cited  by 
Quintilian,  (8,  4,  13,)  we  have  rejected  it  with  Manutius,  Lambi- 
nus,  and  other  editors.     We  have  also  given,  with  Schiitz,  terrarum, 
in  place  of  the  common  reading  terrae,  the  former  likewise  occurring 
in  Quintilian. 

1.  Nam  ilia,  &c.     Cicero  here  assigns  a  reason  for  other  exam-     g 
pies  not  being  cited,  in  preference  to  that  of  Tiberius  Gracchus. 
They  were  of  too  remote  a  date  ;  whereas  the  movements  of  Grac 
chus  had  occurred  at  a  comparatively  recent  period. 

2.  C.  Servilius  Ahala.     Consult  Historical  Index,  s.  v.  Ahala. 
He  was   magister  equitum  to    the  dictator  T.    Q.    Cincinnatus. 
Emesti  first  gave  the  true  reading  C.  Servilius,  for  the  common 
lection  Q.  Servilius. — Sp.  Maelium.     Maelius  was  the  richest  pri- 
vate man  in  the  commonwealth,  and  more  than  suspected  of  aiming 
at  the  sovereign  power,  in  consequence  of  his  liberal  donations  of 
corn  among  the  lower  orders,  during  a  season  of  great  scarcity. 
Consult  Historical  Index,  s.  v.  Maelius. — Novis  rebus  shtdentem. 
"  Aiming  at  a  change  in  the  government,"  i.  e.  plotting  a  revolution. 

3.  Ista  virtus.     "  That  degree  of  public  virtue,"  i.  e.  of  true 
patriotism.     In  our  remarks  on  the  pronoun  iste  and  its  usage  by 
Cicero,  we  observed  that  the  distinction  there  laid  down  did  not  hold 
good  universally,     (note  4,  page  1.)    The  present  passage  furnishes 
a  case  in  point.     Ista  is  here  used  simply  in  the  sense  of  ilia,  and 
the  latter  pronoun  itself  would  no  doubt  have  been  actually  employed, 
had  it  not  occurred  just  before,  in  the  erpresaiori  "  nam  ilia  nimis," 
&c.     Compare,  as  regards  the  exceptions  to  the  rule  about  iste,  the 
remarks  of  Manutius,  ad.  Cie.  Ep.  Fam.  3,  10,  (vol.  1,  p.  161,  ed. 
Graer.)  and  Lanr.  Valla,  de  L.  L.  Eleg.  2,  4,  p.  51. 


142  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

*J  4.  Habcmus.  We  have  rejected  enim  after  habftnus,  with  Grae- 
vius,  Ernesti,  Schiitz,  &c.,  on  the  authority  of  some  of  the  best 
MSS.  It  appears  to  have  found  its  way  into  the  text  from  habemus 
enim,  in  the  next  chapter. 

5.  Senatusconsultum.     By  which  the  consuls  were  enjoined,  "  ut 
vi&erent  ne  quid  detrimenti  respublica  caperet."     A  decree  of  this 
nature  armed  the  consuls  with  dictatorial  power  for  the  time  being, 
and,  by   virtue  of  it,  they  could   put   to   death   whomsoever  they 
pleased,  without  the  formality  of  a  trial.     (Compare  Sallust,  Cat.  c. 
29,  and  Plutarch,  Vit.  Cic.  c.  15.)     Catiline  and  his  accomplices 
might  have  been  seized  and  punished  under  this  decree,  but  Cicero 
purposely  abstained  from  such  a  course,  and  sought  rather  to  induce 
them  to  quit  the  city. 

6.  Non  deest  reipublicae,  &c.     "  Neither  the  counsel  nor  the 
sanction  of  this  order  is  wanting  to  the  republic,"  i.  e.  the  decree 
which  the  senate  had  passed  against  Catiline  contained  "  counsel," 
or  consilium,  and  was  a  "  sanction,"  or  auctoritas.     Compare  Taci- 
tus, Germ.  12.     "  Centeni  singulis  ex  plebe  comites,  consilium  et 
auctoritas,  adsmtt." 

7.  Nos  consules  desumus.     "  We  consuls  are  wanting  in  our 
duty."     We  have  inserted  a  third  nos  before  desumvs,  as  given  by 
Priscian,  lib.  17,  p.  1076,  ed.  Putsch.  (Op.  ed.  Kreld.  vol.  2,  p.  53.) 
— Cicero  means,  that  the  consuls  have  not  done  their  duty  in  allow- 
ing Catiline  to  go  so  long  unpunished.     His  object  is  to  intimidate 
him,  and  induce  him  to  leave  the  city. 

8.  Quondam.     A.  U.  C.  633,  B.  C.  121.     Fifty-eight  years  be- 
fore the  time  when  Cicero  uttered  this- — L.   Opimius.     He  was 
consul,  with  Fabius  Maximus,  A...U.  C.  633.     Consult  Historical 
Index. 

9.  Videret,  &c.     A  decree  of  this  kind  was  called  decretum  ulti- 
mum,  or  ultimae  necessitatis.    Consult  note  5,  page  2.    Sfometimes 
both  consuls  were  named  in  it,  at  other  times  only  one. 

10.  Quasdam  seditionum  suspiciones.     "  Certain  suspicions  of 
seditious  projects."     Cicero  here  purposely  uses  mild  language,  as 
in  the  instance  of  the  elder  Gracchus.    (Note  20,  page  1.)    Consult 
Historical  Index. 

11.  Clarissimo  patre,  &c.     The   Gracchi  had  for  their  father 
Sempronius  Gracchus,  who  had  been  once  honoured  with  the  censor- 
ship, twice   with   the   consulate,  and   had  enjoyed  two   triumphs. 
Their  maternal  grandfather  was  the  elder  Scipio  Africanus,  the  con- 
queror of  Hannibal. 

12.  M.  Fulvius.     One  of  the  three  commissioners  named  for 
carrying  into  effect  the  agrarian  law,  by  dividing  the  public  lands 


AOAUNST   CATILI.M;  143 

..       /  Page. 

lie  was  the  particular  friend  of  C.  Gracchus.     Consult  Historical      *> 
Index. — The  eldest  son  of  Fulvius  was  skin  with  his  father  during 
tae  airray ;  the  younger  after  the  conflict. 

13.  C.  Mario.     This  occurred  during  the  sixth  consulship  of 
Marius.     The  crime  of  Saturninus  and  Servilius  was  seditious  and 
turbulent  conduct,  and  especially  the  having  assassinated  C.  Mem- 
mius,  a  candidate  for  the  consulship,  in  the  Campus  Martius.     Con- 
sult   Historical    Index,  s.  v.  Saturninus. — The   individual,  whom 
Cicero  here  calls   C.  Servilius,  is  elsewhere  styled  C.  Servilius 
Glaucia.     Cicero  purposely  employs  the  women  merely,  as  it  be- 
longed to  a  family  of  distinction,  and  he  adds  to  it  the  title  of  prae- 
tor, in  order  that  it  maybe  seen,  that  neither  birth  nor  official  dignity 
could  save  him  from  the  prompt  vengeance  of  the  laws,  which  Cati- 
line had  for  so  long  a  time  been  braving. 

14.  L.  Saturnini,  &c.     The  true  reading  of  this  passage  is  in- 
volved in  considerable  doubt.     The  conjectural  emendation,  which 
we  have  given  in  the  text,  appears  the  least  objectionable,  and  was 
first  suggested,  we  believe,  by  E.  H.  Barker.     "  Did  the  punish- 
ment due  to  the  republic,  delay,  for  a  single  day  thereafter,  the  death 
of  L.  Saturninus,"  &c.,  i.  e.  did  L.  Saturninus,  though  a  tribune  of 
the  commons,  and  C.  Servilius,  although  invested  with  the  praetor- 
ship,  escape  the  punishment  of  death,  so  justly  their  due,  for  a  single 
day  after  the  decree  in  question  had  been  passed  1 — The  common 
text  has,  num  unum  diem  postea  L.  Satuminum  tribunum  plebis, 
et    C.   Servilium  praetorem,  mors  ac  reipublicae  poena  rem.ora.ta. 
est  ?     "  Did  death,  and  the  punishment  due:  to  the  republic,  fail,  for 
a  single  day  thereafter,  to  overtake  L.  Saturninus,"  &c.     It  is  ei- 
tremely  questionable,  however,  whether  we  can  say,  in  correct  La- 
tinity,  poena   rcmoratur  homincm,   "  punishment  fails  to  overtake 
the  man."     Cicero,  elsewhere,  uses  rem.oro.ri  in  its  ordinary  sense, 
"  to  delay,"  or  "  retard."     Thus  :  "  hoe  res  quae  caeteros  remorari 
solent  ilium  non  retardarunt."     (Pro.  Leg  Manil.  14.)     Although 
Propertius,  on  the  other  hand,  has  a  passage  which  seems  at  first 
view  to  favour  the  common  explanation,  "  Quamvis  te  longae  remo- 
rentur  fata  senectae."    (1,  19,  17.)     But  there  is  nothing  here,  in 
reality,  to  prevent  our  making  remorentur  equivalent  to  retineant. — 
Ernesti  gives  the  ordinary  reading,  in  the  passage  of  Cicero  under 
consideration,  but  recommends  L.  Saturnini,  tribuni  plebis,  et  C. 
Sercilii,  praetoris,  retaining,  however,  mors  ac,  (which   we  have 
changed  to  mortem,')  and  giving  to  remorata  est  the   intransitive 
meaning,  "  to  delay,"  or  "  linger."     But  mors  ac  poena  is  extremely 
frigid. — As  regards  the  reading  which  we  have  adopted,  it  will  be 
borne  in  mind,  that  proper  names,  and  titles  of  office,  are  frequently 


144  THE    FIRST    OftATlON 

Page. 

2  written  in  the  MSS.  with  more  or  less  abbreviation,  and  that,  in 
consequence  of  this,  the  grammatical  case  can  oftentimes  be  discov- 
ered only  from  the  context.  So  that,  in  fact,  mortem  for  mors  ac 
is  the  only  alteration  that  appears  at  all  violent,  if  it  even  be  so  in 
reality. 

15.  Nos.    "  We  consuls."    Referring  to  himself  and  colleague. — 
Vicesimum  diem.     It  was,  in  fact,  only  the  18th  day  since  Ihe 
senate  had  decreed  that  Cicero  and  Antonius  should  see  that  the 
republic  received  no  injury.     The  orator,  however,  calls  it,  in  round 
numbers,  the  20th.     So,  in  the  oration  against  Piso  (c.  2),  in  place 
of  thirty-six  years,  he  says  forty.     In  the  same  way,  the  one  hun- 
dred and  five  judges  at  Rome  were  called  centumviri,  "  the  hundred." 
Compare  the  remarks  of  Asconius,  in  Pison.  I.  c.,  and  those  of 
Muretus  on  the  present  passage.     Consult  also  Manutius,  in  loc. 
(Vol.  1,  p.  441,  ed.  Richter,)  "Integrum  numerum  amat  orator,"  &c. 

16.  Gladium.     Omitted  in  many  MSS.  and  editions ;  but  de- 
fended by  Ernesti,  because  inclusum  precedes. 

17.  Confeslim  interfectum,  &c.     "  You  ought,  Catiline,  to  have 
been  immediately  put  to  death."     Convenit  is  here  the  perfect  tense. 
Muretus  doubts,  whether  this  usage  of  convenit  be  in  accordance 
with  correct  Latinity ;   but  many  examples  might  be  adduced  in 
confirmation  of  it.  One  alone  will  here  suffice  :  "  Quo  nomine  mirart 
convenit  eos."     (VelLPaterc.  1,  3.)     Compare  Boecker,  and  Bur- 
mann,  ad  loc. 

18.  Cupio.     Render  the  first  cupio,  "  I  am  desirous,  on  the  one 
hand,"  and  the  second,  "  I  am  anxious,  on  the  other."     If  expressed 
in  Greek,  the  first  of  these  clauses  would  have  piv,  and  the  second,  <5s 

19.  Dissolutum.     "  Culpably  negligent,"   i.   e.   too    indulgent. 
Compare  the  remark  of  Ernesti,  s.  v.  "  Dissolutus,  nimis  negligens, 
opponitur  severe  et  justo,"  (Clav.  Cic.,)  and  the  words  of  Cicero 
himself,  on  another  occasion  :   "  Maluisse  Domitium  crudelem  in 
animadvertendo,  quam  in  praetermittendo  dissolution!  videri."  (in 
Verr.  5,  3.) 

20.  Nequitiaeque.    The  term  neqmtia,  though  generally  employed 
to  denote,  " worthlessness,"  "wickedness,"  "depravity,"  &c.,  is 
here  used  in  a  milder  sense,  for  "utter  remissness."     Compare  the 
language  of  Cicero,  in  the  eleventh  chapter  of  the  present  oration  : 
"num  est  vehementius  severitalis   ac  fortiludinis   invidia  quam 
inertiae  ac  nequitiae  pertimescenda  ?"     Here  nequitia  is  opposed 
to  severitas. 

21.  In  Etruriae  faucibus.     "  In  the  mountain-defiles  that  open 
on  Etruria."     Cn.  Manlius  had  then  near  Faesulae,  in  Etruria,  an 
army,  which  he  had  collected  from  the  veteran  soldiers  of  Sylla, 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  145 

P««c. 

ander  whom  he  had  himself  served.  Faesulae  stood  at  the  foot  of  «> 
the  Appenines,  not  far  from  what  is  now  the  city  of  Florence,  and 
the  camp  of  Manlius  was  pitched  near  a  narrow  defile  leading  into 
Etraria.  The  term  fauces  is  often  employed  to  denote  a  moun- 
tain-pass, defile,  strait,  &c.,  leading  to  some  place  or  region. 
Compare  Livy,  (42,  54,)  "  ultraque  oppida  in  faucibus  sunt,  quae 
Tempe  adeunt." 

22.  Eorum  autem  imperatorem.     Alluding  to  Catiline. — Atque 
adea,  &c.     "  Aye,  and  even  in  the  senate." — Credo.  "  I  presume," 
ironically. — Serins.     "At  too  late  a  period." 

23.  Certa  de  causa.     "  For  a  certain  reason."     Cicero  is  more 
explicit  on  this  head,  at  the  close  of  the  present  oration  (c.  12.)    His 
fear  was,  lest,  if  Catiline  were  punished  at  an  early  stage  of  the  pro- 
ceedings, before  his  guilt  became  fully  developed,  he  might  pass 
with  many  for  an  injured  man  ;  since  there  were  not  a  few  in  the 
city,  and  even  some  in  the  senate,  who  believed  Catiline  innocent, 
and  who  would  have  called  Cicero  a  tyrant  if  he  had  put  him  to 
death.     And  then,  again,  even  if  Catiline  himself  were  capitally 
punished,  the  conspiracy  would  not  be  crushed,  since  so  many  of  the 
guilty  participators  in  it  would  still  remain  alive.     Cicero's  object 
was  to  compel  Catiline  to  leave  the  city,  and  carry  with  him  all  his 
abandoned   confederates  ;  and  hence,  in  order  to   intimidate,  and 
drive  him  to  this  course,  he  speaks  immediately  after  of  soon  putting 
him  to  death :  "  Turn  denique  interficiam  te,"  &c. 

24.  Tarn  tui  similis.     "  So  like  thee  in  character,"  i.  e.  so  like 
thee  in  utter  want  of  principle.     Similis  and  dissimilis,  generally 
speaking,  are  used  with  a  dative  of  external  resemblance  ;  but  with  a 
genitive  of  resemblance  hi  nature  or  internal  constitution.  (Zumpt 
L.  G.  p.  270.     Kenrkk's  transl.) 

1.  Obsessus.     "  Beset."    From  obsido,  ere.    Cicero  had  numer-     Q 
ous  guards  on  the  alert,  both  from  the  free  towns  of  Italy  and  from 

the  capital  itself. — Ne  commoccre  te  possis,  &c.  A  metaphor  bor 
rowed  from  the  situation  of  a  combatant,  who  is  hemmed  in  so 
closely  by  his  opponent  as  to  be  unable  "  to  make  any  farther 
movement." 

2.  Prieata  domus.     Alluding  particularly  to  the  house  of  Laeca. 
— Vocem  conjurationis.     Cicero  obtained  full  information  of  the 
secret  meetings  and  plans  of  Catiline,  through  Fulvia  and  Curius. 
Consult  Historical  Index. — Graevius  and  others  read  voces  instead 
of  vocem,  but  this  destroys  the  personification  in  conjurationis.     If 
Cicero  had  written  voces,  he  would  have  put  conjuratorum  in  place 
of  conjurationis. 

3.  Si  iUustrantur,  si  erumpunt  omnia.     "  If  all  your  secret  plan* 

13 


146  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

Q      are  made  manifest,  if  they  all  burst  forth  into  public  view."     IKus 
trantur  refers  back  to  tenebris,  and  erumpunt  to  parietibus. 

4.  Islam  mentem.     "  That  detestable  purpose  of  yours."     Cviti- 
pare  note  4,  page  1. — Mihi  crede.     "Take  me  for  your  adviser." 
Rely  on  what  I  tell  you. — Quae  etiam  mecum,  &c.  "  And  these  you 
may  even  review  along  with  me."     The  student  will  observe  that 
we  have  rendered  quae  by   et  haec.     Wherever  the  connexion  is 
slight  between  the  antecedent  and  relative,  the  latter  may  be  resolved 
into  the  conjunction  and  demonstrative  or  personal  pronoun.  (Com- 
pare Crombie,  Gymnasium,  vol.  1,  p.  162.) 

5.  Ante  diem  duodccimum,  &c.     "  On  the  twelfth   day  before 
the  kalends  of  November,"  i.  e.  on  the  21st  of  October.     This  ap- 
parently anomalous  mode  of  expression"  probably  arose  from  a  trans- 
position of  ante.    Having  once  written  ante  die  duodecimo  kalendas, 
they  would  easily  be  led  to  change  die  into  diem,  as  if  it  had  been 
governed  by  ante.    (Zumpt,  L.  G.  p.  428.  Kenrick's  trartsL) — The 
date  alluded  to  in  the  text  requires  some  explanation.     On  the  20th 
October,  Cicero  gave  notice  to  the  senate  of  the  existence  of  a  con- 
spiracy against  the  state.     The  consular  election  was  to  have  been 
held  the  next  day,  the  21st ;  but  the  senate,  in  consequence  of  the 
impending  danger,  put  off  the  comitia,  and  resolved  to  meet  on  that 
day  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  more  fully  on  the  subject ;  for. 
otherwise,  they  could  not  have  done  any  business  on  a  comitial  day. 
On  the  21st,  therefore,  Cicero,  in  a  full  house,  called  upon  Catiline 
to  clear  himself  from  the  charge  alleged  against  him  ;  whereupon 
the   latter,   without  denying  or  excusing  it,  bluntly  replied,  "  that 
there  were  two  bodies  in  the  republic,"  meaning  the  senate  and 
people,  "  the  one  of  them  infirm,  with  a  weak  head,  the  other  firm, 
without  a  head  ;  and  that  this  last  had  so  well  deserved  of  him,  tliat 
it  should  never  want  a  head  while  he  lived."     This  declaration 
startled  the  senate,  and  they  immediately  decreed,  that  the  consuls 
should  see  that  the  republic  received  no  injury.     The  next  day,  the 
postponed  comitia  took  place,  and  Silanus  and  Murena  were  elected 
consuls  for  the  year  691,  Catiline  being  one  of  the  unsuccessful 
competitors. 

6.  Ante  diem  sextum,  &c.     "  The  sixth  day  before  the  kalends 
of  November,"  i.  e.  the  27th  October. 

7.  Id  quod  multo  magis  est  admirandum.     Ernesti  regards  thcs« 
words  sa  a  gloss,  but  without  sufficient  reason.     It  was,  in  fact,  a 
sufficient  matter  of  surprise  and  wonder,  that  Cicero  should  have 
been  so  well  informed,  as  to  be  able  to  predict,  in  the  senate,  the 
very  day  on  which  Manlius  would  be  in  arms. 

8.  Te  contvlisse.     "  That   you   had    conspired,"  i.  e.  conferred 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  147 

Pagei 

tbout.     Conferre  is  •'  to  deliberate  along  with  others,"  not  simply     Q 
"to  deliberate."     Compare  Cic.  ad  Att.  16,  3:  "  Coram  hoc  con- 
feremus,  atque  de  hoc  delibcrabimus." 

9.  In  ante  diem  quintum,  &c.     "  For  the  fifth  day  before  the 
kalends  of  November,"  i.  e.  had  set  down  the  intended  massacre  far 
that  day.  The  phraseology  ante  diem,  &c.,  has  already  been  noticed, 
(note  5.)     The  preposition  in  is  here  employed  to  govern  the  entire 
clause,  and  designates  the  time  for  which  the  intended  action  is  set 
down,  and  on  which  it  is  to  be  performed. 

10.  Principes   chitatis.     "  Leading  men   of  the   state."      By 
principes  civitalis,  Cicero  here  means  principes  optimatium.  (Com- 
pare Pro  Sext.  45,  48,  &c.  Pro  red.  3.)     The  term  optimates  with 
Cicero  generally  designates  persons  distinguished  by  rank,  or  politi- 
cal merit,  and  sometimes  the  former  only. 

11.  Reprimendorum.     Used  here  in  the  sense  of  impcdiendorum. 
— Profugerunt.     Among  those  who  quitted  Rome,  was  M.  Licinius 
Crassus,  who  had  received  a  letter  from  Catiline,  warning  him  to 
depart,  which  letter  he  showed  to  Cicero.     (Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  15.)  - 

12.  Nostra  qui  remansissemus  caede.    "  With  the  blood  of  those 
of  us  that  had  remained."     The  elegant  construction  here  employed 
is  deserving  of  being  noted.     The  relative  is  made  to  refer  to  an 
antecedent  implied  in  the  possessive.    Compare  Terence,  (Andr.  1. 
1.  70,)  "  Omnes  laudare  fortwnas  meas,  qui  gnatum  haberem  tali 
ingenio  praedilum." 

13.  Praeneste.     Neuter  accusative  singular.     This  place  was 
situate  in  Latium,  about  23  miles  S.  E.  from  Rome.     Its  citadel  is 
described  by  Strabo  as  remarkable  for  its  strength  of  position,  and 
was  therefore  an  important  place  for  Catiline  to  seize  upon,  and  for 
Cicero  to  endeavour  to  secure.  Consult  Geographical  Index. — Ka- 
lendis  ipsis  Novembris.     "  On  the  kalends  of  November,"  i.  e.  on 
the  first  day  of  the  month. — Occupaturum.     Muretus  says,  that  no 
other  writer  makes  mention  of  this  attempt. 

14.  Praesidiis.     These  praesidia,  custodiae,  and  mgiliae  were 
composed  of  the  inhabitants  of  Praeneste,  but  the  whole  arrange- 
ment was  Cicero's. 

15.  Non  modo  non,  &c.    We  have  here  the  full  expression.    It  is 
very  common,  in  this  construction,  for  the  second  non  to  be  omitted. 
Compare  Cor  tins,  ad  Plin.  Ep.  8,  7.     Muret.  Var.  Lect.  10,  7. 

16.  Noctem  illam  superiorem.     "The  transactions  of  the  night 
before  the  last."     The  night  here  meant  was  that  of  the  6th  Novem- 
ber, when  the  meeting  was  held  at  the  house  of  Laeca.     Compare 
note  13, page  1. — Priori  node.     "On  that  former  night."     Refer- 
ring again  to  the  night  of  the  Oth. 


148  THE    FIHST    ORATION 

Page. 

A  1.  Inter  Jalcarios.  "  Into  the  scythe-makers'  street."  Th» 
was  a  street,  or  district,  of  Rome,  most  probably  the  former,  taking 
its  name  from  the  residence  of  these  artisans.  The  explanation  of 
Priscian  is  in  accordance  with  this.  "  Dico  te  -oenisse  inter  /alca- 
nas, id  est,  in  locum  ubi  sunt  falcarii."  (Op.  cd.  Krehl,  vol.  2.  p. 
203.)  Livy,  somewhat  in  the  same  way,  uses  the  term  lignarios, 
(35,42.)  "  Porticum  extra  trigeminam  inter  lignarios  fecerunt," 
where  Crevier  understands  opiftces,  but  Emesti  (Clan.  Cic.)  nego- 
tia  tores. 

2.  Complures.     Sallust  (Cat.  17)  gives  the  names  of    eleven 
senators,  who  were  present  on  this  occasion.     Compare  Pro  Sulla. 
c.  18,  seq. — Convincam.     "  I  will  prove  the  truth  of  what  I  say." 

3.  In  hoc  orbis  terrae,  &c.     "  In  this,  the  most  venerated  and 
august  assembly  of  earth." — Cogilent.    "  Are  plotting."    The  sub- 
junctive mood  is  used  in  this  construction  for  the  sake  of  perspicuity, 
since  the  indicative  would  be  ambiguous,  and  would  present  a  dou- 
ble meaning.     Thus,  sunt  qui  cogitant,  means  not  only,  "  there  are 
those  who  plot,"  but  also,  "they  who  plot  exist."    The  subjunctive, 
therefore,  is  preferred  for  the  former  of  these  meanings.     So,  sunt 
qui  dicant,  sunt  qui  legant,  &c. 

4.  Distribuisti   -paries   Italiae.     Sallust  (Cat.  27)  informs    us, 
that  C.  Manlius  was  sent  to  Faesulae  and  the  adjacent  parts  of 
Etruria ;  Septimius,  a  native  of  Camerinum,  into  the  Picene  terri- 
tory ;  C.  Julius,  into  Apulia. 

6.  Quos  Romae  relinqueres.  According  to  Sallust,  (Cat.  43,) 
Statilius  and  Gabinius  were  to  fire  the  city,  and  Cethegus  to  assas- 
sinate Cicero.  Lentulus  was  to  have  had,  according  to  Plutarch,  a 
general  superintendence  of  the  whole  affair,  and  was  to  have  spared 
none,  in  the  general  massacre,  but  the  sons  of  Pompey,  whom  he 
intended  to  seize,  and  hold  as  hostages  for  a  peace  with  that  com- 
mander. For  there  was  a  report,  about  this  time,  that  Pompey  was 
returning  with  his  army  from  the  Mithridatic  war.  (Plut.  Vit.  Cic. 
c.  18.) 

6.  Descripsisli  urbis  partes,  &c.     Sallust  states,  (Cat.  43,)  thaf 
the  conspirators  were  to  fire  twelve  parts  of  the  city  at  one  and  the 
same  time.     Plutarch,  however,  informs  us,  that  they  had  divided 
Rome  into  a  hundred  parts,  and  had  selected  the  same  number  of 
men,  to  each  of  whom  was  allotted  his  quarter  to  be  set  on  fire. 
As  this  was  to  be  done  by  them  all  at  the  same  moment,  they 
hoped  that  the  conflagration  would  be  general.     Others  were  to 
ntercept  the  water,  and  kill  all  who  went  to  seek  it.    (Plut.  Vit 
Cic.  c.  18.) 

7.  Confirmasti.     "  You  assured  them." — Dixitti  paullulum,  &c. 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  149 

Page 

"  "Vnu  told  them  that  you  still,  even  then,  were  in  some  little  degree     A 
hindered  from  departing."     Literally,  "  that  there  was  still,  even 
then,  some  little  cause  of  delay  -unto  you." 

8.  Duo   equites  Romani.     Sallust  (Cat.  38)  gives  the  names, 
C.  Cornelius  and  L.  Vargunteius,  but  he  calls  the  latter  a  senator. 
Vargunteius  was  probably  of  equestrian  origin. 

9.  Ilia  ipsa  node,  &c.     They  were  to  pay  their  intended  visit 
early  in  the  morning,  a  time  when  the  distinguished  Romans,  and 
higher  magistrates,  held  their  levees,  and  when  clients  used  to  wait 
upon  their  patrons.     Compare  Martial  (4,  8,  1,)  "  Prima  salutan- 
tes,  atque  alter  a  conterit  hora." 

10.  Comperi.     He  obtained  his  information  from  Curius  through 
Fulvia.     (Sail.  Cat.  28.) — Exclusi  eos,  &c.     Plutarch  informs  us, 
that  the  assassins  came  as  soon  as  it  was  light,  and,  being  denied 
entrance,  grew  very  insolent  and  clamorous,  which  made  them  the 
more  suspected.     He  calls  them  Marcius  and  Cethegus  ;  but  Cicero, 
Sallust,  Appian  and  Plutarch  are  too  much  at  variance  with  each 
other,  to  enable  us  to  give,  with  precision,  all  the  minor  features  of 
the  conspiracy.     Why  the  two  individuals  in  question  were  not  ad 
milled,  and  then  disarmed  and  put  in  custody,  is  difficult  for  us  to 
imagine,  the  more  especially  as  Cicero  had  predicted  then-  arrival  to 
many  of  his  friends.  •'-.€'- 

11.  Quae  quum  ita  sint.    "  Such  being  the  case."    Cicero's  usual 
form  of  expression,  in  reference  to  things  that  have  been  explained 
bv  him,  and  may  now  be  regarded  as  settled  and  clear ;  as,  for  ex- 
ample, in  the  present  instance,  the  existence  of  a  treasonable  design 
on  the  part  of  Catiline. 

12.  Ilia  tua  Manliana  castra.     Compare  note  21,  page  2. 

13.  Si  minus,  quam  plurimos.    "  If  not  all,  as  many  as  possible." 
— Murus,  strictly   speaking,   the  wall  of  a  city ;    moenia,  battle- 
ments, or  fortifications;  paries,  the  wall  of  a  house.     (Crombie 
Gymn.  vol.  1,  p.  2.) — Nobiscum  versari  dintius.     "  To  remain  any 
longer  among  us."     Literally,  "  to  be  occupied,"  or,  "  engaged,  - 
along  with  us,"  &c. 

14.  Nonferam,  &c.     "  I  will  not  endure,  I  will  hot  suffer,  I  wfll 
not  permit  this."     The  gradation  here  is  worthy  of  notice.     As  a 
man  I  will  not  endure  thy  presence  ;  as  a  good  citizen,  I  will  not 
suffer  thee  to  remain  unopposed ;  as  a  magistrate,  I  will  not  permit 
thee  to  continue  among  us. 

15.  Atque  huic  ipsi,  &c.     "  And  to  Jupiter  Stator,  in  particular, 
in  whose  temple  we  are  here  assembled."   The  student  will  observe 
the  force  of  huic  in  designating  the  place.     With  regard  to  ipsi,  it 
may  be  remarked,  that  this  pronoun  is  not,  in  fact,  reflective,  bu 

13* 


150  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

A  serves  emphatically  to  distinguish  that  to  which  it  is  applied  from 
all  others. — Statori.  Jupiter  Stator  was  so  called  from  his  having 
stopped  the  flight  of  the  Romans,  when  hard  pressed  by  the  Sabines. 
In  the  memorable  action  which  was  brought  to  an  end  by  the  heroic 
conduct  of  the  Sabine  females,  Romulus  and  his  followers  had  been 
driven  back  to  the  base  of  the  Palatine  hill,  when  he  invoked,  in  his 
extremity,  the  aid  of  Jupiter,  and  vowed  a  temple  to  him  on  the  spot 
where  he  was  standing,  if  that  god  would  stop  the  disgraceful  flight 
of  the  Romans.  The  action  took  a  favourable  turn,  and  a  temple 
was  accordingly  erected,  at  the  foot  of  the  Palatine,  to  Jupiter,  sur- 
named,  from  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  Stator,  because  he  had 
caused  the  Romans  to  make  a  stand  (Stare  fecit)  in  this  quarter, 
against  their  pursuers.  (Liv.  1,  12.)  Some  editors  indulge  in  the 
singular  error  of  making  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator  to  have  been 
in  the  capitol,  thus  confounding  it  with  that  of  Jupiter  Capito'.inus. 
— Jupiter  Stator  is  called  by  Plutarch  Erfjo-ioj,  and  by  Dio  Cassins 
OpBiZaios. 

16.  Habenda  est  gratia.     The  common  text  places  habenda  est 
gratia  after  diis  immortalibus.     Graevius,  on  the  authority  of  some 
of  his  MSS.,  removes  gratia,  and  places  it  after  hujus  urbis.     We 
have  adopted  the  arrangement  recommended  by  Schiitz,  as  the  more 
elegant  and  forcible. 

17.  Tamque  infestam  reipublicae.     "  And  so  fraught  with  ruin 
to  the  republic." — Toties.     There  is  something  of  the  exaggeration 
of  oratory  in  this,  since  Catiline   had  only  once  before  conspired 
against  the  state  along  with  Cn.  Piso.  (Sail.  Cat.  c.   18.)     The 
reference,  however,  may  also  be  a  general  one  to  his  activity  in 
wickedness. 

g  1.  In  uno  homine.  "  In  the  person  of  a  single  individual."  Ci- 
cero means  that  the  public  weal  is  no  longer  to  depend  on  his  own 
life.  Some  commentators  apply  these  words  less  correctly  to  Cati- 
line.— Summa  salus.  The  best  MSS.  have  this  order,  in  place  of 
the  common  salus  summa,  and  so  Graevius  and  others  read. 

2.  Consult  designate.     The  consuls  elect  were  so  called  during 
the  interval  that  elapsed  between  the  period  of  their  election  and 
that  of  then:  entrance  upon  office.     These  magistrates,  from  A.  U. 
C.  600,  were  elected  about  the  end  of  July,  or  beginning  of  August, 
and  installed  on  the  first  of  January. — Cicero  and  Catiline  had  both, 
been  candidates  for  the  consulship,  and,  when  the  former  succeeded, 
Catiline  endeavoured  to  murder  him  in  the  Campus   Martius,  and 

.    elsewhere,   by   his   private   emissaries,  ("omnibus  modis  insidias 
parabut  Ciceroni."     Sail.  Cat.  c.  26.) 

3.  Proximis   comitiis   consularibus.     Referring   to   the  22d  of 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  151 

Pate. 

October,  the  previous  month.  (Compare  note  5,  page  3.)  On  the  fj 
day  of  election  here  alluded  to,  Cicero,  as  Plutarch  informs  us,  put 
on  a  coat  of  mail :  the  principal  persons  in  Rome  conducted  him 
from  his  house,  and  great  numbers  of  the  youth  attended  him  to  the 
Campus  Martius.  There  he  threw  back  his  robe,  and  displayed 
part  of  the  coat  of  mail,  on  purpose  to  point  out  his  danger.  The 
people  were  incensed,  and  immediately  gathered  about  him ,  the 
consequence  of  which  was,  that  Catiline  was  again  rejected,  and 
Silanus  and  Murena  were  chosen  consuls.  (  Vit.  Cic.  c.  14.) 

4.  Campo.     The  consular  comitia  were  held  in  the  C  impus  Mar- 
tius.— Competitares.     Silanus  and  Murena. — Amicorum  praesidio, 
&c.     Consult  note  3. — Me  pelisti.     "  You  aimed  a  thrust  at  me." 
A  gladiatorial  term.     Compare  Cicero's  language  towards  the  close 
of  chapter  6.     "  Quot  ego  tuas  petitiones"  &c. 

5.  Esse    conjunctam.     "  Was    intimately   connected." — Petit. 
"  You  aim  a  blow  at."     Compare  note  4. — Ad  exitium  et  vastita- 
tem  vocas.     "  You  summon  to  ruin  and  desolation."      Elegantly 
used  instead  of  the  more  common  phraseology,  "  Evertere  et  solo 
aequare  machinaris." 

6.  Quoniam  id,  quod  primum,  &c.     "  Since  I  dare  not  yet  pur- 
sue that  course  which  first  suggests  itself,  and  is  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  the  principles  of  this  government,  and  the  administration 
of  our  forefathers,"  i.  e.  inflict  capital  punishment  upon  you. — Some 
commentators  refer  the  erpression  hujus  imperil  to  the  consular 
office,  ("  and  is  in  strict  accordance  with  the  nature  of  that  office 
which  I  now  fill,")  but  the  other  interpretation  seems  preferable. 

7.  Ad  severitatem.     "  In  point  of  severity." — Et  ad  communem, 
&c.     "  And,  as  regards  the  common  safety,  productive  of  more  de- 
cided advantage." 

8.  Reliqua   conjuratorum   manus.     Ernesti   thinks  reliqua  too 
frigid,  and  suggests  aliqua,  which  appears  to  us  still  more  frigid 
than  reliqua. 

9.  Exhaurielur  ex  urbe,  &c.     "  That  foul  gathering  of  thy  fol- 
lowers, large  in  point  of  number,  and  fraught  with  ruin  to  the  state, 
will  be  drained  away  from  our  city,"  L  e.  that  worthless  crew  of  thy 
abandoned  followers,  so  large  in  number,  and  who  are  plotting  only 
ruin  to  the  state,  will  be  driven  far  away  from  our  city.     Sentina, 
properly  means  that  part  of  the  ship  where  the  bilge-water  collects. 
It  is  then  taken  to  denote  the  bilge-water  itself ;  and  finally  any 
worthless  and  impure  collection  of  persons.  Cicero,  in  the  following 
passage,  employs  the  term  in  speaking  of  the  lowest  of  the  people,  the 
very  dregs  of  the  city  :  "  Hoc  enim  verbo  est  usus,  quasi  de  aliqua 
tentma.  ac  non  de  optimorum  civium  genere  loqueretur." — It  will 


]  52  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

be  perceived  from  an  examination  of  the  text,  that  we  have  made  a 

5  change  in  the  arrangement  of  the  latter  part  of  the  clause.  The 
common  reading  is  perniciosa  sentina  reipublicae,  and  reipublicae 
-is  thus  regarded  as  a  genitive,  forming  with  comilum  a  double  geni- 
tive, in  imitation  of  the  Greek.  (Goerenz,  ad  Cic.  Leg.  2,  17,  42, 
p.  169.  Matthiae,  G.  G.  §380,  vol.  2,  p.  608,  Kenrick's  transl.) 
Ernesti,  however,  with  very  good  reason,  suspects  this  genitive  rei- 
publicae to  be  a  mere  interpolation,  since  ex  urbe,  which  is  suffi- 
cient for  the  sense,  precedes.  He  retains  it,  notwithstanding,  in 
his  text.  We  have  also  retained  reipublicae,  but  have  placed  it  be- 
fore sentina,  and  have  made  it  depend,  as  a  dative,  on  perniciosa. 
It  may  be  that  sentina  reipublicae,  was  written  originally  by  some 
copyist  for  reipublicae  sentina,  (a  common  error  in  MSS.,)  and  the 
true  position  of  the  words  may  at  first  have  been  designated  by 
small  numbers  placed  over  them,  which  numbers  were  omitted  by 
subsequent  copyists,  and  the  erroneous  order  allowed  to  remain. 
(Compare  Parson's  Letter  to  Dalzel,  Mus.  Crit.  vol.  1,  p.  336.) 

10.  Tua  sponte  faciebas.     "  You.  were  inclined  to  do  of  your 
own  accord."  Faciebas  is  here  equivalent  tofacere  volebas. — Exire 
ex  urbe,  &c.     How  much  stronger  than  if  he  had  said,  "  exire  ex 
urbe  Cicero  Catilinam  jubet." 

11.  Num  in  cxsilium  ?     Cicero  purposely  avoids  ordering  Cati- 
line to  go  into  exile.     This  would  have  been,  in  the  present  stage 
of  the  case,  a  hazardous  experiment,  as  it  might  have  exposed  him 
to  the  charge  of  an  odious  and  tyrannical  exercise  of  authority.    The 
Romans  were  averse  to  the  using  of  the  word  exile,  even  in  their 
judicial  sentences,  and  hence  the  punishment  of  expatriation  was 
called  ignis  et  aquae  interdictio,  "  interdicting  from  fire  and  water," 
by  the  force  of  which  a  person  was  compelled  to  leave  Italy.     It 
was  a  settled  principle,  that  no  Roman  citizen  could  lose,  without 
his  own  consent,  the  right  of  citizenship,  and  hence,  when  a  person 
was  to  be  banished,  he  was,  by  a  fiction  of  law,  interdicted  from  fire 
and  water.     (Heinecc.  Antiq.  Rom.  1,  16,  10,  ed  Haubold,  p.  184.) 

12.  Extra  istam  conjurationem,  &c.     "  Unconnected  with  that 
conspiracy  of  yours  and  your  abandoned  followers."     The  pronoun 
iste  here  marks  the  person,  and  also  denotes  scorn  and  contempt 
on  the  part  of  the  speaker.     Compare  note  4,  page  1 . 

13.  Quae  nota,  &c.     "  What  mark  of  domestic  turpitude  has  not 
been  branded  on  your  character1!"     Nota  was  applied  by  the  Ro- 
mans to  the  mark  branded  on  a  fugitive  slave  when  retaken,  (Cic 
Off.  2,  7,)  and  also  to  the  stigma  imposed  by  the  censors  for  im- 
moral conduct.  (Pro.  Cluent.  46.)  So  the  voice  of  public  scorn  had 
branded,  with  infamy,  the  character  of  Catiline.     According  to  Plu- 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  153 

Page. 

larch,  Sallust,  and  Asconius,  Catiline  had  slain  his  own  brother,      Q 
had  murdered  his  own  son,  that  there  might  be  no  obstacle  to  his 
marriage  with  Aurelia  Orestilla,  and  had   indulged  in  incestuous 
intercourse  with  an  illegitimate  daughter  of  his. 

14.  Quod  privatarum  renim,  &c.     "  What  shameful  conduct  in 
private  life  clings  not  to  you  for  your  lasting  infamy  1"     Literally, 
"  adheres  not  to  your  infamy."     This  clause  is  strongly  suspected 
of  being  a  mere  interpolation,  since  the  same  idea  is  already  ex 
pressed  by  the  words  "  Quae  nota,"  &c.     It  was  very  probably,  at 
first,  a  mere  marginal  interpretation,  given  by  some  scholiast  to  the 
words  quae  nota,  &c.,  and  gradually  found  its  way  into  the  text. 
The   Latipity   of  non  haeret  infamiae  is   very  questionable,  and 
savours  strongly  of  the  style  of  a  scholiast. 

15.  Quae  libido.     "  What  scenes  of  impurity."     Compare  the 
remark  of  Doering,  ad.  loc.  :     "  Oculis  nempe  homines  libidinosi 
vcnari  solent  libidinis  alimenta." 

16.  Quod  facinus.      "What   daring  deed." — Quod  flagitium. 
''What  infamous  pollution."     The  distinction  between  facinus  and 
flugitium  should  be  noted.   Facinus  denotes  a  bojd  or  daring  action, 
and  unless  it  be  joined  with  a  favourable  epithet,  or  the  action  be 
previously  described  as  commendable,  the  term  is  always  to  be  un- 
derstood in  a  vituperative  sense.    •  Flagitium  refers  chiefly  to  dis- 
graceful and  lustful  excess,  though  it  sometimes  denotes  any  fault, 
error,  or  crime,  that  reflects  dishonour  on  the  offender.     (Crombie 
Gymnasium,  vol.  2,  p.  162.) 

17.  Quern  corruptelarum  illecclris  irretisses.     "  Whom  you  had 
entangled  amid  the  allurements  of  your  corrupting  arts."     Compare 
Sallust  Cat.  c.  14.     "  Sed  maxume  adolescentium  familiaritates 
adpetebat"  &c. 

18.  Facem  praetulisti.    -Alluding  to    Catiline's   initiating   the 
young  into  the  revels  of  the  night,  and  being,  as  it  were,  their  guide 
to  scenes  of  debauchery. 

19.  Vacuefecisses.     Catiline  was  said  to  have  poisoned  his  first 
wife,  in  order  to  make  way  for  Aurelia  Orestilla,  and,  beside  this,  to 
have  murdered  his  SOB  by  the  former  marriage,  that  he  might  no 
be  an  obstacle  to  his  second  union. — Alio  incredibili  scelere.     The 
murder  of  his  son.    Compare  Catullus,  (64,  402,)    "  Optavit  genitoi 
•primaevi  funera  gnati"  &c. 

1.  Tanti  facinoris  immanilas.     "  So  monstrous  a  piece  of  wick-      f! 
edness."     Literally,  "  the  enormity  of  so  great  a  crime." 

2.  Proximis  idibus.     His  creditors  would  then  be  entitled  to  call 
for  the  interest  on  their  advances.  Among  the  Romans,  the  Calends 
and  Ides  were  the  two  periods  of  the  month,  when  money  was  either 


154  THK    FIRST    ORATION 

P««e. 

Q  laid  out  at  interest  or  called  in,  or  else  the  interest  demanded  lor 
what  was  on  loan.  Compare  Horace,  (Sat.  1,  3,  87,)  "  Quum 
tristes  misero  venere  kalendae,"  and  also,  (Epod.  2,  69,)  "  Omnem 
redegit  idibus  pecuniam,  &c. — The  present  oration  was  delivered 
on  the  8th  of  November,  and  the  next  Ides  would  be  on  the  thir- 
teenth. The  Ides  fell  on  the  15th  of  March,  May,  July,  and  Octo- 
ber, and  the  13th  of  the  other  months. 

3.  Domeslicam  tuam  difficultatem.   "  Your  domestic  difficulties," 
i.  e.  your  debts.     Compare  Verr.  2,  28  :  "  Ostendit  se  in  summa 
difficultate  esse  numaria." 

4.  Hujus  vitae  lux.     Graevius  and  others  read  merely  haec  lux, 
but  then,  as  Ernesti  correctly  remarks,  the  whole  relation  is  lost 
between  hujus  vitae  lux,  and  hujus  coeli  spiritus. 

5.  Pridie  kalendas  Januarias.     The  time  here  meant  is  the  31st 
December.     Sallust  gives  a  brief  account  of  this  earlier  conspiracy, 
(Cat.  18.)     The  plan  was,  to  murder  the  consuls  in  the  capitol,  and 
then,  for  Catiline  and  Autronius  to  seize  upon  the  consular  author- 
ity.    Suetonius  (Vit.  lul.  Caes,  c.  9)  informs  us,  on  the  faith  of 
contemporary  writers,  that  Caesar  and  Crassus  had  taken  part  in 
this  conspiracy,  and  that  it  failed  from  Caesar's  not  having  given 
the  preconcerted  signal,  in  consequence  of  Crassus's  not  appearing 
at  the  appointed  time.  According  to  Sallust,  the  plot  failed  a  second 
time,  on  the  nones  (5th)  of  February,  in  consequence  of  Catiline's 
having  given  the  signal  for  action  before  a  sufficient  number  of  con- 
spirators had  assembled. 

6.  Lepido  et  Tullo  consulibus.     A.  U.  C.  687.     Catiline,  being 
accused  of  extortion,  was  unable  to  stand  candidate  for  the  consul- 
ship, and  hence,  inflamed  with  hatred  and  disappointment,  he  resolved 
to  murder  the  new  consuls. 

7.  Stetisse  in  eomitio  cum  telo.  "  Took  your  station  in  the  comi- 
tium  with  a  dagger."     The  comitium  was  that  part  of  the  forum 
where  the  comitia  met. — It  was  forbidden  by  one  of  the  laws  of  the 
twelve  tables,  to  carry  any  weapon  within  the  city.     The  allusion 
in  the  text  has  already  been  explained  under  note  5. 

8.  Non  mentem  aliquam.     "  That  no  change  of  mind."     This  is 
the  interpretation  commonly  given  to  the  clause.     It  is  susceptible, 
however,  of  a  different  meaning,  "  that  no  return  of  mind,"  i.  e.  no 
glimpse  of  reason,  and  consequent  remorse,  amid  his  phrensy. 

9.  Fortunam.     "  The  wonted  good-fortune."     Compare  Sallust, 
(Cat.  c.  41,)  "  Tandem  ricit  fortuna  reipublicae." 

10.  Neque  enim  sunt,  &c.     "For  neither  are  they  concealed 
from  the  knowledge  of  all,  nor  have  only  a  few  been  committed  by 
thee  subsequent  to  that  event."     The  common  text  has  multo  post. 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  153 


v_ 

an   erroneous  reading.     The  best  editions  give  multa  instead  of      ft 
multo. 

11.  Quot  ego  tuas  petitiones,  &c.     "  How  many  thrusts  of  thine, 
aimed  in  such  a  way  that  they  seemed  impossible  to  be  shunned, 
have  I  avoided  by  a  slight  turning  away,  as  it  were,  and,  to  borrow 
the  language  of  the  gladiatorial  schools,  by  the  movements  of  my 
body."     Petitio,  declinatio,  corpus,  and  effugio,  are  all  gladiatorial 
terms,  purposely  employed  by  Cicero,  that  he  may  seem  to  regard 
Catiline  as  no  better  than  one  of  this  class  of  persons.     Compare 
the  language  he  uses  in  the  second  oration  against  Catiline,  (c.  11,) 
"  Gladiatori  illi  confecto  et  saucio  consules  opponite,"  &c. 

12.  Nihil  agis,  &c.     "You  do  nothing,  you  contrive  nothing, 
you  meditate  nothing."  The  student  will  observe  the  regular  grada- 
tion of  ideas.  —  We  have  retained  the  common  reading  with  Ernesti. 
Some  editors  reject  nihil  moliris,  quod  mihi  latere  valeat  in  tern- 
pore,  but  without  any  propriety.     The  words  from  quod  to  tempore, 
both  inclusive,  are  wanting  in  some  manuscripts. 

13.  In  tempore.     "  At  the  very  moment  when  it  is  of  advantage 
to  me  to  know  them."     Equivalent  to  illo  tempore  quo  ilia  scire 
mihi  utile  sit.     Compare  the  Greek  form  ev  xaipy,  and  Drakenb.  ad 
Liv.  8,  7. 

14.  Quoties  jam,  &c.     "  How  often  before  this  has  that  dagger 
of  thine  been  wrested  from  thy  grasp  1" 

15.  Tamen  ea  carere  diutius  non  poles.     These  words  are  omit- 
ted by  some  editors,  as  not  required  by  the  context,  and  savouring, 
therefore,  of  interpolation.     They  are  susceptible,  however,  of  an 
easy  defence  :  "  Still  you  cannot  be  deprived  of  it  for  a  longer  period 
than  the  mere  instant,"  i.  e.  no  matter  how  often  it  be  wrested,  or 
fall,  from  your  grasp,  it  is  sure,  the  very  next  instant,  to  be  in  your 
hands  again.  —  They  who  reject  this  clause  do  not  seem  to  have 
paid  sufficient  attention  to  the  force  of  the  comparative  diutius. 

16.  Quae  quidem,  &c.     As  the  relative  begins  the  clause,  and 
the  connexion  between  it  and  the  antecedent  is  comparatively  slight, 
it  must  be  rendered  by  the  pronoun  ha.ec.   (Compare  note  4,  page  3.) 
"  With  what  unhallowed  rites  this  same  dagger  has  been  consecrated 
by  tb.ee  and  devoted  to  its  purpose,  I  do  not  know,  that  you  deem 
it  a  matter  of  solemn  obligation  to  plunge  it  into  the  bosom  of  a 
consul."     Cicero  is  thought  to  allude  here  to  the  horrid  sacrifice  of 
a  human  being,  at  the  house  of  Catiline,  an  account  of  which  is 
given  by  Sallust,  (Cat.  c.  23,)  and  Dio  Cassius,  (37,  30  —  vol.  1, 
p.  131,  ed.  Reimar.')  —  The  sacrificial  knife  was  consecrated  to  that 
purpose  alone  :  Cicero  insinuates  that  Catiline  had  a  weapon  dedi- 
cated to  the  sole  purpose  of  slaying  the  consuls. 


156  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

(J  17.  Odio.  "By  the  detestation." — Quae  tibi  nulla  dcbetur.  "No 
portion  of  which  is  justly  your  due." 

'18.  Paullo  ante.  "  A  moment  ago." — Ex  hac  tanta  frequentia. 
"  Of  this  so  crowded  a  house."  Referring  to  the  full  numbers  of 
the  senate,  whom  thb  intelligence  of  the  conspiracy  had  drawn 
together. 

19.  Salutamt.     When  Catiline  came  into  this  meeting,  and  took 
his  seat,  all   the  senators  abandoned  that  part  of  the  subsellia,  or 
benches,  where  he  had  placed  himself,  and  not  one  of  his  private 
friends  dared  to  salute  him. 

20.  Vocis   exspectas  contumetiam,  &c.     "  Do  you  wait  for  an 
open  affront  conveyed  to  your  ears  by  the  voices  of  these  present, 
when  you  have  been  overpowered  by  that  most  expressive  sentence 
which  their  very  silence  has  passed  upon  you1?"     A  paraphrase  has 
been  here  employed,  to  give  what  a  literal  translation  would  only 
serve  to  obscure. — The  contumelia  vocis  is  the  same  as  if  the  sena- 
tors had  openly  called  Catiline  a  public  enemy  ;  the  judicium  taci- 
lurnitatis  refers  to  the  manner  in  which  he  was  received  on  coming 
into  the  senate. — The  student  will  mark  the  force  of  the  subjunc- 
tive oppressus  sis,  as  denoting  what  is,  to  all  appearance,  passing  in 
the  mind  of  Catiline. 

21.  Ista.     The  orator  here  points  to  the  place  where  Catiline  is 
seated.     Compare  note  4,  page  1. — Subsellia.     The  seats  of  the 
senators  are  here  called  subsellia,  in  opposition  to  the  elevated  place 

•,  where  the  consul  had  his  curule  chair.     Subsellium  properly  means 
a  low  bench  or  seat. 

22.  Nudam  atque  inanem.     "  Completely  bare."     The   [Latin 
writers  frequently  employ  two  epithets,  of  almost  the  same  import, 
to  give  additional  strength  to  the  idea. 

"7  1.  Servi  mehercule,  &.c.  Muretus  passes  a  high  and  richly-de- 
served encomium  on  the  force  and  skill  which  characterize  this  pas- 
sage. It  is,  in  truth,  an  excellent  illustration  of  the  argument  a 
fortiori. 

2.  Injuria.      ''Without  just   cause." — Offensum.      "Odious." 
Compare  Casaubon,  ad  Suet.  Jul.  19. — Omnium  oculis.     We  have 
adopted  the  order  of  Graevius,  as  more  in  accordance  with  euphony. 
The  common  text  has  oculis  omnium. 

3.  Vulneras.     "  You  are  every  day  wounding."    Vulnero  is  here 
used  somewhat  in  the  sense  of  laedo.     Compare  chapter  4.     "  Eo* 
nondum  voce  vulnero." 

4.  Omnium  nostrum  parens.     Compare  the  beautiful  passage  111 
the  treatise  de  Ojficiis :  "  Cart  sunt  parentes,  cari  liberi,  propinqui, 
familiarcs,  sed  omne*  omnium  caritatet  f  atria,  una  complexa  est ' 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  157 

Page. 

5.  Et  jamdiu  te  nihil  judicat,  &c.     The  common  text  has  de  te.      "y 
We  have  rejected  the  preposition,  according  to  the  suggestion  of 
Lambinus,  which  is  approved  of  by  Muretus  ana  Graevius.     If  de 

be  retained,  the  sense  requires  the  insertion  of  another  te,  in  the 
accusative,  before  cogitare,  which  would  be  extremely  awkward  and 
inelegant. 

6.  Parricidio  suo.     "  Her  ruin."     The  term  parricidium,  among 
he  Roman  writers,  indicates  not  merely  the  murder  of  parents,  but 

also,  of  those  with  whom  one  stands  in  any  near  and  intimate  rela- 
tion. Compare  the  language  of  one  of  the  old  lawyers  :  "  Lege 
Pompeia  dc  parricidis  tenetur,  qui  patrem,  malrem,  avum,  aviam, 
fratrem,  sororem,  patronum,  patrtmam  occiderit."  (Pauli  Sentent. 
lib.  5,  tit.  24.) 

7.  Hujus  tu  nequc,  &c.    "  Will  you  neither  respect  her  authority, 
nor  be  guided  by  her  opinion,  nor  stand  in  awe  of  her  power  1"    Ju- 
dicium  is  here  equivalent  to  sententiam.     His  country  had  come  to 
the  conclusion,  that  Catiline  ought  to  depart  from  her  and  go  into 
exile. 

8.  Tacita  loquitur.     What  the  grammarians  call  an  oxymoron, 
an  apparent  contradiction  in  terms.     So  in  the  following  chapter, 
"  quum  tacent  clamant." 

9.  Mvltorum  civium  neces.     Alluding  to  the  murders  committed 
by  Catiline,  as  a  partisan,  and  during  the  proscriptions,  of  Sylla. 
Consult  Historical  Index. 

10.  Sociorum.     Catiline  had,  as  praetor,  obtained  Africa  for  his 
government,  where  he  was  guilty  of  great  extortion  and  rapine.    On 
his  return  to  Rome,  he  was  accused  by  Publius  Clodius,  but  escaped 
by  bribing  his  accuser  and  the  judges  who  tried  him. 

11.  Quaestiones.    "  Public  prosecutions."    Consult  Legal  Index. 

12.  Quidquid  increpuerit,  &c.     "For  Catiline  to  be  feared,  on 
every  alarm."     Literally,  quidquid  increpuerit,  "  Whatever  noise 
may  have  been  made."     Compare  Livy,  4,  43  :  "  Si  quid  increpet 
terroiis." 

13.  Quod  a  tuo  seder e  abhoneat.     "That  is  free  from  your 
guilty  paiuicijjation."     In  which  you  do  not  bear  a  part. 

14.  Si    est    verus,  &c.     What    Hermogenes    calls    a    o^pa 
<J<X»^par<H',  or  form  of  a  dilemma. 

15.  Nonne  impetrare  debeat.     "  Ought  she  not  to  obtain  her  re- 
quest," i.  e.  ought  she  not  to  prevail  upon  you  to  depart. 

16.  Quid,  quod  lu  ipse,  &c.    "  What  shall  I  say  of  this,  that  you 
offered  to  surrender  yourself  into  the  safe  keeping  of  some  private 
individual !"     The  phrase  quid  quod,  which  can  only  be  used  when 
»  verb  succeeds,  is  elliptical,  and  to  be  completed  as  follows  :   Quid 

14 


158  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page 

•y  dicam  de  eo  quod.  It  generally  implies,  that  what  comes  after  is 
more  surprising  or  Decisive  than  what  went  before,  and  hence  it  is 
frequently  rendered  into  English  by  "  nay,"  or  "  nay  even."  Com- 
pare Zumpt,  L.  G.  p.  416. — Sanctii  Mm.  vol.  2,  p.  210,  (ed. 
Bauer.) 

17.  In  custodiam.     This  is   what  was   called   liber  a   custodia. 
When  an  individual  of  rank  and  family  laboured  under  the  suspi- 
cion of  any  treasonable  practices,  he  sometimes  surrendered  himself 
into  the  hands  of  another  person,  distinguished  for  private  worth, 
and  attachment  to  the  state,  to  be  guarded,  as  it  were,  by  the  latter 
until  his  guilt  or  innocence  might  be  established  by  the  result  of  a 
public  prosecution.     This  step  was  generally  taken  in  order  to  im- 
press the  people  with  an  opinion  of  his  innocence.     On  some  occa- 
sions, the  person  accused  was  given  over  into  the  safe  keeping  of 
another,  without  being  allowed  to  exercise  any  will  of  his  own,  as 
in  the  case  of  Lentulus,  and  the  other  confederates  of  Catiline,  re- 
corded by  Sallust.     (Cat.  c.  47.)     Dio  Cassius  (58,  3)  calls  this 
species  of  custody,   by  a   very   appropriate  name,  ^>uAaici)   HScajnof. 
Compare  Lipsius,  ad.  Tacit.  Ann.  6,  4. 

18.  M\  Lepidum.     We  nave  given  the  praenomen  as  M\,  (i.  c. 
Manium)  instead  of  the  common  reading  M.  (Marcum.)  The  Lepi- 
dus  here  meant  was  Manius,  not  Marcus,  Lepidus,  who  held  the 
consulship  with  Volcatius  Tullus.     Compare  Manutius,  ad.  loc.,  and 
also  the  remarks  of  Morgenstern  and  Beck. 

19.  Habitare.     "  To  take  up  your  residence." 

Q  1.  Parietibus.  The  term  paries  most  commonly  denotes  tho 
wall  of  a  house.  Its  primitive  meaning  appears  to  have  been  a 
party,  or  separation,  wall.  In  the  following  passage  it  signifies  a 
wall  for  upholding  or  supporting.  "  Parietes  fornicum  perfossi 
urbem  patefecerunt."  (Liv.  44,  11.) 

2.  Qvi  essem.     "  Since  I  was."     Qui  is  joined  to  the  subjunc- 
tive mood,  when  the  relative  clause  states  some  circumstance  r>e- 
longing  to  the  antecedent,  as  accounting  for  the  principal  fact,  or 
as  contributing  to  its  production.     (Crombie,  Gymnasium,  vol.  2, 
p.  26.) 

3.  Q.  Metellum.     Cicero  refers  to  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  CeHr, 
who  was  subsequently  despatched  by  him  to  raise  an  armed  fore  • 
against   Catiline  in  the  Gallic  and   Picene   territories.   (Compaq 
Oral.  2,  in  Cat.   chapters  2,  and  12.)     He  was  consul  with  L 
Afranius,  two  years  afterward. 

4.  Virum  optimum.    Used  ironically.    Compare  Quintilian  (9,  2. 
— M.  Marcellum.     The  father  of  Marius  Marcellus,  one  of  the  ac 
complices   of  Catiline.     (Pro  Sexl.  4.)     Orosius,  in  the  following 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  159 

Page. 

passage,  makes  mention  of  both  father  and  son  :  "  Molus  etiam  in  W 
Pelignis  ortus  a  Marcdiis,  patre  ctfdio,  per  L.  Vcclium  proditus, 
palefacta  Calilinae  conjuratione,  quasi  succisa  radice,  conipressus 
cst,"  &c.  (6,  4.) — We  must  be  careful,  however,  not  to  confound 
the  Marcellus  here  mentioned  with  the  one  named  by  Cicero  a  little 
after,  and  whom  he  styles  vir  fortissimus.  This  latter  was  the 
one  whom  he  defended  before  Caesar. 

5.  Videlicet.     Ironical.     "  No  doubt." — Ad  suspicandum.     "  In 
spying  out  your  secret  movements." — Ad  viudicandmn.   "In bring- 
ing you  to  justice." 

6.  Morari.     We   have  retained   the  common  reading.     Many 
editions  have  emori,  and  they  who  give  this  lection  think  that  Cicero 
probably  meant  to  warn  Catiline,  that  his  remaining  in  Rome  would 
but  lead  to  a  speedy  death.     Cicero,  however,  is  not  speaking  of  a 
death  to  be  patiently  endured  by  Catiline,  but  of  the  utter  impossi- 
bility of  that  individual's  remaining  aruj  longer  in  a  city,  where  every 
object  must  remind  him  of  his  own  guilty  schemes,  and  of  the 
hatred  and  contempt  which  these  had  brought  upon  him.     Besides 
morari  and  afore  are  in  direct  opposition,  and  the  presence  of  the 
latter  requires  the  former  as  a  matter  of  course. 

7.  Refer,  inquis,  ad  scnatum.     "  Lay  the  matter,  you  say,  before 
the  senate."     Referre  ad  senatum  was  the  usual  phrase    for  the 
laying  of  any  matter  before  the  Roman  senate.     If  the  consuls 
were  in  the  city  at  the  time  when  any  such  reference  was  to  be 
made,  they,  by  virtue  of  their  office,  consulted  the  senate  on  the 
matter  in  question.     If  they  were  absent,  the  reference  was  made 
by  the  other  magistrates,  according  to  their  respective  rank.     (Aul 
Gell.  14,  7.) 

8.  Quod  alhorret  a  meis  moribus.     "  Which  is  repugnant  to  my 
character."     As    Cicero   was   naturally   averse   to   harshness  and 
severity,  he  was  unwilling  to  lay   the  affair    of  Catiline   formally 
before  the   senate,  since  he  knew  that  the  latter  would,  most 
certainly,  condemn  him.     His  object  was  to  induce  him  to  quit  the 
city. 

9.  Faciam,  ut  intelligas.     "  I  will  act  in  such  a  way  that  you 
may  clearly  perceive."     He  means,  that  he  will  tell  him  openly  to 
go  into  exile,  and  that  the  senate  will  sanction  this  bold  step  on  the 
part  of  Cicero,  by  their  total  silence. 

10.  Hanc  vocem.     "This  word."     Consult  note  11,  page  5. 

11.  Quid  est,  Catilinal     Cicero  probably  made  a  pause  at  the 
end  of  the  previous  sentence,  that  Catiline  might  observe  the  more 
clearly,  from  the  total  silence  of  the  assembled  senators,  how  com- 
oletely  their  sentiments  accent  with  those  of  the  speaker.     He 


160  THK    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

g      then  exclaims,  in  reference  to  the  silence  which  prevails  on  ail 
sides  :  "What  is  this,  Catiline  1" 

12.  Paliuntur,  taccnl.     "  They  suffer  me  to  address  you  in  this 
language,  they  are  silent,"  i.  e.  they  permit  me  to  use  this  bold 
language  towards  you,  and  to  bid  you  go  into  exile,  because  they 
believe,  with  me,  that  you  are  an  enemy  to  your  country ;  and  no 
one  raises  his  voice  in  your  behalf. 

13.  Quid  cxspectas  auctoritatem,  &c.     "Why  do  you  wait  lor 
their  authorizing  this  by  their  voices,  when  you  clearly  perceive 
their  wishes  although  they  are  silent  •"     Cicero  refers  to  their  con- 
firming, by  word  of  mouth,  the  order  which  he  had  given  Catiline 
to  depart  into  exile. 

14.  P.    Sextio.     P.   Sextius  Gallus,  who  was  quaestor  to  tha 
consul  Antonius,  and  whom  Cicero   subsequently  defended  in  an 
oration  which  has  come  down  to  us. 

15.  M.  Mar  cello.     This  is  the  Marcellus  whom  Cicero  after- 
wards defended  before  Caesar.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

16.  Jam.     "Ere  now." — Vim  ct  manus.     "The  hand  of  vio- 
lence."    Literally,  "  violence  and  their  hands."     A  species  of  hen 
diadys. 

17.  De  te.      "With   regard   to   you." — Cum   quicscunt,    &c. 
"  When  they  remain  quiet,  they  actually  approve  of  my  conduct ; 
when  they  permit  me  to  use  this  language,  they,  in  truth,  decree  to 
that  effect ;  when  they  keep  silence,  they,  in  fact,  proclaim  loudly 
their  sentiments."      Probant.     The  senate  approve  of  the  course 
which  Cicero  has  just  pursued  towards  Catiline,  in  ordering  him  into 
exile.     Decernunt.     They  actually  decree   that  he  go   into  exile. 
Clamant.     They  loudly  proclaim,  as  it  were,  their  decided  convic 
tion  of  Catiline's  being  a  foe  to  his  country. 

18.  Quorum  tibi  auctoritas,  &c.     "  Whose  authority,  it  seems, 
is  highly  respected   by  you  ;  whose  lives  are  most  cheap  in  your 
eyes."     Catiline  pretended  great  respect  for  the  authority  and  sanc- 
tion of  the  senate,  but  held  their  lives,  in  fact,  so  cheap,  as  to  have 
marked  out  the  majority  of  them  for  destruction. 

19.  Sed  etiam  Mi  equites  Romani.     "  But  even  those  Roman 
knights  do  the  same,"  i.  e.  silcntio  probant. 

20.  Qui  circumstant  senalum.     A  body  of  Roman  knights,  and 
otner  patriotic  citizens,  were  in  arms  around  the  temple  in  which 
the  senate  were  convened,  in  order  to  protect  them  from  any  sudden 
attack  on  the  part  of  the  conspirators,  in  case  such,  a?  was  strongly 
apprehended,  should  take  place. — Voces.     Referring  to  the  patriotic 
cries  of  those  assembled  without  the  temple. 

21.  Usque  ad  portas  proseguanlur.    Those  who  went  into  volun- 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  161 

Page. 

eary  exile  were  generally  accompanied  to  the  city  gates  by  large     Q 
numbers  of  their  friends.  Cicero  promises  an  escort  of  knights  to  Cati- 
line, if  he  will  abandon  Rome.  The  orator  means,  that,  through  joy  to 
rid  themselves  of  him.  they  will  see  liim  safely  to  the  gates  of  the  city. 

22.  Quamquam.     "  And  yet."     Compare  the  remarks  of  Forcel- 
lini,  on  this  usage  of  quamquam :  "  Venustatem  habet,  cum  quis  se 
ipsum  corrigit ;"  and  consult  the  following  passages  where  it  occurs 
in  the  same  sense  :   Cic.  N.  D.  3,  16  :  Virg.  Aen.  5,  195. 

23.  Te  ut  ulla.  res  frangat  1  &c.     "  Is    it  to  be  expected  that 
any  thing  can  ever  break  that  obstinate  spirit  of  yours  1  that  you 
can  ever  reform  1"     We  must  supply  before  ut,  in  this  passage,  the 
words  sperandumne  sit  fore,  or  something  equivalent.  Drakenborch 
(ad  Liv..  4,  2,  12)  has  collected  examples  of  this  elegant  and  ellip- 
tical usage  of  the  particle  ul. — Frangat.     As  regards  the  peculiar 
force  of  this  verb  in  such  passages  as  the  present,  compare  Liv.  2, 
23;  and  consult  Brouckhous,  ad  Tibull.  1,  9,  71. 

1.  Duint.     An  archaism  for  dent.     This   form  occurs   also   in     O 
Livy,  as  forming  part  of  the  language  of  a  vow  :  "  Bellona,  si  hodie 
nobis  victoriam  duis,  ast  ego  templum  till  voveo.''     (10,  19.)     Be- 
sides being  used  on  such  solemn  occasions,  it  is  frequently  met  with 
among  the  comic  writers. 

2.  Sed  est  mihi  tanti.     "  But  it  is  worth  this  sacrifice."     As  if 
he  had  said  :  "  Reipublicae  solus  est  mihi  tanti  momenti,  ut  huic 
impendenti  invidiae  tempestati  me  objiciam." 

3.  Privata  sit.     "  Be  private  in  its  character,"  i.  e.  concern  me 
individually  ;  fall  only  on  my  head. 

4.  Sed  tn  ut  mtiis  tuis  commoveare.     "  But  that  you  can  be  at 
all  affected  by  the  consciousness  of  your  crimes."     Vitia  is  here 
used  to  denote  any  evil  deeds. 

5.  Ut  temporibus  reipublicae  concedas.     "  That  you  can  yield  to 
the  interests  of  the  republic."     It  is  the  same  as  if  Cicero  had  said: 
"  Ut  a  consilio  luo  recedas,  et  ea,  quae  praesens  reipublicae  status 
postulat,  fari  patiaris." — We  have  given  concedas  with  the  greater 
number  of  editions.     Graevius,  Lallemand,  Beck,  and  Schiitz,  prefer 
cedas,  which  is  found  in  some  manuscripts,  and  this  reading  is  also 
defended  by  Goerenz,  ad  Cic.  de  Leg.  3,  11,  26,  p.  251.     But  con- 
cedo  is  often  used  by  Cicero  for  the  simple  cedo.     Compare,  Ep.  ai 
Fam.  4,  3:  ad  Alt.  14,  18  :   Verr.  2,  44  :  Rose.  Am.  40. 

6.  Pud  or.     "A  sense  of  shame."  —  Unquam.     This  word  does 
not  appear  in  the  common  text.     Quintilian,  (9, '3,  62,)  in  quoting 
the  passage  inserts  it  after  pudor,  a  reading  which  Schiitz  and  Mat- 
thiae  adopt.     We  have  removed  it  to  its  present  place  as  giving  a 
fuller  sound  to  the  sentence. 

14* 


162  THE    FIRST    OKATION 

Page. 

Q          7.  Recta.     Supply  via.     Thus  Terence,  Andr.  3,  4,  21 :  "  Quin 
hinc  recta  in  pislrinum  proficitcar  via." 

8.  Sermoncs  hominum,     "  The  remarks  of  men,"  i.  e.  the  cen- 
sures that   will  be  heaped  upon  me  for   my    tyrannical   conduct. 
Compare  Cic.  Vetr.  4,  7  :  "  In  scrmoncm  hominum  atque  mtupera- 
tionem  venire"  and  Ep^  ad  Alt.  2,  14:  "  Vapulare  sermonibus." 

9.  Molem   istius  invidiae.     "  The  weight  of  that  odium  which 
you  will  thus  bring  upon  me."     The  student  will  mark  the  force  of 
the  pronoun  iste,  and  consult  note  4,  page  1. 

10.  Scrvire  meae  laudi  et  gloriae.     "  To  subserve  the  purposes 
of  my  praise  and  my  glory,"  i.  e.  to  advance  my  reputation  and 
glory. — Cicero  resorts  to  an  artful  dilemma.     Catiline  may  entertain 
either  hostile  or  friendly  feelings  towards  Cicero,  just  as  he  pleases, 
for  the  purpose  either  of  exposing  him  to  odium,  or  contributing  to 
his  renown,  but  in  either  event  he  must  leave  the  city. 

11.  Cum  importuna   sceleratorum  manu.     "With  thy  lawless 
band  of  miscreants."     Importunus  here  denotes  a  total  disregard 
for  what  time,  place,  circumstance  and  person  demand.     Hence  it 
obtains  the  signification  of  "  unbridled,"  "  outrageous,"  "  intolera- 
ble," &c.     Compare   Verr.  6,  50  :    "  Tmportunissimae   libidines," 
"  the  most  unbridled  desires,"  and  Cat.  2,  6 :  Importunissimut 
hostis." 

12.  Impio  lalrocinio.     "  In  your  impious  scheme  of  robbery."  It 
is  called   "  impious,"  or  unhallowed,  because  directed  against  his 
native  country.     Latrocinium,   in  its   earliest   acceptation,  meant 
merely  the  service  of  a  soldier,  and  the  primitive  meaning  of  latro 
itself  was  the  same  as  miles.     The  idea  of  robbery  and  plunder  was 
associated  with  it  at  a  later  period,  from  the  plundering  habits  of 
disbanded  soldiers.     Festus  derives  latro  from  the  Greek  Aa^a'a. 
"  service,"  where  others,  however,  by  a  change  of  reading,  make 
\drpov,  "  pay,"  the  root.     (Lindemann.   Corp.  Gram.  Lat.  vol.  1 
p.  88.)     Varro's  derivation  of  the  term   from  latus,  because  the 
latrones,  at  first,  like  a  kind  of  body-guard,  protected  the  side  of  the 
king  or  commander,  (" circum  late.ro.  crant  regi")  or,  because  they 
wore  swords  by  their  sides,  ("  ad  latera  habebant  ferrum .'")  is  now 
deservedly  rejected. 

13.  Quamquam.     "  And  yet."     Compare  note  22,  page  8. 

14.  Qui  tibi  ad  Forum  Aurelium,  &c.     "To  wait  for  thee  in 
arms  near  Forum  Aurelium."     The  preposition  ad,  with  the  name 
of  a  place,  denotes  immediate  proximity,  but  not  the  being  in  the 
place  itself. — Towns  were  called  Fora  by  the  Romans,  where  the 
praetor  held  what  we  would  term  his  circuits,  for  administering  jus- 
ice,  and  where  also  markets  were  established.    The  town  of  Forum 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  163 

Page. 

Aurelium,  (now  Monte  Alto,)  \vas  situate  in  Etruria,  and  took  the  O 
fctter  part  of  its  name  from  the  Via  Aurelia  on  which  it  stood, 
and  which  led  from  Rome  to  Pisa.  The  Aurelian  way  was  con- 
tinued from  this  latter  place,  A.  U.  C.  639,  by  the  consul  Aemilius 
Scaurus,  under  the  name  of  Via  Aemilia,  as  far  as  Dertona,  (now 
Tortona,)  and  at  a  later  period  was  carried  from  Vada  Sabata  (where 
it  had  left  the  coast  for  Dertona)  to  the  Maritime  Alps,  and  even 
beyond  them  into  Gaul  as  far  as  Arelate  (now  Aries.)  Consult 
Cramer's  Anct.  Italy,  vol.  1,  p.  35,  and  Anton.  Itin.  p.  288,  ed. 
Wesseling. — Sigon.  Ant.  Jur.  Ital.  2,  5. 

15.  Cut  sci&m.     The  common  text  has  quum  sciam,  Emesti 
merely  sciam.     We  have   inserted  cat  with   Beck   and   Schutz, 
"  conncinnitatis  gratia." 

16.  Aquilam  illam  argenteam.     The  same  which  Marius  had  in 
his  army  in  the  Cimbric  war.     Catiline  fell  beside  it  in  the  battle 
which  ended  the  conspiracy.  (Sail.  Cat.  59.) — Among  the  Romans, 
a  silver  eagle,  with  expanded  wings,  on  the  top  of  a  spear,  some- 
times holding  a  thunderbolt  in  its  claws,  with  the  figure  of  a  small 
chapel  above  it,  and  occasionally  also  having  the  chapel  over  it,  was 
the  main  standard  of  the  legion.     It  was  anciently  carried  before  the 
Triarii,  or  third   rank,  composed  of  the  oldest  soldiers ;  but,  after 
the  time  of  Marius,  in  the  first  line,  and  near  it  was  the  ordinary 
place  of  the  general.     The  reason  of  this  change  of  place  appears 
to  have  been,  because,  in  the  time  of  Marius,  the  best  troops  began 
to  be  placed  first.     Consult  Salmas.  de  Re  Milit.  c.  6. — Lips,  de 
Mil.  Rom.  lib.  4,  dial.  3  and  5. — Rascke,  Lex.  Ret.  Num.  s.  v. 
Aquila  Legionaria. 

17.  Cui  domi  tuae,  &c.     "  For  which  a  shrine  was  established 
at  your  own  home,  where  your  crimes  were  offered  up  as  appropriate 
incense."     We  have  been  compelled  to  resort  to  a  paraphrase,  in 
order  to  express  more  clearly  the  meaning  of  the  orator. — It  has 
been  stated  in  the  previous  note,  that  the  eagle  of  the  legion  was 
sometimes  placed  in  a  kind  of  chapel,  or  acdicufa,  and  at  other  times 
was  represented  either  without  any  such  chapel,  or  as  having  it 
above  the  wings.     Dio  Cassius  (40,  18)  is  very  explicit  respecting 
the  first  of  these  :   la-n   ft.  vtas  /jiitpdf,  nai  iv  O.VTM  dcros  ^.otxrofij  ivli- 
pvrai.     So  Catiline,  in  the  figurative  language  of  Cicero,  had,  by 
keeping  the  Marjan  eagle  at  his  own  home,  established  there,  in  fact, 
a  kind  of  sanctuary  for  it ;  and,  as  the  Roman  soldiers  were  accus- 
tomed to  pay  adoration  to  their  standards,  so  he,  according  to  the 
orator,  might  be  said  to  have  adored  the  one  in  his  possession,  and 
to  have  invoked  it  as  the  tutelary  deity  of  intended  violence  and 
*apine. — With  regard  to  the  different  forms  of  the  legionary  standard, 


164  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

<)      already  alluded  to,  consult  Slewech.  ad  Veget.  R.  M.  lib.  2,  c.  6,  PL 

121,  and   the   authorities   cited  by  Reimar,  ad  Dion.   Cass.  1.  c., 

where  the  error  of  Lipsius  is  corrected,  who  confounds  the  smal? 

temple  mentioned  by  Dio  with  the  sanctuary  of  the  camp  where  all 

the  standards  were  worshipped. 

18.  Tu  ut  ilia,  &c.     "Is  it  to  be  believed  that  you  can  any 
longer,"  &c.     Supply  credendumne  si/,  fore,  and  consult  note  23, 
page  8. — Islam  impiam  dexteram.     "  That  impious  right  hand  of 
thine." 

19.  Haecres.  i.e.  hoc  helium  contra  patriam,  haeccivium  caedes. 
It  is  incorrect  to  apply  these  words  to  Catiline's  forced  departure 
from  the  city. — Ad  hanc  te  amentiam,  &c.     "  It  was  for  this  mad 
career  of  crime  that  nature  gave  you  being,  inclination  trained,  fate 
reserved  you." 

20.  Nisi  nefarium.     "Unless    of    an   unhallowed   character." 
Bellum  nefarium  means  a  war  against  his  native  country,  and  hence 
impious  and  unhallowed. — Nactus  es.     "  You  have  got  together." 
Atque  ab  omni,  &c.     The  order  is,  atque  (ex)  derelictis  ab  nort 
modo  omni  for  tuna,  verum  etiam  (a)  spe. 

|jfj  1.  Hie.  i.  e.  inter  ejusmodi  hominum  gregem. — Qua  laetilia 
pcrfmere,  &c.  "  What  gratification  will  you  experience,  with  what 
joy  will  you  exult,  in  what  delight  will  you  revel."  Cortius,  ad 
Plin.  Ep.  4,  15,  conjectures  perfiuas  in  place  of  perfruere,  bu; 
the  emendation  is  of  no  great  value.  If  any  change  be  needed,  it 
would  be  to  reject  the  words  qua  laetitia  perfruere,  as  an  explana- 
tory gloss  of  what  follows,  viz. :  quibus  gaudiis  exsultabis  1 

2.  Ad  hujus  vitae  studium,  &c.     "  It  was  to  prepare  you,  no 
doubt,  for  the  zealous  pursuit  of  such  a  life  as  this,  that  all  those 
labours  of  yours,  as  they  are  called,  were  gone   through  with." 
Meditari  is  here  used  passively,  in  the  sense  of  agi  or  exerceri.  The 
whole  passage  is  full  of  irony  and  bitter  scorn. 

3.  Ad  obsidendum  stuprum.     "  For  the  purpose  of  watching  an 
opportunity  for  debauchery."     The  literal  meaning  is,  "  to  He  in 
wait  for  debauchery."     Compare  Verr.  1,  2  :  "  Qui  meum  tempus 
ebsideret." — Ad  facinus  obeundum.     "  For  the  execution  of  some 
daring  and  wicked  enterprise." 

4.  Bonis  occisorum.     Graevius    and  some   other  editors   give 
otiosorum  from  a  few  MSS.     But  this  destroys  the  force  of  Cicero's 
remark.     The  orator  means,  that  Catiline  enriched  himself  by  plun- 
dering the  property  of  those  who  had  been  proscribed  during  the 
civil  contests  of  Sylla  and  Marius,  he  being  a  partisan  of  the  former 
Consult  Historical  Index,  s.  v.  Catilina. 

5.  Habes  ubi  ostentes.     "  You  have  now  i  glorious  field  for  di»- 


AUA1XST     CATILINE.  105 

Page 

playing."      Ironical. — Patientiam  famis,  &c.      Compare    Sallust,  1ft 
Cat.  5,  and  Or.  pro.  Cod.  6. 

8,  Confectum.  "Undone." — Cum  te  a consulatu  repuli.  Cicero 
means,  when  his  influence  prevented  Catiline  from  being  elected  to 
the  consulship. 

7.  Exul.     We  have  given  this,  and  also  consul,  in  Italics,  to 
mark  the  paronomasia.     So  likewise  latrocinium  and  bellum. 

8.  Nunc,  ut  a  me,  &c.     "  Now,  Conscript  Fathers,  that  I  may, 
in  the  most  earnest  and  solemn  manner,  remove  from  me  what 
seems,  as  it  were,  an  almost  well-grounded  complaint  on  the  part  of 
my  country."     Quamdam  (literally,  "  a  certain")  is  purposely  em 
ployed  to  qualify  prope  justam. — The  verb  detestari  here  denotes, 
"  to  seek  to  remove  any  thing  from  one,  such  as  blame,  accusation, 
&c.,  by  the  utmost  earnestness  of  manner,  adjuring,  calling  to  wit- 
ness all  that  one  holds    dear;"  while  deprecari  rises  upon  it  in 
meaning,  "  to  pray  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  to  entreat  fervently 
to  supplicate,  that  one  may  be  freed  from  certain  consequences.' 
Compare  Erncsti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v. 

9.  Percipite  quaeso,  quae  dicam,  &c.     The  oratorical  skill  with 
which  Cicero  brings  this  oration  to  a  close,  is  admirable.     He  had, 
already,  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  discourse,  repeatedly  asserted,  that 
it  was  fully  in  his  power  to  put  Catiline  to  death  if  he  felt  inclined. 
In  order  to  support  this  assertion  once  more  in  the  strongest  manner 
he  introduces  the  striking  personification  of  his  own  country,  com- 
plaining that  he  had  not  removed  Catiline  from  existence,  when  it 
was  his  duty  to  have  done  so.     The  three  grounds  of  excuse,  which 
might  have  exonerated  him  from  censure  in  the  case  of  an  ordinary 
offender,  his  country  here  pronounces  utterly  insufficient  to  excuse 
his  inaction.     1.   The  custom  of  early  days. — Why,  in  earlier  days, 
replies  his  country,  even  individuals  uninvested  with  magistracy,  as, 
for  example,  Scipio  Nasica,  put  to  death  with  their  own  hands  the 
disturbers  of  the  public  repose.     2.   The  law  which  forbade  any 
Roman  citizen's  being  put  to  death. — But,  replies  his  country,  no 
man  who  fails  in  his  duty  as  a  citizen,  can  claim  the  privileges  of 
one. — 3.   The  dread  of  public  odium,  for  what  might  seem  too  harsh 
an  exercise  of  authority. — A  man,  like  Cicero,  whom  the  republic 
had  elevated,  in  so  extraordinary  manner,  to  the  highest  office  in  her 
gift,  is  bound,  when  the  safety  of  that  republic  is  at  stake,  to  consid 
er  personal  odium  or  danger  as  of  only  secondary  importance. — All 
this  forms,  as  Muretus  remarks,  "  ovalionem  moratam." 

]  0.  M.  Tulli,  quid  agis  1  Compare  the  address  of  his  country 
to  Socrates,  in  the  Crilon  of  Plato,  (§  11,)  eiiri  poi,  o>  Eco*oar«,  ri  i» 

»OJ  ?£<$  tOU.IV  J    «C.  T.    \. 


[66  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

1Q  1 1 .  Evocalorem  scrvorum.  Those  soldiers  who  had  served  out 
their  time,  (emeriti,')  and  those  who,  from  Sylla's  time  downward, 
had  received,  instead  of  a  military  pension,  a  piece  of  ground  to  cul- 
tivate and  dwell  on,  were  always,  in  case  of  any  sudden  and  danger- 
ous emergency,  compelled  again  to  enter  the  ranks  and  perform 
military  service.  When  this  was  to  be  done,  persons  were  sent  to 
summon  them,  called  conquisitores  or  cvocatores.  (Dio  Cass.  44, 
12.— Lips,  de  Mil.  Rom.  1,  8. — Turneb.  Adverg.  1,  9. — Stewech. 
y.d  Veget.  2,  3.)  We  see  from  this,  with  what  bitter  scorn  Catiline 
is  called  evocator  servorum,  as  if  he  had  gone  into  their  very  work- 
shops and  summoned  them  forth  to  insurrection  and  deeds  of  blood. 

12.  Non  cmissus  ex  urbe,  &c.     On  the  principle,  that,  if  allowed 
to  escape,  he  will  only  return  with  surer  means  of  destruction. 

13.  Mactari.     "  To  be  visited."    Used  here  for  affici.    The  verb 
mactare  is  the  official  term,  properly,  for  slaying  a  victim  at  a  sacri- 
fice, after  the  salted  meal  had  been  sprinkled  between  the  horns, 
and  all  the  other  ceremonies  performed.     In  its  primitive  sense, 
however,  it  is  equivalent  merely  to  magis  augere,  and  hence,  when 
applied  to  a  sacrifice,  means  in  strictness,  to  go  on  and  consummate 
what  has  been  already  begun,  i.  e.  to  slay  the  victim.     It  is  in  this 
way  only  we  can  explain  such  phrases  as  the  following  :  "  mactant 
honoribus,"  "  they  advance  with  honours,"  i.  e.  heap  fresh  honours 
upon:  (Cic.  de  Repub.  ap.  Non.  c.  4,  n.  291.) — "  Li  berum  pair  em 

fanorum  consecratione  mactatis."  "Ye  do  honour  to  father  Bac- 
:hus,"  &c.  (Arnob.  1,  p.  24.)  Compare  also  the  forms  macte  vir- 
tute,  macte  ingenio,  &c. — The  propriety  of  Cicero's  phrase  will  now 
be  fully  apparent.  His  country  tells  him  that  something  more  must 
be  done ;  the  last  act,  the  finishing  blow  to  the  conspiracy,  must 
now  be  attended  to,  in  putting  Catiline  to  death. 

14.  Mosne  majorum.     Their  forefathers  would  not  put  a  Roman 
citizen  to  death  without  the  order  of  the  Roman  people. — At  per- 
saepe  etiam  privali,  &c.     Cicero  alludes  particularly  to  the  case  of 
P.  Scipio  Nasica,  who  headed  the  party  of  the  nobility  when  Tibe- 
rius Gracchus  was  slain.     The  expression  persaepe  falls  under  the 
head  of  what  may  be  denominated  oratorical  exaggeration,  since 
justifiable  instances  of  this  nature  were  by  no  means  frequent. 

15.  An  leges.     The  Porcian  and  Sempronian  laws  in  particular. 
The   former   ordained,  that  no  Roman  citizen   should   be   bound, 
scourged,  or  put  to  death.     (Pro.  Rab.  4. —  Verr.  5,  63. — Liv.  10, 
9.)     The  latter  enjoined,  that  no  Roman  citizen  should  be  put  to 
death  without  the  express  order  of  the  Roman  people  ;  which  was 
only  reviving  one  of  the  provisions  of  the  twelve  tables.     It  was 
^ntended,  however,  in  fact,  as  a  revival  of  the  Porcian  law,  which 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  167 

P«g«. 

had  grown  in  some  degree  obsolete.     Consult  Sigon.  dc  A  titiq.  Jur.  1A 
no.  Rom.  1,  6,  and  Heincccius,  Antiq.  Rom.  Append.  1,  1,  27,  p. 
247,  ed.  Haubold. 

16.  Rogatae  sunt.     "Have  been  enacted."     lire  people,  at  the 
comitia,  were  asked  their  pleasure  respecting  the  passage  of  laws. 
The  usual  form  of  application,  on  the  part  of  the  presiding  magis- 
trate, was,   "vclitis,  jubeatis  Qitiritesr'     "Hence  rogare  legem 
which  would  -fl(|jctly  mean,  "  to  ask  the  people  about  the  passage  of 
a  law,"  gets  the  'meaning  of  "  to  enact  a  law,"  and  so  also  rogare 
magistrates,  ''  to  elect  magistrates."  On  the  same  principle,  before 
a  law  was  carried  through,  and  while  it  was  still  pending,  it  was 
termed  rogatio,  "  a  bill."     Hence,  too,  when  the  people  were  to 
vote  about  a  law,  two  ballots  were  given  them,  on  one  of  which 
were  the  letters  U.  R.  (i.  e.  uti  rogas,)  and  on  the  other  A.  (i.  e. 
antique,  antiqua  probo.)     The  former  was  the  affirmative  ballot, 
and  was  equivalent  to,  "  volo  legem  esse  uti  rogeu." 

17.  Tenuerunt.     "  Have  retained."     i.  e.  have  been  allowed  to 
retain. — Invidiam  posteritatis.     "  The    reproaches  of  posterity." 
Literally,  "  the  odium,"  or  "  dislike." 

18.  Praedaram  vero,  &c.     "  You  are  making  a  fine  return, 
indeed,  to  the  Roman  people."     Ironical. — Hominem  per  te  cogni 
turn.     "  A  person  brought  into    notice  by  your  own  exertions 
merely,"  i.  e.  what  the  Romans  were  accustomed  to  call  "  a  new 
man,"  novus  homo  ;  meaning  one  who  had  been  the  first  of  his 
family  to  raise  himself  to  any  curule  office,  or,  in  other  words,  to 
enroll  himself  by  his  personal  merits  among  the  nobility.     Cicero 
was  fond  of  alluding  to  this  feature  in  his  history,  and  it  was  cer- 
tainly a  most  pardonable  kind  of  pride. 

19.  Tarn  mature.     Cicero  was  elected  consul  the  very  year  he 
was  first  permitted,  by  law,  to  offer  himself  as  a  candidate.     No 
one  could  present  himself  as  an  aspirant  for  the  consulship,  until  he 
had  completed  his  43d  year.     The  orator  boasts  of  having  obtained 
all  the  inferior  offices  in  the  same  way  ;  each  in  the  year  when  he 
was  first  allowed   to  apply  for  it.     Hence  the  expression  in  the 
present   passage,  per  omnes  honorum  gradus,  "  through   aL    tne 
gradations  of  office." 

1.  Severitatis  ac  fortitudinis  invidia.     "  The  odium  arising  from  J  J 
a  strict  and  firm  discharge  of  duty." — Quam  inertiae  ac  nequitiae. 

"  Than  that  which  is  attendant  upon  indolence  and  remissness." 
Compare  note  20,  page  2. 

2.  Turn,  te  non  existimas,  &c.  A  beautiful  figure,  best  expressed 
by  a  paraphrase  :  "  Do  you  not  imagine  that  you  yourself  will  be 
then  enveloped   amid   the  flames  which   the   indignation  of  your 


168  THE    FIRST    ORATION 

Page. 

|  J  country  shall  have  kindled  against  you !"  Literally,  '  Do  you  not 
think  that  you  will  then  blaze  amid  the  conflagration  of  odium  1" — 
The  figure  arises  very  naturally  from  the  previous  expression,  "  tecta 
ardebunt." 

3.  His  ego  sanctissimis  vocibus.     "  To  these  most  revered  ex- 
postulations on  the  part  of  my   country."     Sanctissimis  is  here 
equivalent   to  sanctissime  colendis. — Mentibus.     "  To  the  secret 
thoughts." 

4.  Si  judicarcm.     "  Could  I  have    thought."     In  conditional 
propositions,  it  is  not  uncommon  for  the  consequent  clause  to  con- 
tain the  pluperfect  subjunctive,  while  the  conditional  clause  contains 
the  imperfect  subjunctive  with  si  or  nisi.     Thus  in  the  present 
instance  we  have  judicarem  and  dedissem.     The  probability  is  thus 
spoken  of  generally,  without  being  strictly  referred  to  the  time  at 
which  it  existed.     (Zumpt.  L.  G.  p.  331.) 

5.  Unius  usuram  horae  ad  vivendum.     "  The  enjoyment  of  a 
single  hour  for  the  purposes  of  existence." — Gladiatori  isti.     Com- 
pare note  11,  page     6. — Etenim.     "And  well  may  I  make  this 
assertion,  for."     Compare  the  Greek  form  of  expression  «<H  yap. 

6.  Honestarunt.     "  Graced."    Equivalent  to  decorarunt. — Certe 
mihi,  &c.     Ernesti  suspects  mihi  of  being  unnecessary  here.    But 
it  is  needed  to  mark  a  kind  of  opposition  to  summi  viri,  et  clarissimi 
cives. 

7.  Parricida  civium.     Consult  note  6,  page  7. 

8.  Qui  spem  Catilinae,  &c.     "  Who  have  fostered  the  hopes  of 
Catiline,  by  their  feeble  expressions  of  opinion." — Non  credendo 
"  By  not  believing  in  its  existence." 

9.  Si  in  hunc  animadvertissem.     "  If  I  had  punished  him."  Un- 
derstand supplicio.     The  verb  animadvertere,  when  used  with  an 
ellipsis  of  supplicio,  in  the  sense  of  punishing,  denotes  to  punish  by 
authority,  and  then  refers   to  the   vigilance  of  the  magistrate,  in 
marking  offences  committed.     The  use  of  the  preposition  in,  on 
such  occasions,  before  the  name  of  the  culprits,  intimates  more 
strongly  the  steady  attention  directed  towards  the  conduct  found  to 
be  reprehensible.     (Hill's  Synonyms,  p.  89,  4to  ed.; 

10.  Regie.     "  Tyrannically."     After  the  expulsion  of  Tarquin, 
nothing  was  more  hateful  to  a  Roman  ear  than  the  name  of  "  king," 
rex,  and  hence  they  connected  with  the  expressions  regnare,  regie 
aliquid  facer  e  aut  dicer  e,  the  idea  of  tyrannical  and  oppressive  con- 
duct, and  such  as  was  hostile  to  freedom.     Compare  Cic.  Agrar. 
2,  6,  where,  in  order  to  excite  the  hatred  of  the  people  against 
the  authors  of  the  Agrarian  law.  he  calls  them  "decem  reges  aerar^i, 
veciigahum,  protinciartim  omnium,"  &c. 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  169 

Page 

11.  Paullispei    reprimi,   non  in    perpetuum   compnmi    posse.  J| 
"  May  be  repressed  for  a  season,  but  cannot  be  for  ever  suppressed." 
Compare  the  remarks  of  Ernestus  Antonius  :  "  Qui  reprimitur,  ad 
temput  tantum  continetur ;  qui  comprimitur,  plane  conficitur." 

12.  Se  ejecerit.     Equivalent  in  effect  to  praeceps  ex  urbe  exient. 
— Ceteros  naufragos.     "  The  rest  of  his  shipwrecked  band  of  fol- 
lowers."    Ernesti  suspects  that  naufragos  is  a  mere  interpolation, 
which  has  found  its  way  into  the  text  from  having  been  mentioned 
in  the  second  oration  against  Catiline,  c.  11.  He  mistakes,  however, 
a  very  forcible  figure.     By  naufragi  Cicero  means  those  who  are 
shipwrecked  in  character  and  fortune  by  reason  of  their  flagitious 
excesses.     Compare  pro  Sull.  c.  14,  where  those  who  have  lost 
their  private  patrimony  are  called  patrimonio  naufragi. 

13.  Hoe  c  tarn  adulta  reipuUicae  pestis.     "  This  so  ripe  a  plague 
of  the  republic."     As  if  he  had  said :  "  Hie  Catilina,  tarn  robustus 
et  corroboratus  reipublicae  eversor,  tanlum  roboris  et  virium  jam  in 
evertenda  republica  nactus." 

14.  Jamdiu.      For  the  space  of  three  years,  i.  e.  ever  since  the 
consulship  of  Lepidus  and  Tullus. 

15.  Quo  pacto.     "  By  what  means,"  i.  e.  by  what  fatality. — Om- 
nium scelcrum,  &c.     "  The  maturity  of  all  these  crimes,  and  of  this 
long-continued  madness  and  audacity." — Eruperit.     The  metaphor 
appears  to  be  borrowed  from  an  ulcer,  breaking  when  ripe.     Com- 
pare Pliny,  H.  N.  22,  23,  49 :  "  ulcera  maturescentia,"  and  (22, 
10,  12,)  "  ulcera  erumpentia." 

1.  Ex  tanto  lalrocinio.     "  From  so  numerous  a  band  of  robbers."  1 0 
Latrocinium  is  here  used  for  latrones,  as  servitium  often  is  for  servi. 

2.  In  venis  atque  in  visceribus  reipublicae.     "  In  the  veins  and 
vitals  of  the  republic."     The  viscera  are  the  upper  entrails  or  vitals, 
including  the  lungs,  heart,  liver,  &c.     The  intestina  are  the  lower 
entrails.     Compare  the  language  of  Celsus,  "  a  visceribus  ad  intes 
tina  veniundum  est,"  (4,  11,)  and  again,  "  Septum  id  quod  trans- 
versum  a  superioribus  visceribus  intestina  discernit."     (7,  4,  2,  p. 
354,  ed.  Targa.)    The  corresponding  word  in  Greek  is  (ra-Ady^va, 
which  were  the  parts  always  examined  by  the  soothsayers. 

3.  A estu  febrique.     "  Under  a  burning  fever." 

4.  Qui  est.     "  Which  exists." — Relevatus.     "  After  being  miti- 
gated in  some  degree." — Vivis  reliquis.     ''  While  the  other  con- 
spirators remain  alive."     We  have  adopted  this  reading  in  place  of 
the  common  one,  civibus  reliquis,  which  does  not  suit  the  context. 
Cicero  means,  that  the  death  of  Catiline  will  not  suffice  for  crushing 
the  evil  engendered  by  the  conspiracy,  as  long  as  his  accomplice* 
are  allowed  to  remain  aln  e. 

15 


170  THE    FIRST    ORATION    AGAINST    CATILINE. 

Page. 

J2  5.  Circumstare  tribunal  praetoris  urbani.  L.  Valerius  Flaccus 
was  Praetor  Urbanus  at  this  time,  and  the  partisans  of  Catiline 
appear  to  have  placed  themselves,  at  different  times,  around  his  tri 
hunal,  to  deter  him,  if  possible,  from  administering  justice. 

6.  Obsidere.     "  To  beset."     A  verb  of  the   third  conjugation, 
obsido,  ere. 

7.  Malleolos.     "Fiery  arrows."     A  description  of  this  species 
of  missile  is  given  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  (23,  3,)  from  which  it 
appears,  that  they  were  a  kind  of  arrow,  with  an  iron  grating  below 
the  head,  swelling  out  like  a  clew  in  spinning.    This  iron  receptacle 
was  filled  with  combustibles,  which,  on  being  ignited,  burnt  fiercely, 
and  could  only  be  extinguished  by  dust  thrown  upon  the  flame. 
Water  merely  served  to  increase  its  vehemence.     The  name  mal- 
leolus  ("  little  mallet")  was  given  to  this  missile,  from  the  resem- 
blance which  the  projecting  or  swelling  part  bore  to  the  head  of  a 
mallet.     Compare  Lips.  Poliorc.  5,  5,  and  the  authorities  cited  by 
him. 

8.  Quid  de  repullica  sentiat.  "  What  his  sentiments  are  respect- 
ing  the  republic." 

9.  Oppressa,  vindicata.     "  Crushed,  punished." 

10.  Cum  summa  reipublicae  salute,  &c.     "  With  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  republic  firmly  established,  and  with  your  own  calamity 
and  ruin  fully  assured,  and  with  the  destruction  of  those,  who  have 
joined  themselves  with  you  in  every  act  of  wickedness  and  parri- 
cide, now  reduced  to  absolute  certainty,  go  forth  to  your  impious 
and  unhallowed  war."     We  have  introduced  a  partial  paraphrase, 
in  order  to  convey  the  orator's  meaning  more  clearly.     The  idea, 
more  briefly  expressed,  would  be  as  follows :  "  Go  forth,  for  the 
safety  of  the  republic,  for  your  own  ruin,  and  for  the  destruction  of 
your  accomplices. 

11.  Auspiciis.     Matthiae  well  remarks,  that  not  only  temples, 
but  also  statues  were  consecrated   by  taking  the   auspices. — Sta- 
torem.     "  The  stay."     Consult  note  15,  page  4. 

12.  Scelerum  foedere.     "  By  a  compact  of  wickedness." — Mar.- 
tabis.     "  Wilt  visit."     Compare  note  13,  page  10. 


SECOND  ORATION  AGAINST  CATILINE. 


Page. 

I.  M.  TOLLII  CICEROXIS,  &c.  "Second  Oration  of  Marcus  JJJ 
Tullius  Cicero  against  Lucius  Catiline,  delivered  before  the  Roman 
people." — Catiline  having  escaped  unmolested  to  the  camp  of  Man- 
lius  in  Etruria,  the  conduct  of  Cicero  in  not  apprehending,  but 
sending  away,  this  formidable  enemy,  had  probably  excited  some 
censure  and  discontent.  The  second  Catilinarian  oration  was,  in 
consequence,  delivered  by  Cicero,  in  an  assembly  of  the  people,  in 
order  to  justify  his  driving  the  chief  conspirator  from  Rome.  A 
capital  punishment,  he  admits,  ought  long  since  to  have  overtaken 
Catiline,  but  such  was  the  spirit  of  the  times,  that  the  existence  of 
the  conspiracy  would  not  have  been  believed,  and  he  had,  therefore, 
resolved  to  place  his  guilt  in  a  point  of  view  so  conspicuous,  that 
vigorous  measures  might,  without  hesitation,  be  adopted,  both 
against  Catiline  and  his  accomplices. 

He  also  takes  tlu's  opportunity  to  warn  his  audience  against  those 
bands  of  conspirators  who  still  lurked  within  the  city,  and  whom  he 
divides  into  various  classes,  describing,  in  the  strongest  language, 
the  different  degrees  of  guilt  and  profligacy,  by  which  they  were 
severally  characterized. 


2.  Tandem  atiquando,  &c.     "  At  length,  then,  Romans,  we  have 
either  cast  out,  or  sent  away,  or  accompanied  with  execrations  on 
his  voluntary  departure  from  our  city,  Lucius  Catiline,  raging  with 
audacity,  breathing  forth  crime,  wickedly  plotting  the  ruin  of  his 
tountry,  every  instant  threatening  you  and  this  city  with  fire  and 
sword."     The  commencement  of  this  oration  makes  a  kind  of  oppo- 
sition to  the  Quoiisque  tandem  with  which  the  first  begins. 

3.  Quirites.     An  appellation  given  to  the  whole  Roman  people 
tvhen  addressed  on  any  public  occasion.     The  term  is  commonly 
derived  from  Quirinus,  a  name  given  to  Romulus,  or  from  Cures, 

town  of  the  Sabines.  They  who  favour  the  latter  etymology  assert, 

171 


172  THE    SECOND    ORATION 

Page. 

J  ^  that  the  Sabines  were  called  Quirites  before  their  junction  with  the 
Romans,  and  that  it  afterward  became  the  common  appellation  of 
the  united  people.  The  former  derivation,  however,  appears  prefera- 
ble. Quirinus  was  a  title  of  Janus,  the  god  that  opened  the  year, 
when  armies  move  forth  on  campaigns  ;  and  the  root  is  Quiris,  the 
Sabine  term  for  "  a  spear."  Hence  the  senate  could  find  no  appel- 
lation more  glorious  than  this,  to  bestow  on  the  valiant  Romulus 
after  he  had  disappeared  from  the  earth. 

4.  Scelus  anhelantem.    A  strong  and  beautiful  expression.    One, 
who  is  deeply  agitated,  breathes  deeply  (anhelat) ;  and  Catiline  is 
thus  said  to  send  forth  crime  with  every  exspiration  from  his  troubled 
bosom.     His  whole  thoughts  are  identified  with  wickedness. 

5.  Minitantem.     The  student  will  mark  the  singular  propriety 
and  force  of  the  frequentative. 

6.  Vel  ejecimus.    By  consular  authority     Cicero  perhaps  alludes, 
by  the  use  of  this  word  (ejicio)  to  some  complaints  on  the  part  of 
Catiline's  friends,  of  his  having  been  dealt  with  too  harshly. —  Vel 
emisimus.      Implying   permission   to   depart. — Ipswn.      Literally, 
"  of  his  own  accord."     Consult  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  Ipse. 

7.  Verbis.     Referring  particularly  to  the  expressions  used  at  the 
close  of  the  previous  oration.     It  was  customary,  at  Rome,  for  their 
friends  to  escort  to  the  gates  of  the  city  any  distinguished  persons 
when  leaving  the  city  on  affairs  of  importance,  and  to  accompany 
them  with  their  wishes  and  prayers  (euntes  ad,  portas  prosequi.) 
Cicero,  here,  by  a  very  striking  figure,  applies  this  custom  to  the 
case  of  Catiline,  but  the  verba,  with  which  every  good  citizen  is  sup- 
posed to  have  accompanied  him,  are  wishes  and  prayers  for  his  juin. 

8.  Abiit,  excessit,  &c.     "  He  is  gone,  he  has  left   us,  he  has 
escaped,  he  has  broke  away."     This  beautiful  and  striking  climax 
appears  to  be  couched  in  terms  borrowed  from  the  operations  of  the 
chase.     Abiit  applies  to  the  wild  beast,  when  he  has  left  his  usual 
haunts  and  retired  to  another  part  of  the  forest ;  excessit,  when, 
after  having  been  tracked  out,  he  leaves  the  spot  before  the  nets  can 
be  prepared  for  him  ;  evasit,  when  he  has  been  surrounded  by  the 
toils,  but  escapes  by  springing  forth ;  and  erupit,  when  he  bursts  his 
way  through  every  intervening  obstacle. 

9.  A  monstro  illo  atque  prodigio.    "  By  that  monster  and  prodigy 
of  wickedness."     Compare  Pro  Coel.  3,  12,  seq. 

10.  Sica  ilia.  Compare  chapter  6,  of  the  first  oration  :  "  Quotie& 
jam  till  extorta  esl  sica  ista  de  manibus"  &c. 

11.  Non  in  campo.     Consult  note  3,  page  5. 

12.  Noninforo.     The  forum  being  the  place  where  much  public 
business  was  transacted,  the  magistrates  were  here  more  exposed  to 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  173 

Page. 

ihe   murderous   designs   of  Catiline. — Intro,   domesticos   panctcs.   I^J 
Referring  to  the  attempt  made  by  the  two  Roman  knights  to  assas- 
sinate him  at  his  own  house. 

13.  Loco  ille  motus  est.     "  He  was  dislodged  from  his  strong- 
hold."    Some  apply  the  expression  to  the  movements  of  gladiators, 
and  render  it :  "  He  was  driven  from  his  position."     This,  however, 
wants  force. 

14.  Bellum  justum.     "  A  regular  warfare."     Opposed  to  iatro- 
cinium  occullum,  and  denoting  a  formal  and  regular  war. 

15.  Quod  non  extulit.     "  That  he  did  not  carry  out  with  him." — 
Affl.ir.tum  ct  profiigatum.     "  Afflicted,  and  as  it  were  dashed  to  the 
very  ground." 

16.  Perculsum  atque  abjcctum.     "  A  stricken  and  a  worthless 
thing." — Retorquet  oculos,  &c.     Another  figure  borrowed  from  the 
movements  of  savage  animals.     Catiline  is  compared  to  some  wild 
beast  looking  back  at  the  prey  which  has  just  been  torn  from  its 
grasp. 

1.  Quotes  esse  omnes  oporfebat.     All  good  citizens  thought  that  |^ 
Catiline  ought  to  have  been  put  to  death.     Cicero  here  says,  that 
this  should  have  been  the  opinion  of  all  citizens  indiscriminately. — 
Triumphal.     As   if  over  a  common   foe  to  all. — Tarn  capitalem 
hostem.     "  So  deadly  a  foe."     Capitalis  is  here  used  for  pernicio- 
sus,  or,  in  other  words,  "  omnium   bonorum  capitibus  quasi  insi- 
dians." 

2.  Et  affeclum.     "And  to  have  been  visited." — Hujus  impern 
severitas.     "  The  strict  discharge  of  the  duties  of  my  magistracy." 
With  imperil  supply  consularis. — Respublica.     "  The  interests  of 
the  republic." 

3.  Qui  quae  ego  deferrem,  &c.     "  Who  would  not  have  believed 
what  I  might  have  alleged  against  him."     The  student  will  observe 
in  this  clause,  and  in  several  that  follow,  the  use  of  the  imperfect 
subjunctive  for  the  pluperfect.     This  is  done,  in  order  to  state  the 
probability  in  general  terms,  without  any  strict  reference  to  the  time 
at  which  it  actually  existed.    .(Zumpt,  L.  G.  p.  331.) — The  use  of 
the  pronoun  ego  is  worthy  of  notice  here.     Cicero  means  that  many 
would  not  have  believed  the  accusation  against  Catiline,  because 
he,  Catiline's  private  foe,  as  was  supposed,  had  seen  fit  to  make  it. 

4.  Qui  propter  slultitiam  non  putarent.     "  Who,  from  want  of 
judgment,  would  have  deemed  the  charges  untrue."     Equivalent 
to  putarent  non  vera  esse  quae  ego  deferrem. — Defenderent.    Sup- 
ply eum,  scil.  Catilinam. — Quam  multos,  qui  propter  improbitatem 
faverenl.     '  How  many,  who,  from  utter  worthlessness,  would  have 
fevoured  his  cause." 

15* 


174  THE    SECOND    ORATION 

pago 

1  ^  5.  Ac  si,  &c.  "  And  yet,  could  I  have  supposed,  that,  if  he 
were  taken  off,  all  danger  would  have  been  driven  away  from  you, 
long  since  would  I,"  &,c.  Illo  sublato  is  here  equivalent  to  morte 
Calilinae. — Invidiae  meae.  "  Of  personal  odium."  The  same  in 
effect  as  odii  mihi  suscipiendi. 

6.  Ne  vobis  guidem  omnibus,  &c.     "  That,  if  I  should  punish 
him  with  death,  as  he  deserved,  while  the  affair  was  still  as  yet 
not  clearly  ascertained  by  you  all."     The  term  re  refers  to  the 
existence  of  the  conspiracy,  and  the  guilt  of  Catiline: 

7.  Quam   vehementer.     Ironically    meant. — Parum    comitatus. 
"  Slightly  attended."     According  to  Plutarch  (Vit.  Cic.  c.  16)  he 
was  accompanied  by  three  hundred  armed   followers,  efaduv  fiera 
rptaKoaiaiv  }>7r\oij>6fiui>,  K.  T.  X.     He  also  had  with  him  the  fasces  and 
other  badges  of  authority.    (Compare  Sallust,  Cat.c.  37. — Appian, 
B.  C.  2,  3.—  Dio  Cassius,  37,  33.) 

8.  Tongilium  mihi  eduxit.     "  He  has  led  out  with  him  my 
Tongilius."     The  pronoun  mihi  is  here  of  peculiar  and  idiomatic 
elegance,  and  is  made  to  answer  the  purpose  of  bitter  irony.     Ton- 
gilius was,  as  may  readily  be  inferred  from  the  context,  an  infamous 
character,  and  a  bosom-friend  of  Catiline. 

9.  Quern  amare  in  praetexta  coeperat.    "  To  whom  he  had  begun 
to  be   attached  in  early  youth."     The  praetexta  was  the  gown, 
which  the  Roman  youth  wore  until  they  were  17  years  of  age  :  it  is 
here  put,  therefore,  for  that  period  of  life. — The  common  text  has 
calumnia  added  after  praetexta.     It  is,  however,  a  mere  marginal 
note,  which  found  its  way,  at  last,  into  the  text.     It  appears  to  have 
been  inserted  in  the  margin  of  a  manuscript,  by  some  person  dis- 
puting the  truth  of  the  charge.     If  to  be  translated,  it  must  be  ren- 
dered by  a  kind  of  parenthesis,  "  a  mere  calumny,"  and  must  be 
regarded  as  ironical.     Lambinus,  Manutius,  Heumannus,  Schiitz, 
and   others,  reject  it   from  the  text,  and   we  have   followed   their 
authority.     Garatoni,  in   the   Naples   ed.  proposes   the   following : 
"  quern   armare  in  praetexta  calumnia  coeperat,"  making  armare 
calumnia  go  together  in  construction,  and  giving  the  phrase  the 
meaning  of  "  ad.  omnem  calumniandi  artem  formare,"  but  this  is 
not   Ciceronian  phraseology.     (Compare    Odin.   Misc,  Obs.   Bat 
Nov.  vol.  12.) 

10.  Publicium   et   Munacium.      Supply   pariter   eduxit.     The 
individuals  here  mentioned  were  two  of  the  worthless  companions 
of  Catiline. — Qv.orum  aes  alienum,  &c.     "  Whose  debts  contracted 
in  a  tavern."     Popina  is  a  tavern,  or  eating  house,  the  resort  of 
intemperate  and  gluttonous  persons.     Compare   the  language  of 
Plautus,  (Pocn.  4,  2,  13,)  "  Bibitur,  estur,  quasi  in  popina.^- 


AUAINST     CATIL1.NE.  175 

Page. 

Cicero  refers  to  the  tavorn-debts  of  Publicius  and  Munacius,  not,   1  A 
as  some  explain  it,  to  money  borrowed  from  them  by  Catiline,  and 
spent  by  him  in  riot  and  debauchery.     The  orator  stigmatizes  them 
as  mere  tavern-brawlers,  and  in  no  respect  dangerous  to  the  state. 

11.  Reliquit  quos   viros,  &c.     Cicero  means,  that  the  persons 
left  behind  by  Catiline  were  much  more  to  be  dreaded  than  those 
•whom   he  had  carried  forth  with  him,  since  they  possessed  great 
influence,  were  men,  in  general,  of  good  families,  and  by  reason  of 
the  pressure  of  debt  were  reckless  of  consequences. 

12.  Prae  Gallicanis  legionibus.  "  In  comparison  with  our  Gallic 
legions."     The  orator  refers  to   the  regular  forces  in  Transalpine 
Gaul,  which,  as  Muretus  thinks,  were  at  that  time  in  winter-quar- 
ters.    The  usual  reading  is  et  Gallicanis   legionibus,  but  in  place 
of  et  we  have  adopted  prae,  the  emendation  of  Lambinus. — In  agro 
Piceno  et  Gallico.     Consult  Geographical  Index.     The  Gallic  ter- 
ritory meant  here,  is  that  of  Cisalpine  Gaul.     As  regards  Q.  Metel- 
lus,  whose  full  name  was  Q.  Metellus  Celer,  and  who  was  one  of 
the  praetors  of  this  year,  consult  Historical  Index,  and  also  the  12th 
chapter  of  this  oration,  and  Sallust,  Cat.  30. 

13.  Collectum  ex  senibus  desperatis,  &c.     "An  army  composed 
of  desperate  old  men,  of  debauched  rustics,  of  bankrupt  farmers." 
The  senes  desperati  consisted  principally  of  the  veterans  of  Sylla. 
By  decoctor  is  properly  meant  one  who  has  run  through  his  property 
and  become  bankrupt ;  or,  in  other  words,  a  ruined  spendthrift. 

14.  Vadimonia  deserere.     "To  abandon  their  bail."     To  forfeit 
their  recognisance.      Vadimonium  is  the  bail-bond,  or  recognisance, 
Dy  which  a  person  binds  himself  to  appear  in  court  at  a  certain  day. 
If  one   abandoned   his   bail,  he   was   adjudged   infamous,  and  his 
creditors  were  put  in  possession  of  his  property  by  an  edict  of  the 
praetor. 

15.  Aciem  exercitus  nostri.     "The  array  of  our  army,"  i.  e.  our 
army  drawn  up  in  array  against  them." — Edictum  praetoris.    "  The 
mere  edict  of  the  praetor."     Cicero  ironically  asserts,  that  they  will 
be  overcome  by  the  mere  sight  of  the  praetor's  decree?  by  which,  in 
consequence  of  their  non-attendance,  their  creditors  had  obtained 
judgment  against  them. — Concident.     "  They  will,  to  a  man,  fall 
prostrate  to  the  ground." 

1.  Has   quos   video,  &c.     These   are   thought  to  be  the   same  1  K 
whom  Sallust  calls  "  JUii  familiarum."     (Cat.  c.  43.) — Volitare  in 
foro.     "  Flitting  about  in  the  forum."     i.  e.  seeking  for  loans  of 
money  which  they  may  expend  in  their  career  of  extravagance. 

2.  In  senatum  venire.     There  were  eleven  senators  implicated  in 
the  conspiracy. 


176  THE    SECOND    ORATTON 

Page. 

IK  "3.  Qui  nitent  unguentis.  "Who  are  sleek  with  perfumes." 
The  Roman,  like  the  Grecian,  perfumes,  were  generally  unguents, 
not  oils  as  with  us.  Perfuming  the  hair  and  person  was  regarded 
as  a  mark  of  great  effeminacy. 

4.  Qui  fulgent  purpura.     Another  allusion  to  the  senators  who 
were   implicated   in  the  conspiracy.     The  senatorian  tunic,  called 
latus  clavus,  had  a  broad  purple  border,  (clavus,)  whence  its  name. 
The  tunic  of  the   Equites  had  a  narrow  border,  and  was  called 
angustus  clavus,  or  tunica  angusticlavia. 

5.  Suos  milites.     "As  his  soldiers." 

6.  Video  cui  sit  Apulia  attributa.     Compare  Sallust,  Cat.  27, 
who  informs  us,  that  Apulia  was  "  assigned"  to  Caius  Julius,  Etruria 
to  Manlius,  the  Picene  district  to  one  Septimius,  a  Camertian.    The 
name  of  the  individual  to  whom  the  Gallic  district  was  assigned,  is 
not  given  by  him. 

7.  Superioris  noclis.     Not  the  night  which  had  just  gone  by,  but 
the  one  on  which  the  conspirators  met  at  the  house  of  Laeca,  or,  in 
other  words,  the  last  night  but  two. 

8.  Nae   illi  vehementer  errant.     "  They  are  indeed  much  mis 
taken."     Nae  from  the  Greek  vat. 

9.  Nisi  vero  si  quis  est.     "  Unless  in  truth  there  be  any  one." 
The  use  of  si  after  nisi  often  occurs.     Compare  Drakenlorch  ad 
Liv.  6,  26,  vol.  2,  p.  376. — Si  quis  in  general  implies  the  possi- 
bility of  a  fact  not  existing. 

10.  Catilinae  similes.     "  Are  like  Catiline  in  character."     Cati- 
linae  is  here  the  genitive.     Similis,  as  has  already  been  remarked, 
is  used  with  a  dative  of  external  resemblance,  but  with  a  genitive 
of  resemblance  in  nature  or  internal  constitution  (Zumpt,  L.  G.  p. 
270.) 

11.  Desiderio  sui  tabescere.     "  To  pine  away  through  regret  for 
their  absence." — Aurelia  via.     Compare  note  14,  page  9. 

12.  Si  quidem  hanc  sentinam,  &c.     "  If  it  shall  have  cast  forth 
this  foul  crew  that  are  polluting  our  city."     Compare  note  9, 
page  5. 

13.  Exhausto.     "  Being  removed."    Exhausto  is  here  employed 
figuratively  in  allusion  to  sentina.     So,  Or.  in   Cat.  l,c.  5.     "  Ex- 
haurielur  ex  urbe,"  &c. 

14.  Veneficus.     "  Poisoner."     Secret  poisoning  was  much  prac- 
tised at  Rome.     Consult  Beckmanrfs  History  of  Inventions,  vol. 
1,  p.  74,  seqq. — There  was  a  special  law  against  this  practice,  and 
other  modes  of  assassination,  entitled  Lex  Cornelia.     (Pro  Cluent. 
56.) 

15.  Quis   testamenlorum  s:\bjector.     "  What  forger  of  wills  M 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  177 

Page. 

Literally,  one  who  substitAi.es  a  false  will,  "  testamentum  suhjicit."  Jg 
Such  an  offender  is  called  by  Cicero,  testamentarius  (Off.  3,  18. — 
Pro  Sext.  17) ;  by  Sallust,  signator  falsus  (Cat.  c.  16)  ;  by  Sue- 
tonius, falsarius,  (Vit.  Ner.  c.  17.)     There  was  a  law  against  this 
practice  also,  entitled  Lex  Cornelia  Testamentaria. 

16.  Quis  circumscnptor.     "What  fraudulent  person."    Circum- 
scriptor  is  properly  one,  who,  under  cover  of  the  law,  defrauds 
another  by  any  artfully-worded  writing.     Compare  the  words  of 
Seneca,  (Excerpt.  6,  contrav.  3.,)  "  Circumscriptio  semper  crimen 
sub  specie  legis  involvit."  It  is  then  taken  generally  for  any  fraudu- 
lent person,  or  cheat.     The  lex  Laetoria  was  enacted  against  such 
offenders. 

17.  Quis  nepos.     "  What  spendthrift."     This  meaning  of  nepos 
appears  to    have  arisen,  from  the  circumstance  of  grandchildren, 
when  brought  up  by  their  grandparents,  being    generally  spoiled, 
either  from  too  much  indulgence,  or  else  from  too  little  care  being 
taken  of  them.  , 

18.  Quae  caedes,  &c.     "  What  deed  of  murder  has  been  com 
mitted  during  these  latter  years,  without  his  participation  1     What 
act  of  abandoned  lewdness  has  not  been  perpetrated  by  him  7" 

19.  Jam  vero.     "Nay,  too."     Equivalent  to  two  vero  etiam.- 
Quae  tanta  juventutis  illecebra.    "  What  so  great  talent  for  alluring 
the  young  to  their  ruin."     Compare  Or.  in  Cat.  1,6:  "  Cui  tu 
adolescentulo,  quern  corruptelarum  illecebris  irretisses,"  &c. 

1.  In  dissimili  rations.     "  When  contrasted  with  each  other."      1  (J 

2.  In  ludo  gladiatorio.     "  In  any  school  of  gladiators."     These 
schools  were  each  under  the  charge  of  a  person  called  lanista,  who 
purchased  and  trained  up  slaves  for  this  employment. 

3.  Nemo  in  scena,  &c.     "  No  one  on  the  stage,  more  worthless 
and  profligate  than  ordinary."  As  regards  the  force  of  levior  in  this 
passage,  compare  the  remark  of  Aulus  Gellius,  (7,  9,)  "  Veterum 
hominum,  qui  proprie  atque  integre  locuti  sunt,  leves  dixerunt,  quos 
vulgo  mine  viles  et  nullo  pretio  dignos  dicimus." — Players,  unless 
very  eminent,  were  not  much  respected  among  the  Romans.     The 
Greeks  held  them  in  higher  estimation.      Among  the  Athenians, 
•hey  were  not  unfrequently  sent,  as  the  representatives  of  the  repub- 
lic,  on  embassies  and  delegations.     As  a  body  of  men,  however, 
they  were,  even  among  the  Greeks,  of  loose  and  dissipated  charac- 
ter, and  as  such  were  regarded  with  an  unfavourable  eye  by  moralists 
and  philosophers.     Aristotle  stigmatizes  the  players  of  his  day  as 
ignorant,  intemperate,  and  unworthy  of  a  respectable  man's  com- 
pany.    (Theatre  of  the  Greeks,  p.  123.) 

4.  Stupronim  et  scelerum,  &c.     "  Accusto.ned  to  the  continual 


178  HE    SECOND    ORATION 

Page. 

|  g  exercise  of  lewdness  and  crime."  Assuefactus  occurs,  in  like  man- 
ner, with  the  ablative,  in  Cic.  de  Oral.  3,  10,  and  frequently  in  Livy. 
Consult  Gronovius  and  Duker,  ad  Lin.  24,  48,  and  48,  31,  and 
compare  the  remark  of  H.  Homer,  in  his  Gloss.  Liv.  a.  v. 

5.  Frigore  et  fame,  &c.     Compare  Sallust,   Cat.  5  :  "  Corpus 
patiens  inediae,  vigiliae,  algoris,  supra  quam  cuique  credibile  est." 

6.  Cum  industriae  subsidia,  &c.     "  When  all  this  time  the  aids 
of  honest  industry,  and  the  means  of  virtue,  were  only  wasted  by 
him  in  debauchery  and  daring  wickedness."     The  subsidia  indus- 
triae are  those  powers  of  patient  endurance,  which,  if  properly  di- 
rected, would  have  enabled  their  possessor  to  lead  a  life  of  active 
utility  ;  the  instrumenta  virtutis  are  the  means  for  performing  dis- 
tinguished and  praiseworthy  actions,  which  Catiline  possessed  in 
abundance,  but  which,  in  his  case,  were  only  perverted  to  purposes 
of  a  directly  opposite  nature. — Muretus,  Lambinus,  Graevius  and 
Schu'tz  read  consumeret  for  consumer entur. 

7.  O  nos  bealos,  &c.     More  expressive  than  the  common  form 
would  have  been :  "  Quam  beati  nos  erimus,  quam  fortunala  erit 
respublica,  quam  piaeclara  laus  consulates  met." 

8.  Libidines.     "  The  impure  desires." — Audaciae.     "  The  dai- 
ing  excesses." 

9.  Fortunas  suas  abligurierunt.     "  Have  wasted  their  fortunes 
in  luxurious  living."     Ligunre  is  said  of  those  who  eat  nicely,  pick 
out  the  choicest  bits,  feed  delicately,  &c.     And  hence  its  general 
reference  to  luxurious  living.     Thus,  in  Terence,  Parmeno,  in  de- 
scribing the  manners  of  dissolute   females,  (Eunuch.  5,  4,  14,) 
says,  "  Quae  cum  amatore  suo  quum  coenant,  liguriunt,"  which  is 
the  same  as  if  he  had  said,  "  suaviora   et  delicatiora   tantummodo 
deguslant."     Donatus  has  the  following  remark  on  this  passage  of 
Terence  :  "  Liguriunt,  dird   TOV  \iyvpoi>,  quod  sccundum    Graecos 
suave  intelligitur.     Ligurire  dicitur,  qui  eleganter  et  more  senum 
multo  fastidio  suaviora  quaeque  degustat."     The  primitive  mean- 
ing of  ligurio  is  well  kept  up  also  in  the  following  passage  from 
Cicero,  (In  Verr.  5,  76,)  "  Non  reperietis   hominem   timide,   nee 
leviter  hacc    improbissima    lucra   ligurientem:   devofare   omnem 
pecuniam  publicam  non  dubitavit." 

10.  Fides.     "  Credit." — In  abundantia.     "  In  the  days  of  their 
abundance."     i.  e.  while  then-  property  still  remained. 

11.  Comissationes  solum  quaercrent.     "  They  had  merely  revel- 
lings  in  view."     Comissatio  properly  denotes  a  making  merry  after 
supper,  a  nocturnal  revel.     It  sometimes  refers  to  the  movements 
of  young  men,  who  sally  forth  into  the  streets  during  the  night,  after 
being  heated  with  wine,  and  serenade  the  objects  of  their  affections. 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  179 

Page. 

Compare  the  Greek  KW/JOJ,  and  the  remarks  of  Spanheim,  t.d  Aris-  ~\fi 
toph.  Plut.  v.  1040.     In  the  present  instance  it  appears  to  te  con- 
fined to  in-door  revellings. 

12.  Ebriosos.     "  The   intemperate."     Some    manuscripts  give 
ebrios,  which  Graevius  prefers.     But  the  habitually  intemperate  are 
here  referred  to,  not  merely  the  intoxicated. — Dormientes.     "  The 
drowsy."     Dormientes  is  here  equivalent  to  negligentes,  or  incu 
riosi. 

13.  Mihi.     Elegantly  redundant,  and  indicative  of  strong  con- 
tempt.   Compare  the  remark  of  Manutius  :  "  Mihi,  quod  ad  senten- 
tiam  attinet,  abundat :  sed  ornalum  quemdam,  et  mm  habet,  a  con 
temnente  prfftmnciatum." 

14.  Accubantes.     "  Lolling."     The  term  refers  in  strictness  to 
the  Roman  mode  of  "  reclining"  at  banquets.     Our  word  "  lolling" 
conveys  its  meaning  better  to  an  English  ear.     Compare  the  Greek 
forms,  dvaxci/jiai  and  KaraKtipai. — On  each  couch  there  were  com 
monly  three.     They  lay  with  the  upper  part  of  the  body  reclined  on 
the  left  arm,  the  head  a  little  raised,  the  back  supported  by  cushions, 
and  the  limbs  stretched  out  at  full  length,  or  a  little  bent ;  the  feet 
of  the  first  behind  the  back  of  the  second,  and  his  feet  behind  the 
back  of  the  third,  with  a  pillow  between  each.    "When  they  ate  they 
raised  themselves  on  their  elbow,  and  made  use  of  the  right  hand, 
sometimes  of  both  hands,  for  we  do  not  read  of  their  using  knives 
or  forks.     Consult  Ciacconius  de  Triclinio,  and  TJrsinus,  Append, 
ad  dace. 

15.  Confecti  cibo.     "  Overloaded  with  food."     Compare  the  ex- 
olanation  of  Doring :  "  Confecti  cibo  ita  dicunlur,  qui  tanta  cibo- 
rum  se  ingurgitaverunt  copia,  ut  neque  mente  neque  corpore  libere 
uti  possint."     Muretus  prefers  conferti,  "gorged,"  but  confetti  ie 
more  forcible. 

16.  Sertis  redimiti.     The  Romans  were  accustomed,  Kke  the 
Greeks,  to  wear  garlands  of  flowers  at  their  festive  meetings.    They 
were  thought  to  be  preventives  against  intoxication. —  Unguentis 
obliti.     "  Perfumes,"  in  the  shape  of  unguents,  were  profusely  used 
at  the  ancient  entertainments. 

17.  Eructant.     "  Belch  forth."     This  term  is  purposely  used  in 
reference  to  vino  languidi,  confecti  cibo. 

18.  Fatum   aliquod.     "  Some   dreadful  fatality." — Improbitati, 
ntquitiae.     "  Their  worthlessness,  their  abandonment  of  all  duty." 

19.  Sanare.     "  Bring  back  to  a  sound  mind." 

1 .  Non  breve  nescio  quod,  &c.     "  It  will  add,  not  some  short  I  "7 
period  or  other,  but  many  ages  of  duration,  to  the  republic."     Pro- 
pagarit  is  here  equivalent  to  prorogaverit,  continuaverit.  Thus  lav 


180  THE    SECOND    OHATION 

Page. 

"£•7  23,  25  :  "  C.  Terentio  consuli  propagari  in  annum  imperium." 
Compare  Gronovius  ad  loc.  and  Ernesti  Clav.  Cic.  a.  v. 

2.  Unius.     Referring  to  Cn.  Pompeius,  who  had  very  recently 
conquered  Mithridates. 

3.  Quae  sanan  poterunt,  &c.     "  Whatever  shall  be  capable  of 
being  healed,  I  will  heal  by  all  possible  means :  what  ought  to  be 
cut  off,  I  will  not  suffer  to  remain  for  the  ruin  of  the  state."     The 
body  politic  is  here  compared  to  the  human  frame.   Cicero  promises 
to  treat  the  more  dangerous  members  of  the  conspiracy  as  the  sur- 
geon does  those  parts  of  the  body  which  are  diseased,  and  which, 
if  not  amputated,  will  spread  disease  throughout  the  whole  system. 
A  similar  passage  occurs  in  the  Second  Philippic,  c.  5 :  "  In  cor 
pore  si  quid  ejusmodi  est,  quod  reliquo  corpori  noceat,  uri  secarique 
patimur,  ut  membrorum  aligned  potius,  quam  totum  corpus  intereat ; 
sic  in  reipublicae  corpora,  ut  Mum  salvum  sit,  quicquid   esl  pe- 
stiferum  amputeliir." 

4.  A  me.     "  By  me  individually."     i.  e.  by  my  threats. — Quod 
ego  si  verbo,  &c.    "  If  I  could,  indeed,  effect  this  by  a  mere  word." 
Quod,  beginning  the  clause,  is  to  be  rendered  as  if  written  hoc. 

5.  Homo  videlicet,  &c.     "  The  timid  and  very  modest  man,  to 
be  sure,  could  not  endure  the  mere  accents  of  the  consul."  Videlicet 
is  ironical.     Some  editions  have  enim  after  homo,  which  Ernesti 
very  properly  rejects. 

6.  Ivit.    This  reading  is  adopted  by  Graevius,  Ernesti,  and  many 
other  editors,  instead  of  the  common  quievit,  which  is  here  entirely 
out  of  place.     The  MSS.  and  early  editions  vary  in  this  part  to  a 
considerable  degree.     For  wit   some  read  quid,  others  quod  and 
quievit.     So  also  after  hesterno  die  Graevius  and  many  other  editors 
insert  Quirites. 

7.  Quo  cum  Catilina  venisset.     Compare  1,  6,  19. 

8.  Quis  denique,  &c.     "  Who  in  fine  regarded  him  as  an  aban- 
doned citizen,  and  not  rather  in  the  light  of  a  most  intolerable  ene- 
my ?"     Importunissimum  is  here  equivalent  to  minime  ferendum 
Compare     1,    9,  11  :     "  Egredere  cum  importuna  sceleratorum 
manu." 

9.  Vekemens  illc  consul.     "  That  violent  consul."     So  he  was 
called  by  the  partisans  of  Catiline. — Verbo.     "  By  a  single  word." 

10.  Homo  audacissimiiA.     "  Although  a  man  of  the  most  con 
summate  effrontery.'' 

11.  Quid  ea  node  egisset.     After  these  words  the  common  text 
has  ubi  fuisset,  which  Muretus  did  not  find  in  his  best  MS.,  and 
which  is  here  not  at  all  needed,  as  it  has  already  been  comprehended 
under  the  words  "  an  nocturno  convent  u.  a.pud  M.  Laecam  fuitset, 


AGAIXST    CATILINE.  181 

Pa««. 

nccnp."     The  expression  appears  to  have  crept  in  from  the  first  "I  <J 
•ration. 

12.  In  proximam.     "  For  the  next."     Understand  noctem.   This 
reading  is  adopted  by  Ernesti,  Beck,  Schiitz,  and  others.     The 
common  text  has  in  proximo,. — Ratio  totius  belli.     "  The  plan  of 
the  whole  war." 

13.  Cum  haesitaret,  cum  teneretur.     "  On  his  appearing  discon 
carted,  on  his  remaining  silent."     Compare,  as  regards  t'neretur, 
the  explanation  of  Doring  :  "  teneri  degajiter  dicuntur,  qui  uzm 
d'iris  argumentis  convicti  sunt  criminis  cujvsdam,  ut  ne  verbum 
quidem  contra  ea  profcrre  possint."     Consult  also  Ernesti,  Clav. 
Cic.  s.  v. 

14.  Cum  secures,  cum  fasces.     The  secures  and  fasces  are  here 
badges  of  military  authority,  Catiline  intending  by  these  to  assume 
the  rank  of  imperator.     Compare  Sallust,  Cat.  36. — Aquilam  illam 
argent  earn.     Consult  note  16,  page  9. — Cui  ille  etiam  sacrarium, 
d'c.     Consult  note  17,  page  9. 

1.  In  exsilium  cjiciebam,  &c.  "  Did  I  wish  to  cast  him  out  into  1  g 
exile,  who,  I  plainly  perceived,  had  already  entered  upon  open  war?" 
The  student  will  mark  the  elegant  use  of  the  imperfect  ejiciebam,  as 
marking  an  action  begun  or  contemplated,  but  not  yet  completed  at 
the  time  spoken  of.  Compare  Malihiac,  G.  G.  §  497.  Obs.  c.  vol. 
•2,  p.  834,  5th  ed. 

'2.  Qui  in  agro  Fcsnta.no,  &c.  Compare  note  21,  page  2,  and 
consult  Geographical  Index. — Suo  nomine.  "  In  his  own  name," 
and  not  in  that  of  Catiline. 

3.  Massiliam.  The  modern  Marseilles.  Consult  Geographical 
Index.  On  his  journey,  Catiline  wrote  several  letters  to  persons  of 
distinction,  stating  that  he  was  the  victim  of  wrongful  accusations, 
and  was  then  proceeding,  a  voluntary  exile,  to  reside  at  Massilia. 
(Sail.  Cat.  34.) — We  have  rejected  ut.  aiunt  after  Massiliam,  as  a 
mere  gloss  ;  for  credo  precedes,  which  sufficiently  indicates  that  all 
this  is  said  in  irony.  The  words  in  question  are  suspected  by 
1  [eutnann  and  Ernesti,  and  omitted  by  Schiitz. 

•I.  Circumclusiis  ac  debilitalus.  "  Hemmed  in,  and  crippled  in 
resources." — Sentenliam.  "  His  purpose."  i.  e.  of  making  war 
on  his  country. — Ex  hoc  cursu,  &c.  ''  Shall  have  turned  away  his 
steps,  from  this  career  of  guilt  and  war,  to  flight  and  voluntary 
exile." 

5.  Spoliatiis  arrnis  audaciae.  "  Stripped  of  the  arms  of  his 
»  iiiacity,"  i.  c.  driven  back  from  those  daring  designs  which  he 
had  formed  against  his  country. —  Obstiipefactus  ac  perterritut 

"  Astounded  and  dismayed." 

1b 


JR2  THE    SECO.VD    ORATION 

Page. 

|  Q  6.  Indemnatus.  "  Without  even  the  formal  «y  of  a  trial."  i.  o. 
condemned  unheard.  Cicero,  at  a  subsequent  period,  felt  the  full 
force  of  this  remark,  when  Clodius  brought  in  his  law,  that  whoevet 
had  condemned  unheard  a  Roman  citizen  should  be  interdicted  from 
firo  and  water,  i.  e.  sent  into  exile.  The  orator  was  compelled  to 
bend  to  the  storm  and  go  into  banishment.  Compare  Or.  pro.  domo, 
18  seqq.  and  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  45. 

7.  Est  mihi  tanti,  &c.    "  1  am  perfectly  willing,  my  countrymen, 
to  encounter  the  storm  of  this  unmerited  and  unjust  odium."     i.  e. 
it  is  worth  the  sacrifice  for  me  to  encounter,  &c.     Consult  note  2, 
page  9. — Falsae  is  here  equivalent  to  immeritae,  i.  e.  ex  falsis 
causis  ortae. 

8.  Atque  in  armis  volitare.  "  And  is  moving  to  and  fro  in  arms." 
i.  e.  is  traversing  with  an  armed  force  the  territories  of  the  republic. 

9.  Invidiosum.     "  A  ground   of  much  censure." — Quod  ilium 
emiserim.     "  That  I  allowed  him  to  escape." 

19.   Cum  profectus  sit.     "  Now  that  he  has  gone  forth." 

11.  Tarn  misericors.      "  So   compassionate    on  his  account." 
Equivalent   to    "  Catilinae,   tanquam  injuria   ejecti,  ita    affectus 
misericordia." — Malit.     With  all  their  pretended  compassion  for 
Catiline,  as  an  injured  man,  they  would  be  sorry  to  hear  of  his  going 
to  Massilia,  for  they  know  full  well  how  much  subsequent  troubla 
they  would  have  to  expect  from  him,  were  he  to  take  such  a  step. 

12.  Hoc  quod  agit.     Alluding  to  his  making  war  on  his  country. 
— Praeter.     ''  Against."     From  its  general  sense  of  exclusion,  this 
preposition  easily  comes  to  signify  beyond  or  above ;  and  from  signi- 
fying beyond,  it  obtains  the  meaning  of  contrary  to  and  against. 

|Q  1.  Vims  nobis.  "  Whilst  I  remain  alive."  Alluding  to  the  failure 
of  the  intended  assassination  of  Cicero,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the 
numerous  other  plots  formed  against  Mm. 

2.  Interest.     "  Intervenes  between  him  and  us." — Dissimulant . 
"  Dissemble  their  real  intentions."     Alluding  to  those  who  were 
secretly  implicated  in  the  conspiracy. 

3.  Non  tarn  ulcisci  studeo,  &c.     "  Do  not  so  much  desire  to 
inflict  vengeance  upon,  as  to  restore  to  a  better  mind,  and  reconcile 
to  their  country."     Placare  is  equivalent  to  "placato  eorum  furora 
reconciliare  reipublicae." 

4.  Ex  quibus  generibus  hondnum.  "  Of  what  classes  of  persons." 
— Comparentur.     "  Are  made  up." 

5.  Deinde  singulis,  &c.    "  Then  I  will  apply  to  each  the  remedy 
a!  my  advice  and  exhortation,  if  I  shall  be  able  in  fact  to  offer  any 
such,"  i.  e.  the  remedy  of  my  advice  conveyed  in  the  strongest 
and  most  persuasive  language.     Graevius  copie<*hires  rationis  foi 


183 

Page. 

orationis,  but  Ernesti  very  satisfactorily  defends  the  latter  reading  :  1  O 
'•  Mcdicinam  consilii  atque  orationis  meae.     i.  e.  Consilii  orations 
cxplicandi  et  ad  animum  admovcndi." 

6.  Mag  no  in.  acre   alieno,  &c.     "  Although   invclved  in  great 
debt,  have  still  greater  possessions,  influenced  by  the  love  of  which, 
they  can  in  no  way  be  separated  from  them."    Commentators  differ 
in  opinion  respecting  the  meaning  of  dissolvi  in  this  passage.     Mu- 
retus  explains  it  by  lilerari  aere  alieno,  '•  be  freed  fra..i  their  debts," 
I.  e.  by  the  sale  of  their  beloved  possessions.     TL*  jxplanation  is 
adopted,  and  sought  to  be  elucidated,  by  Ernesti,  but  with  little 
success.    Scheller,  on  the  other  hand,  condemns  thi,.  rsode  of  inter- 
preting the  word  in  question,  as  not  in  accordance  oitLer  with  the 
context  or  the  idiom   of  the   Latin   tongue.     He   makes  dissolei 
equivalent  merely  to  separari.     And  in  this  he  is  undouotedly  cor- 
rect.    Cicero  means,  that  the  individuals  alluded  to,  althoijgh  deeply 
involved  in  debt,  and  although  owners  of  extensive  possessions,  ar 
unwilling  to  sell   the  latter  (be  sej  jurat  ed  from   them,  be  loosenef' 
from  the  ties  that  bind  them  to  thet :  objects)  and  in  this  way  pay 
their  debts.     The  following  passage  of  Cicero  will  serve  to  confirm 
this   explanation  :  he  is  speaking  of  this  same  class  of  persons : 
"  Illud  erat  genus  hominum  horribile  et  pertimescendum.  qui  tanto 
amore  suas  possessiones  amplcxi  tenebant,  ut  ab  his  membra  divelk 
citius  ac  distrahi  posse  dicercs."     (Pro  Hull.  20.) 

7.  Horum   hominum,   &c.     "  This   in   appearance   is  the  most 
honourable  class."     Li.erally,  "  the  appearance  of  this  class  of  per- 
sons is  the  most  honours.ole,  i.  e.  they  enjoy  by  their  expensive  mode 
of  living,  and  their  rank  in  society,  no  small  degree  of  consideration 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world. 

8.  Yoluntas  tere,  &c.    "  Their  intention,  however,  and  the  cause 
in  which  they  have  embarked,  are  most   shameless  in  their  chai- 
acter." 

9.  Tu.     The  orator  now  apostrophizes  one  of  this  class. — Agrw. 
"  In  landed  property." — Argento.  "  In  plate."    Understand  caelato. 
— Familia.     "  In  a  retinue  of  slaves."    Familia  here,  as  frequently 
elsewhere,  denotes  all  the  household  servants  of  a  master. 

10.  Detrahere.     "  To  take  away,"  i.  e.  to  sell  some  portion  of. 
This   serves   to  explain    the  use  cf  dissolvi  in  the  passage  which 
we   have  just  been  considering.     Consult  note  6. — Acquirere  ad 
fidem.     "  To  add  to  thy  credit."     The  full  expression  would  be, 
•'  acc/uirere  pecuniam  ex  venditis  possessionibus  ad  fidem  solven- 
di.m." 

11.  Sacrosanctas        'Inviolate." 

12.  An  taltilas  IWCK      "  Or  an  abolition  of  debts  1"  By  tabula* 


184  THIi    WFX.-OND    OKATION 

Pai?e. 

1Q  novae  is  meant  a  compulsory  arrangement  by  law,  forcing  the 
creditor  either  to  accept  a  part  of  his  debt,  in  full  for  the  whole,  or, 
as  in  the  present  case,  to  receive,  no  part  of  the  debt  whatever.  This 
latter  measure  Catiline  had  promised  to  adopt.  (Sallust,  Cat.  21.) 
The  phrase  refers,  as  far  as  regards  its  particular  form,  to  the  Ro 
man  mode  of  writing  on  tablets,  (tabulae,)  covered  over  with  wax, 
the  characters  being  marked  on  the  wax  by  means  of  a  stylus. 
Hence,  when  the  old  score  was  obliterated,  and  the  wax  smoothed 
over,  the  tablets  were  called  novae,  and  were  ready  for  a  new  score. 
— An  entire  abolition  of  debts  was  never  granted  to  the  people.  At 
one  time,  however,  by  a  law  of  Valerius  Flaccus,  a  fourth  part  of 
the  debt  was  allowed  to  be  paid  for  the  whole.  (Sallust,  Cat.  33.) 

13.  Meo  beneficio,  &c.     "An  abolition  of  debts  shall  be  brought 
forward  through  my  kindness,  but  it  shall  be  the  result  of  sales 
at  auction."     Literally,  "  new  tablets  shall  be  brought  forward,  but 
they  shall  be  auction-ones,"  i.  e.  auction-lists,  containing  an  account 
of  their  property  as  offered  for  sale.     Cicero  means  that  their  prop- 
erty, or  a  sufficient  portion  of  it,  will  be  exposed  to  salf>.  and  theii 
debts  paid  with  the  proceeds. — Ernesti  objects  to  the  presence  of 
novae  in  the  text,  as  not  proper  to  be  connected  with  auctionariae 
tabulae,  remarking,    "  auctionariae  tabulae  nullo  modo  ac  sensu 
novae  did  possum,  ut  opinor."     He  appears,  however,  to  forget 
that  Cicero  is  here  indulging  in  a  piece  of  pleasantry,  or  what  may 
be  denominated  a  species  of  pun.     The  tables,  which  he  promises, 
are  to  be  new,  in  another  sense,  and  one  for  which  they  were  not 
prepared.     It  is  what  the  grammarians   term  an   unexpected  witti- 
cism, a   "  lusus  naoa  irpovSoKiav." 

14.  Quod  si  maturius  facere  voluissent.      "  Had   they  been 
willing  to  pursue  this  course  sooner."     Quod  is  here  to  be  rendered 
by  hoc,  as  it  commences  a  clause. 

15.  Neque,  (id  quod  stultissimum  est,)  &c.     "And  not,  what 
is  most  foolish,  struggle  against  heavy  payments  of  interest  by  the 
rents  and  profits  of  their  estates."     Cicero  means,  that  they  ought 
to  sell  a  portion  of  their  landed  property,  and  pay  their  debts  at 
once,  and  not  adopt  the  ruinous  measure  of  paying  the  interest  of 
the  large  sums  they  had  borrowed  with  the  produce  of  their  estates. 
This  latter  course  would  keep  them  always  poor.     In  other  words, 
they  must  not  let  heavy  mortgages  eat  up  their  estates. 

16.  Et  locupletioribus,  &c.     "  We  would  find  in  them  both 
wealthier  and  better  citizens  " 

17.  Magis  mihi  videntui    &.c.     They  appear  to  Cicero  more 
likely  to  entertain  hostile  sei;    aients  against  their  country,  than  to 
carry  out  those  sentiments  int     ction. 


AUAI.NST    CATILINE.  185 

Page. 

18.  Dominali&nem  exspectant,  &c.     "Hope  for  rule,  wish  to  ^CJ 
become  possessed  of  the  management  of  affairs,"  i.  e.  to  get  the 
government  in  their  hands  and  exercise  unlimited  authority. 

1 .  Quibus  hoc  praecipiendum  videtur.     "  To  this  class  the  fol-  2Q 
lowing  piece  of  warning  seems  proper  to  be  given."     Quibus  to  bo 
renck.ied  as  his. — Quod  ceteris  omnibus.    Supply  praecipiendum  est. 

2.  Ut  desperent,  &c.     "  To  give   over  hoping  that  they  can 
accomplish  what  they  are  endeavouring  to  effect." 

3.  Primum  omnium  me  ipsum,  &c.     One  MS.   inserts  sciant 
before  me,  but  there  is  no  need  of  this,  as  the  clause  depends  on 
the  general  idea  of  warning  implied  in  praecipiendum. 

4.  Magnos  animos.     "  Great  courage." — Maximam  multitudi- 
nem.    Understand  eorum.     There  appears  to  be  something  wrong  in 
this  part  of  the  sentence,  since  neither  maximum  muldtudinem  nor 
magnas  capias  militum  can  well  be  referred  back  to  bonis  viris. 
Schiitz  suggests  the  placing  of  a  semicolon  after  concordiam,  and 
the  reading  maximam  equitum  multitudinem,  &c.,the  Equites  being 
numbered  by  Cicero  among  the  safeguards  of  the  republic  in  the 
fourth  oration  against  Catiline,  c.  7. 

5.  Tanlam  vim  sceleris.     "  Such  daring  wickedness." — Prae- 
sentes.       "  By   their  immediate   interposition."      Equivalent     to 
"•praesenti  auxilio    praesentiam    suam  declar antes."       Compare 
the  Greek  im^avcls. 

6.  Quae.     "  A  state  of  things,  which."      Literally,    "  things 
which." — Consules  se.     We  have  altered  the  arrangement  of  thesfc 
words  with  Lambinus.     The  common  text  has  se  consules. 

7.  Concedi  necesse  sit.     The  orator  means,  that,  if  the  conspir 
acy  succeeded,  the  more  active  partisans  would  drive  into  the  back- 
ground those  who  had  merely  aided  them  by  their  wishes,  and  not 
by  their  personal  co-operation. 

8.  Est  oetate  jam  affectum.     "•'  Is  by  this  time  somewhat  advan- 
ced hi  years."     Several  MSS.  and  early  editions  have  confectum, 
which  is  too  strong. 

9.  Quas   Sulla  constituit.      The  common  text   has    Fesulis 
inserted  after  quas,  but  it  appears  to  have  crept  in  from  the  6th 
chapter  of  the  third  oration.     It  is  altogether   erroneous  here,  as 
Fesulae   was  only  one  of  the  places  where  Sylla  had  planted  a  mili- 
tary colony.     Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  civil  contest  between  his 
own  and  the  party  of  Marius,  Sylla  settled  many  of  his  officers  and 
soldiers,  in  different  parts  of  Italy,  on  lands  which  had  belonged  to 
the  opposite  faction.     Not  a  few  of  these  colonists  soon  squandered 
away  their  ill-gotten  property,  and  hence  were  anxious  for  another 
civil  war,  in  which  to  enrich  themselves  anew. 

16* 


186  THE  SECOND  ORATION 

Page. 

"20  10.  Quas  ego  universas,  &c.  "  Which,  taken  collectively,  1 
am  well  aware  contain  very  excellent  citizens  and  very  brave 
men  :  and  yet  these  are  some  of  the  members  of  those  colo- 
nies, who,  amid  the  unexpected  and  sudden  possession  of  wealth, 
have  ostentatiously  indulged  in  too  expensive  and  extravagant  a  mode 
of  living."  More  literally,  "  have  boasted  themselves  in  too  expen- 
sive and  unusual  a  manner." 

11.  Tamquam  leati.     "  As  if  they  were  possessed  of  opulence." 
Bcatus  frequently  has  the  signification  of  dives  in  the  Latin  writers, 
especially  in  Horace,  and  the  other  poets.     Compare  the  remark  of 
Varro,  L.  L.  4,  17,   "  Beatus,  qui  multa  bona  possidet." 

12.  Dum  praediis,  &c.     "  While  they  take  delight  in  extensive 
domains,  in  litters,  in  large  households  of  slaves,  in  sumptuous  enter- 
tainments."— The  lectica  was  a  species  of  litter,  or  sedan,  supported 
on  the  shoulders  of  slaves.     The  use  of  this  conveyance  is  said  to 
have  come  in  from  Bithynia.     (Schol.  ad  Juv.  1,  121.) — Muretus,  in 
place  oflecticis,  reads  lectis,to  be  joined  in  construction  with  praediis ; 
others  propose  latis.     The  change  is  altogether  unnecessary. 

13.  Salvi.     "  Saved  from  ruin." — Sit  excitandus  :     "  Must  be 
evoked." 

14.  Homines  t.enues  atque  egentes.     "  Indigent  and  needy  men." 

15.  Spem  rapinarum  veterum.      They  hoped   to   see,    under 
Catiline,  a  revival  of  those  scenes  of  plunder  and  misrule  which  had 
prevailed  during  the  ascendency  of  the  party  of  Sylla. — In  eodem 
genere.     "  In  one  and  the  same  class." 

16.  Proscriptiones  et  dictaturas.     Cicero  warns  them  to  give  up 
all  hopes  of  ever  seeing  those  scenes  renewed  which  marked  the 
career  of  Sylla,  a  proscription  namely  of  the  estates  of  all  who  had 
taken  the  opposite  side,  and   a  perpetual  dictator  and  second  Sylla 
appearing  once  more  in  the  person  of  Catiline. 

17.  Tantus  enim  illorum  temporum,   &c.      "  For  so  deep  a 
feeling  of  indignant  grief,  at  the  excesses  of  those  times,  has  been 
burnt  into  the  very  state."     The  use   of  the  verb  inuro,  in  this 
passage,  is  beautifully  figurative,  and  involves  an  allusion  to  the 
process  of  enamelling,  or  painting  by  means  of  fire,  which  serves  to 
fix  the  colours.     The  ancients  called  it  Encaustica,  iyxavaTiKfi 
The  horrors  of  the  sanguinary  period  alluded  to  were  burnt,  in  living 
colours,  into  the  very  soul  of  the  state. 

18.  Ne  pecudes  quidem.     "  Not  even  the  very  beasts."     Strongh 
figurative.     Weiske  offends  in  a  very  singular  manner  against  good 
taste,  in  supposing,  that  the  orator  here  refers  to  some  incident 
during  Sylla's  proscriptions,  where  great  barbauty  was  practised 
towards  animals ! 


AUAINST   CATILINE.  187 

Page. 

y.   Quartum  genus  est,  &c.     "  The  fourth  class  is  varied,  and  gQ 
mixed,  and  turbulent  in  its  character."     Varium  alludes  to  the 
various  causes  which  had  reduced  them  to  ruin  ;  and  turbulentum 
to  their  being  no  better  than  a  mere  noisy  mob. 

20.  Qui  jampridem  premuntur,  &c.     "  Who  have  long  since 
oeen  weighed  down   by  ruin,   who   will   never   emerge  from  it." 
There  is  commonly  supposed  to  be  an  ellipsis  here  of  acre  alieno, 
("  by  debt,")  but  we  have  an  allusion  to  debt  immediately  after.     It 
is  better  to  make  malo,  or  some  other  equivalent  term,  understood. 

21.  Partim  male  gerendo  negotio.      "  Partly   through   the   ill- 
management  of  their  private  affairs."     Negotio  is  here  a  general 
term  for  business  or  employment  of  any  kind.     Compare  the  remark 
of  Doring :  "  Male  negotium  gerere  dicuntur,  qui  in  re  familiari  et 
domestica  administranda  negligentiores  sunt." 

22.  In  rsetere  acre  alieno  vacillant.     "  Stagger  under  a  load  of 
long-contracted  debts." 

1.  Vadimoniis,  judiciis,  &c.  "  Wearied  out  with  the  giving  of  bail,  21 
with  judgments,  with  confiscations  of  their  property."     The  regular 
legal  order  of  proceeding  against  debtors,  in  Rome,  is  here  observed. 
The  debtor  is  arrested  and  compelled  to  give  bail  for  his  appear- 
ance (vadimonium  dare).     The  case  comes  on  and  judgment  (judi- 
cium)  is  given  against  him.     The  creditor  is  put  in  possession  of  his 
property  as  security  for  the  judgment  rendered  ;  and  after  he  has 
thus  held  possession  for  thirty  days  the  property  is  sold  and  the  debt 
paid  from  it. 

2.  Infitiatores  lentos.     "  Dilatory  and  lying  deb  tors."      Initiator 
means  one  who  denies  a  just  debt. — Lentos  is   here   equivalent  to 
ta.rd.os.     Compare  the  explanation  of  Ern.  Antonius  :  "  Lentus  de 
to  dici,  qui  non  facile  possit  adigi  ut  sol-eat  pecuniam  debitam, 
docet  Casaubonus.     Infitiatores  vocantur,  qui,  cum  debeant  pecuni- 
am, nega.nl  hoc  tamen,  nee  volunt  solvere." — Schutz,    without  any 
necessity,  recalls  the  old  reading  insidiatores,  for  infitiatores. 

3.  Primum.     We  have  here  an  anacoluthon,  as  Muretus  remarks, 
since,  after  primum,  we  have  not  deinde,  as  we  would  naturally 
expect  to  have. — Some  editors  recommend  that  cormanl  be  changed 
to  corruent,  and  primum  joined  with   it   in  construction  :  primum 
corruent,  "  will  be  the  first  to  fall ;"  but  then  the  rest  of  the  sen- 
tence comes  in  very  tamely. 

4.  Si  stare  non  possunt.     Alluding  to  what  ha«  just  preceded. 
"  in  vetere  &cre  alieno  vacillant." 

5.  Si  vivere  honeste  non  possunt.    "  If  they  cannot  live  honoura- 
bly here,"  i.  e.  by  reason  of  their  debts.     Compare  the  explanation 
»f  Manutius, "  in  urbe,  propter  aes  alienum,  quo  nunquam  emergent  " 


188  THE    SECOND    OR  AT  TON 

Page. 

^1       6.  Nonrevoco.    "  Seek  not  to  recall." — In  latrocinio.  "  In  tkcii 
career  of  robbery." 

7.  Postremum  *utcm,  &c.     "The  last  class,  however,  is  so,  in 
fact,  as  regards  not  only  number,"  &c.     Cicero  uses  the  word  pos.- 
tremum  in  the  first  clause,  as  merely  numerical,  while  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  sentence  it  has  the  force  of  lowest,  vilest,  &c.    This  last 
class  is  the  feeblest  in  number,  and  the  vilest  in  character  and  mode 
of  life.     The  full  construction  will  be  "postremum  autcm  genus  est 
postremum,  non  solum  numero,"  &c. 

8.  Quod  proprium  est  Calilinae.     "  These  are  Catiline's  own." 
Literal!' \  "  this  is  Catiline's  own,"  i.  e.  class.     The  language  in 
the  text  reminds  us  of  the  modern  form  of  expression,  when  speak- 
ing of  a  particular  regiment  or  body  of  troops,  "  the  king's  own," 
though,  of  course,  in  a  very  different  sense. 

9.  De  complexu  ejus  ac  sinu.  "  Of  his  very  embrace  and  bosom," 
i.  e.  consisting  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  and  the  companions  of 
his  debauchery.  The  expression,  "  bosom-friend,"  is  to  be  explained 
by  the  Roman  custom  of  reclining  at  meals,  already  alluded  to  in  a 
previous  part  of  this  commentary  (note  14,  page  16.)  As  the  guest* 
Lay  on  the  couch,  the  head  of  the  second  was  in  a  line  with  the 
breast  of  the  first,  so  that  if  he  wanted  to  speak  with  him,  especially 
if  the  thing  was  to  be  secret,  he  was  obliged  to  lean  upon  his  bosom, 
or,  as  Pliny  expresses  it,  "in  sinu  recumbcre."    (Ep.  4,  22.)    The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  third  and  second  guests  on  the  couch. 
Hence  the  figurative  allusion  of  Cicero  in  the  text. 

10.  Bene  barbatos.     "  Well  supplied  with  downy  beards."     By 
this  expression  are  to  be  understood  the  younger  class  of  persons, 
who  had  already  a  tolerably-sized  beard,  which  they  were  fond  of 
displaying.     Until  A.  U.  C.  454,  all  the  Romans  wore  beards,  but 
from  this  period,  which  marks  the  time  when  P.  Ticinius  Mena» 
first  brought  barbers  (tonsores)  from  Sicily,  they  began  to  remove 
the  hair  from  the  chiu.     (Plin.  H.  N.  7,  59. — Varro,  R.  R.  2,  2.) 
The  young,  however,  still  retained  their  beards  until  they  reached 
the  age  of  twenty-one,  (Macrob.  in  Somn.  Scip.  1,  6,)  sometimes 
merely  until  they  assumed  the  toga  virilis  at  the  age  of  seventeen. 
And  the  day  on  which  they  first  shaved  was  regarded  as  a  festival 
by  the  members  of  the  family.     (Juv.  3,  18G.)     The  first  growth  of 
the  beard  was  consecrated  to  some  god. — We  see  then  from  all 
this,  that  by  bene  barbati  in  the  text  are  meant  those  of  the  young 
who  had  nearly  reached  the  period  of  manhood,  and  were  supplied 
with  tolerably-sized  beards,  while  by  the  imberbes  are  meant  those 
who  were  as  yet  too  young  to  have  any.     In  other  words,  the  bene 
barbati  are  they  who  have  a  *\"\%  and  curly  down,  the  imbeibes  they 


AGAINST    CATILLXK.  189 

Page. 

who  either  ha"T  none,  or  on  whose  chins  it  is  just  making  its  ap-  O| 
pearance.     Honce,  too,  we  see  how  erroneous  it  is  to  translate  the 
words  bene  barbatos,  as  some  do,  "  with  beards  nicely  trimmed,"  or 
"  sprucely  fashioned,"  since  this  would  imply  that  they  had   been 
already  partially  subjected  to  the  hands  of  the  tonsor. 

11.  Manicatis  et  talaribus  tunicis.     "  With  tunics  having  long 
sleeves,  and  reaching  to  the  ankles."     Tunics  of  this  kind   were 
deemed  effeminate  by  the  Romans,  and  seemed  better  suited  for 
vromen  than  men.     The  ordinary  tunic  had  no  sleeves,  and  came 
down  a  little  below  the  knees  before,  and  to  the  middle  of  the  legs 
behind.     Consult  Aul.  Gell.  7,  12,  and  compare  Virg.  Aen.  9,  616 
—  Catull.  2,  10. — Salmas.  in  Hist.  Aug.  2,  556. 

12.  Vehs  amictos,  non  togis.     "  Covered  with  veils  not  with 
togas."     The  allusion  is  to  togas  made  so  full,  and  of  so  fine  and 
transparent   a   texture,  as    to  resemble  veils  wrapped  around  the 
person. 

13.  Antelucanis  coenis.     "  Suppers  protracted  till  the  dawn." 

14.  Seminarium  Catilinarum.  "  A  nursery  of  Catilines."    Some 
read  Catilinarium,  but  seminarium  Catilinarium  would  rather  sig 
nify  "  a  nursery  established  by  Catiline." 

15.  Apenninum,  &c.     "  The  Apennine  range,  and  the  frost  and 
snows  they  will  find  there."  The  student  will  note  the  force  of  illas. 
With  Apenninum  understand  montem. — This  oration  was  delivered 
on  the  sixth  day  before  the  ides  of  November,  or  the  8th  of  tho 
month. 

16.  Nudi  in  conviviis,  &c.     Dancing  itself  was  deemed  dishon- 
ourable among  the  Romans,  much  more  so  the  dancing  in  a  state  of 
nudity.     Compare  Or.  pro  Deiot.  c.  9. 

17.  Magnopere    pertimescendum.      Ironical. — Hanc    scortorum 
cokortem  praeloriam.     "  This  body-guard  of  infamous  wretches." 
Among  the  Romans,  the  general  was  usually  attended  by  a  select 
hand,  called  cohors  praetoria.     This  differs  essentially,  however, 
from  the  praetorian  cohort  in  the  history  of  the  empire. 

18.  Confecto  et  saucio.     "Worn-out  and  wounded."     The  allu- 
sion is  to  Catiline.     Compare  note  11, page  6. 

19.  Ulam  naufragorum,  &c.    "  That  outcast  and  enfeebled  band 
of  men,  shipwrecked  in  hope  and  fortune."     More  literally,  "  of 
shipwrecked  wretches."     Compare  Or.  1,  12. 

1.  Jam  vero,  &c.    "Nay,  indeed,  the  very  cities  of  your  colonies,  <JO 
as  well  as  your  municipal  towns,  will  prove  a  sufficient  match  for 
the  rustic  masses  of  Catiline."   The  true  reading  here  is  very  much 
disputed.  The  common  text  has  urbes  coloniarum  ac  muninpiorum 
rrspondehtnt  Catilinae  tumulis  sihcstribus.     For  munieipicrum  we 


THE     SECOND    ORATION 

Page. 

22  Uave  g' ven»  on  conjecture,  municipta,  and  cumulis  for  tumulis.  The 
expression  wries  municipiorum  is  a  manifest  solecism,  nor,  in  fact, 
is  wrie*  coloniarum  itself  free  from  suspicion.  Muretus  conjectures 
vires,  which  makes  a  harsh  alliteration  with  vero.  Garaton  gives 
ATCCS.  They  who  read  tumulis  silvestribus  make  the  expression 
refer  to  the  "woody  heights,"  in  which  alone  Catiline's  adherents 
could  find  shelter.  Our  own  reading  cumulis,  which  is  found  in 
some  MSS  ,  is  meant  to  apply  to  Catiline's  forces  as  being  composed 
in  general  of  ill-armed  rustics,  and  being,  in  fact,  rude  masses  or 
heaps,  as  it  were,  of  men  rather  than  well-organized  and  disciplined 
troops.  Compare  Sallust's  account  of  this  same  army.  Cat.  c.  56. 

2.  Ornamenta,  praesidia  vestra.     "  Your   preparations,   your 
defences."     Ornamenta  is  here  equivalent  to  apparatum  bellicum. 

3.  Quibus  nos  suppeditamur,  &c.    "  With  which  we  are  supplied, 
of  which  he  stands  in  need."     We  have  adopted  suppeditamur,  the 
reading  of  several   MSS.   and  editions,    instead   of  the   common 
lection  suppeditamus.     They  who  give  this  latter  form  make  it 
equivalent  to  abundamus,  for  which  they  have  no  good  authority. 

4.  Vectigalibus.     "  Public  revenues." 

5.  Contendere.     "  To  compare."     Equivalent  to  comparare  or 
conferre.     Thus  we  have,  (pro  Rose.  c.  33,)  "  Quidquid  contra  dixeris 
id  cum  defensione  nostra  contendito."     So  also  Horace,  (Ep.  1,  10, 
26,)  "  qui   Sidonio  contendere  callidus  astro   Nescit  Aquinatem 
potantia  vellera  fucum."      And   again,    Tacitus,    (Ann.    13,    3,) 
"  Vetera  et  praesentia  contendere,"    and  Aulus  Gellius,  (2,  23,) 
"  Graeca  comparare  et  contendere." 

6.  Petulantia.      "  Effrontery." — Scuprum.     "  Pollution." 

7.  Constantia.  "  Right  reason."    Compare  the  explanation  of  Er- 
nesti :  "Est  recta  ratio  ejusque  usus,  cui  opponitur  furor,  in  quo  hom- 
ines capti  m.enle  sibi  non  constant."     (Clav.  Cic.s.v.)    So  too  in 
the  oration  pro  Rose.  c.  14,  the  via  constans  is  opposed  to  the  amens. 

8.  Continentia.      "  Moderation." — Libido.      "  Unbridled  licen- 
tiousness."— Denique  aequitat,  &c.      The  four  primary  Platonic 
virtues  are  here  enumerated,  temperance,  prudence,  fortitude,  and 
justice,  though  in  a  different  order.     Compare  Cic.  de  Off.  1,  5,  and 
Stobaeus,  Eel.  Eth.   p.  166.     The   Greek  names  are  autypoavvri, 
<j>p6i>r]ats,  (miftia,  t'ovf,)  dvopia,  Sixaioavvrj. 

9.  Copiae.     "Abundant  resources."     Compare   de  Inv.   2,    1, 
"  Crotoniatae  quum  fiorerent  omnibus  copiis,"  and  pro  Rose.  Am. 
15,  "  Copiis  ret  familiaris  locupletes  et  pecuniosi." 

10  Bona  ratio  cum  perdita.  "  Judgment  with  folly."  With 
perdita  supply  ratione. — Bona  deniquc  spes,  &c.  "  In  fine,  well- 
grounded  h>pe  with  utter  despair." 


AUAINST  CATILINE.  191 

4  Page. 

11.  Hominutn  studio..      "The   zealous   efforts   of  men."  i.e.  22 
'neir  zealous  co-operation  in  the  cause  of  virtue. 

12.  Quemadmodum  jam  antes..     The  common  text  has  dixi  after 
antea,  which  is  erroneous,  as  he  has  nowhere  before  said  so  in  the 
course  of  the  oration.     Emesti  and  others  consequently  throw  it 
out. 

13.  Urbi.     Tbe  city  collectively  (urbs)  is  here  opposed  to  the 
individual  dwellings  composing  it  (singula  tecta.)    The  latter  their 
respective  possessors  are  to  guard,  the  former  will  be  watched  over 
by  the  consul  himself.     The   emendation  of  Graevius  is  therefore 
unnecessary,  mihi  et  urbi. 

14.  Mutucipesque  vestri.     "  And  the  inhabitants  of  your  muni 
cipal  towns."     The  municipes  enjoyed  different  privileges.     Some 
possessed  all  the  rights  of  Roman  citizens,  except  such  as  could  not 
be  obtained  without  residing  at  Rome.     Others  had  only  the  right 
of  serving  in  the  Roman  legion. 

15.  De  hoc  nocturna  excur stone.     Referring  to  the  departure  of 
Catiline  on  the  previous  night. 

16.  Quamquam  meliore  animo  sunt,  &c.     "Although  they  are, 
in  fact,  better  disposed  towards  the  state  than  a  part  of  the  patri- 
cians, still  will  be  kept  in  check  by  our  power."    The  very  gladi  • 
ators,  according  to    Cicero,  are  better  affected  than  some  of  the 
nobility.     Still  no  unguarded  reliance  will  he  placed  even  upon 
these,  but,  in  order  to  ensure  perfect  safety,  they  will,  even  if  em- 
ployed in  the  service  of  the  state  on  this  occasion,  he  subjected 
themselves  to  strict  watching  and  control.     Ernesti  thinks  that  the 
reading  should  be  Quamquam  non  meliore  animo  sunt,  the  negative 
being  required  in  his  opinion  by  the  presence  of  tamen  in  the  latter 
clause  of  the  sentence.     From  the  explanation  we   have    given   it 
will  clearly  appear  that  the  emendation  is  unnecessary.     The  gladi 
ators  were  distributed  by  Cicere  throughout  the  municipal  towns 
(Sail.  Cat.  30.1 

17.  Q.  Metellus.  Mentioned  already  in  the  3d  chapter.     Consult 
Historical  Index. — Agrum  Gallicanum  Picenumque.     Consult  Ge- 
ographical Index. 

18.  Aut  opprimet  hominem.      "  Will  either  crush   the  man." 
Hominem   refers  to   Catiline,  and   is  purposely  used,   instead   of 
virum,  to  denote  contempt. — Prohibebit.     "  Will  frustrate." 

19.  Reliquis  nutem  de  rebus,   &c.     "  While  as  regards  the 
determining  upon,  the  expediting,  the  performing  of  what  remains 
to  be  done,  we  are  now  going  to  consult  the  senate,  which  you  see 
is  in  the  act  of  being  summoned."     The  senators  were  seen  passing 
•long,  at  the  time,  to  their  place  of  meeting. 


192  THE  SECOND  OKATIOM 

Page. 

23  1*  Nunc  iltos.  "  Now,  aa  far  as  concerns  those."  Supply 
quod  ad  or  something  equivalent.  The  eos  after  momtos  has  been 
restored  to  the  text  by  Beck,  from  several  MSS.  and  editions.  It 
is  added  in  order  to  give  greater  force  to  the  clause.  Consult  the 
remarks  of  Manutius,  ad  Epist.  Fam.  13,  28.  It  is  not  inserted  :n 
the  edition  of  Ernesti,  and  he  is  quite  silent  about  it. 

2.  Atqae  adeo.     "  Or  rather."     Equivalent  to  sive  potius.    Con- 
sult Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  atque. 

3.  Monitos  eos,  &c.     "  I  wish  them  again  and  again  to  be  re- 
minded."    Consult  note  1 . 

4.  Solutior.    "  Too  remiss."    i.  e.  to  savour  too  much  of  remiss- 
ness. — Hoc  exspectaml.     "  It  has  had  this  in  view."     i.  e.  it  has 
been  only  waiting  for  this. — Erumperet.     "  Might  burst  forth  into 
open  day." 

5.  Quod  reliquum  esl.     "  As  to  what  remains." — Jam  non,  &c. 
"  I  can  no  longer  forget,"  &c. 

6.  Qui  se  commoverit.     "  Who  shall   make  the  least  stir." — 
Cujus.     "  On  whose  part." — Factum     "•  Any  open  act." — Sentiet. 
"Shall  feel." 

7.  Magistratus.    Referring  to  the  inferior  magistrates,  but  espe- 
cially to  the  tribunes. — Fortem  seiialum.     "  A  resolute  senate." — 
Majores  nostri.     According  to  Livy,  the  first  Roman  prison  was 
built  by  Ancus  Martius.     (1,  33.)     It  was  afterward  enlarged  by 
Servius  Tullius.     Compare  Sallust,  Cat.  55. 

8.  Me  uno  togato,  &c.  "  Byrne  your  only  leader  and  commander 
arrayed  in  the  robe  of  peace."     When  the  consuls  set  out  on  any 
military  expedition,  they  changed  their  gowns  or  togas,  for  the  robe 
of  war,  or  sagum.     This  conspiracy,  however,  Cicero   promises, 
shall  be  quelled  whilst  he  wears  the  garb  of  peace. 

9.  Deduxerit.     This  is  undoubtedly  the  true  reading,  as  given 
by  Schutz  and  others,  instead  of  the  common   lection  dedaxerint. 
It  is  advocated   also  by  Goerenz,  ad  Cic.  Acad.  2,  1.     The  rule 
zppears  to  be  as  follows  :  "  When  several  nouns  are  employed  for 
the  purpose  of  expressing  one  and  the  same  idea  the  verb  should  bo 
put  in  the  singular  number."     Or,  as  Goerenz  expresses  it,  "  Plura. 
substantiva,  ad  unam  velut  notionem  juncta,  simplici  vcrbi  numero 
comprehendunlur."     Instances  of  the  application  of  this  rule  would 
be  more  frequent  in  the  ancient  writers,  were  it  not  for  the  ill-judged 
corrections  of  editors. 

10.  Significationibus .    "  Declarations."  Equivalent  to  ominiuus, 
or  prodigiis.     Broukhusius  (ad  Tibull.  2,  1,  10)  shows,  that  signi~ 
ficatio  and  significare  are  terms  borrowed  from  the  language  ol 
Aivination,  and  peculiar  to  the  haruspices,  &c.    Compare  the  words 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  ]  93 

Pa?e. 

ol  Cicero,  (de  Harusp.  resp.  12,)  "  Quod  igitur  ex  aliquo O*^ 

monstro  signification  caveremus,"  &c.,  and  those  of  Ovid,  (Met. 
15,  576,)  "  Quid  sibi  significent,  trepidantia  consulit  cxta." 

11.  Ab  cxterno  hosts.     The  common  reading  is  extern.  We  have 
given  externo  with  Ernesti,  who  remarks,  "  Hostis  exterus  nemo 
dixit,  at  nationes  exterae,  regna  extera,  recte  dicuntur." — The  allu- 
sion in  externo  hosts  appears  to  be  particularly  to  Mithridates. 

12.  Praesentes.     "As   present   deities." — Suo   numine.     "By 
their  express  interposition." 

13.  Quos.     Equivalent   to   Ethos.      "And   these." — Omnibut 
*cstium   copiis,  &c.     "  Now  that  all,"  &c. — A  nefario  scelere, 

''rom  the  execrable  wickedness." 


THIRD  ORATION  AGAINST  CATILINE, 


Page. 

25  !•  ML  TDLLII  CICERONIS,  &c.  "  Third  Oration  of  Marcus 
Tullius  Cicero  against  Lucius  Catiline,  delivered  before  the  Roman 
peopje." — Catiline  having  joined  the  army  of  Manlius.  the  conspira- 
tors who  remained  at  Rome,  consisting  of  Lentulus,  then  praetor, 
Cethegus,  and  others,  prepared  to  execute  the  instructions  which 
had  been  given  them.  It  happened  that  the  Allobroges,  a  Gallic 
nation,  had  some  envoys,  at  this  period,  in  the  capital,  sent  thither 
to  complain  of,  and  obtain  redress  for,  injuries  inflicted  by  Roman 
commanders.  Lentulus  tampered  with  these  ambassadors,  and 
solicited  them  to  join  the  conspiracy,  but  they  revealed  to  Q.  Fabius 
Sanga  the  overtures  which  had  been  made  to  them.  The  letters 
written  to  the  senate  and  people  of  the  Allobroges,  and  to  Catiline 
himself,  by  the  conspirators,  were,  by  a  subsequent  arrangement 
of  Cicero's,  intercepted,  and  the  writers  apprehended.  They  were 
aftervyard  confronted  with  the  Gallic  delegation  before  the  senate, 
and  committed  to  safe  custody. 

Cicero  then  assembled  the  Roman  people,  and,  in  the  following 
oration,  apprizes  them  of  the  occurrences  which  had  taken  place 
during  the  twenty-four  days  that  had  intervened  since  the  delivery 
of  his  last  speech,  particularly  those  of  the  last  day  and  night.  He 
invites  them  to  join  in  celebrating  a  thanksgiving,  which  had  been 
decreed  by  the  senate  to  his  honour,  for  the  preservation  of  his 
country,  and  congratulates  them  on  their  escape  from  so  dire  « 
calamity  as  had  nearly  befallen  them. 


2.,  Bona,  for  tunas.  "  Your  property,  your  fortunes."  By  bona 
are  here  meant  possessions,  by  fortunae  personal  property. 

3.  Hoc  domicilium,  &c.  "  This  dwelling-place  of  a  most  illus- 
trious empire."  Compare  the  language  of  Nepos,  (Attic.  3,)  "  Quod 
in  ea  potissimum  urbe  natus  cst,  in  qua  domicilium  orbis  terrarum 
csset  impcrii.'" 

I'M 


THIRD    ORATION    AGAINST    CAT1LINB.  195 

Page. 

4.  Hodierno  die.     On  the  day  when  this  oration  was  delivered,  05 
the  disclosures  of  the  Allobit)ges  had  been   made  in  the  Roman 
senate,  and  the  conspirators  implicated  by  them  consigned  to  cus 
tody. 

5.  Et,  si,  &c.  Et  is  here  more  of  an  inceptive  than  a  connective 
particle.     Compare  Terence,  Phorm.  1,  3, 19,  and  the  remark  of 
Donatus,  (ad  loc.,)  "  Et  modo  non  connexiva,  sed  ineeptativa  par- 
ticula  est." 

6.  lUitstres.     "  Memorable." — Salutis   laelitia.     "  The  joy  at- 
tendant upon  deliverance." 

7.  Sine  sensu.      "Withoit  consciousness." — Cum  voluptatc. 
"  With  positive  pleasure." 

8.  Ulum.     After  the  words  urbem  condidit,  the  common  test  has 
Romulum  inserted,  which  we  have  thrown  out  as  a  mere  gloss.     It 
is  not  found  in  several  of  the  best  MSS.,  and  is  rejected  by  Manu- 
tius  and  Graevius. 

9.  Benevolentia  famaque.     "  By  our  grateful  feelings,  and  the 
voice  of  tradition,"  i.  e.  our  grateful  forefathers  deified  him,  and 
we  their  descendants,  equally  grateful,  have  confirmed  the  voice  of 
tradition. 

10.  Is.     Alluding  to  himself. — We  have  a  double  comparison  : 
one  between  the  days  on  which  we  are  born,  and  those  on  which 
we  are  preserved  from  danger ;  and  the  other  between  Romulus, 
the  founder  of  Rome,  and  Cicero  its  preserver. 

11.  Templis,  ddubris.     "Its  temples,  its  shrines."     Templum 
is  properly  the  whole  edifice :  delitbrum,  the  place  where  the  statue 
is  erected.     Compare  the  words  of  Noltenius,  (Lex.  Antibnrb.  vol. 
1,  p.  901,  :)  "  Delubrum  proprie  est  aedicula,  in  qua  slat  dei  cujus- 
dam   simulacrum.     Templum  vero  est   aedijicium  Deo  sacratum. 
Ita  delubrum  est  parvum  tempium,  vel  pars  templi :  ut  Capitnlium 
fuit  tempium  in  quo  tria  delubra  communi  pariete  dtiudehantur, 
Jovis,  Junonis,  et  Minervae." 

12.  Quac  quoniam,  &c.     "  And  since  these  things  have  been 
made  manifest,  laid  open  to  view,  fully  ascertained,  in  the  senate, 
through  my  means,  I  will  now  proceed,  Romans,  to  unfold  them 
briefly  to  you."     The  expressions   illustrata,  peUefacta,  comperta. 
sunt.  form  what  is  called  an  inverted  gradation ;  for  Cicero  first 
ascertained  the  deadly  designs  of  the  conspirators,  then  laid  them 
open  to  the  view  of  the  senate,  and  by  this  means  rendered  them 
perfectly  apparent  and  clear. 

13.  Quam  •manifesto..     "  How  palpable." — Investigata  et  com- 
prehensa   sint.     "  They  have  been  tracked  out  and  completely 
detected  " 


..96  THE    THIRD    ORATION 

Page. 

25  14.  Ex  actis  "  From  what  has  been  done,"  i.  e.  on  the  part 
of  the  senate,  as  about  to  be  related  by  me.  Considerable  doubt 
exists  with  regard  to  the  true  reading  here.  The  MSS.  vary,  some 
giving  et  exspectatis  in  place  of  ex  actis.  We  have  adopted  the 
latter,  however,  with  all  the  early  editions,  and  as  approved  of  and 
received  by  Ernesti.  Weiske  also  regards  ex  actis  as  the  true  lec- 
tion, but  he  alters  the  punctuation,  placing  a  comma  after  actis,  and 
removing  the  one  before  ex,  so  that  ignoratis  ex  actis  will  be  joined 
in  construction,  "  you,  who  have  not  the  means  of  ascertaining  the 
facts,  by  reference  to  the  senate's  recorded  proceedings." 

15.   Ut.     "Ever  since."     Twenty-four  days  had  elapsed  since 
Catiline's  departure. 

2(5  1-  Cum  ejiciebam.  "  When  I  was  seeking  to  drive  out."  The 
student  will  note  the  force  of  the  imperfect. — Hujus  verbi  invidiam. 
"  The  odium  attendant  upon  this  word,"  i.  e.  the  odium  into  which 
I  may  fall  with  some,  for  openly  avowing  that  I  wished  "  to  drive 
him  out"  from  Rome. 

2.  Ula.     Understand  invidia,  and  render  the  clause  as  follows  : 
"  Since  that  other  is  the  more  to  bo  dreaded  by  me,  because  he  has 
gone  forth  alive,"  i.  e.  since  I  deserve  more  censure,  I  am  afraid, 
for  not  having  arrested  and  punished  Catiline  on  the  spot. 

3.  Exterminari.    "  To  be  expelled  from  Rome."     More  literally, 
"  from  our  borders."  Compare,  as  regards  the  meaning  of  this  verb, 
Phil.  13,  1  :  "  Hunc  ex  finibus  kumanae  naturae  exterminandum 
puto,"  and  2V.  D.   1,  23  :  "  Protagoras    •    •  •  Atheniensium  ju.isu 
urbe  atque  agro  exterminatus  est." 

4.  At  ego.     The  common  text  has  Atque  ego,  which  we  have 
changed  to  at  ego,  as  required  by  the  sense,  and  as  found  in  one  of 
his  MSS.  by  Graevius.     Ernesti  also  considers  at  ego  preferable, 
though  he  retains  the  common  reading. — Ut  vidi.  "  When  I  saw." 

5.  Quid  agerent,  quid  molirentur.     "  What  they   were  doing, 
what  they  were  planning." 

6.  Rem  ita  comprekenderem.     "  I  might  get  possession  of  the 
whole  affair  so  clearly." 

7.  Ut  comperi.  "  When  I  ascertained." — He  received  his  informa- 
tion from  Fabius  Sanga,  to  whom  the  ambassadors  of  the  Allobroges 
had  communicated   it. — Legates   Allobrogum.     It   appears    from 
Sallust  (Cat.  40)  that  these  ambassadors  had  come  to  Rome  to 
complain  of  the  oppression  and  exactions  of  their  governors,  which 
had  brought  upon  them  a  heavy  burden  of  debt. — As  regards  the 
Allobroges,  consult  Geographical  Index. 

8.  Belli   Transalpini.     "  Of  a  war  beyond  the  Alps,"  i.  e.  in 
Transalpine,  or  Farther  Gaul.     The  country  which  was  afterward 


AGAINST  CATILINE.  197 

Pago. 

the  scene  of  Julius  Caesar's  operations. — Et  tumultus  Gallici.  *>/» 
"  And  also  of  a  Gallic  tumult,"  i.  e.  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  or  Gaul 
lying  to  the  south  of  the  Alps. — -The  Romans  meant  by  tumultus 
any  sudden  and  dangerous  war,  when  the  enemy  were  near  at  hand, 
and  the  safety  of  the  capital  at  stake.  Strictly  speaking,  this 
involved  only  two  cases,  a  war  in  Italy,  or  one  with  the  Gauls,  their 
immediate  neighbours.  Compare  Phil.  8,  1  :  '  Majores  nostri 
tumult um  Italicum,  quod  erat  dotnexlicus,  tumuttum  Gallicum, 
quod  erat  Ittliac  finitimus,  praetcrea  nullum  tumullum  nomina- 
bant  "  A  tumult  was  regarded  as  of  far  more  threatening  character 
than  a  war,  and,  therefore,  when  one  occurred,  no  excuses  from 
serving  were  allowed  to  be  valid. 

•  9.  A  P.  Lentulo.  lie  employed  as  his  agent,  in  sounding  the 
Allobroges,  one  P.  Umbrenus,  before  he  met  them  in  person.  (Sail. 
Cat.  48.) 

10.  Eodemque   itinere.     The   ambassadors   intended   to  return 
home  through  Etmria,  and  of  course  would  meet  with  Catiline,  who 
was  with  Manlius  near  Fesulae.     (in  Cat.  1,  2.) 

11.  Cum  literis  mandatisque.     "  With  letters  and  instructions." 
— Vulturcium.     Sallust  calls  him  P.  Vulturcius,  and  makes  him  to 
have  been  an  inhabitant  of  Crotona.     (Cat.  44.) 

12.  Optabum.     Ernesti  thinks  oplaram  preferable.    But  optabam 
must  be  retained,  as  it  expresses  the  action  going  on  at  the  time 
specified,  "  I  was  accustomed  to  hope." 

13.  L.  Flaccum,  et  C.  Pomtinum.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

14.  Qui   omnia,  &.c.     "Inasmuch    as    they    entertained  every 
noble  and  exalted  sentiment  respecting  their  country."     The  rela- 
tive pronoun  is  joined  to  the  subjunctive  mood,  when  the  relative 
clause  expresses  the  reason,  or  cause,  of  the  action,  state,  or  event. 

15.  Cum   advesperasceret.     "  When  it   was  beginning  to  draw 
towards  evening."     This  is  not  an  impersonal  verb,  but  a  verb  used 
impersonally.    The  nominative,  in  fact,  is  dies,  which  is  understood. 
Compare  Tacitus,  Hist.  2, 49,  3  :  "  Vesperascente  die,  sitim  haustu 
gelidae  aquae  sedavit,"  and  Cornelius  Nepos,  1 6,  2,  5 :  "  Ut,  ves- 
perascente  coelo,  Thebas  possent  pereenire." 

16.  Pontem  Mulvium.     Now  Ponte  Molle,  one  of  the  bridges 
over  the  Tiber,  about  three  miles  from  Rome.     It  was  built  by  M. 
Aemilius  Scaurus,  from  a  conniption  of  whose  no/men  (Aemilius) 
the  appellation  of  Mulvius  is  thought  to  have  originated.     At  this 
bridge  commenced  the  Via  Flaminia,  which  led  from  Rome  to 
Ariminum.     Compare  Aurel.  Viet,  de  Vir.  Til.  c.  72,  and  Amtze- 
nius  ad  loc. 

17    Bipartite.     The  common  text  has  bipartiti  which  is  not  t 
17* 


198  THE    THIRD    OliA'l  IOK 

*lge. 

2g  Latin  word,  although  bipartiri  is  inadvertently  admitted  into  some 
dictionaries. 

2*7  1-  Ex  praefeclura  Keatina.  "  From  the  praefecture  of  Reate.' 
Praefecturae  were  those  cities  and  territories  in  the  Roman  jurisdic- 
tion, which  had  neither  magistrates  nor  laws  of  their  own,  but  were 
governed  by  a  Roman  praetor,  or,  in  his  stead,  by  a  praefectus. 
They  did  not  enjoy  the  rights  either  of  free  towns  or  colonies,  but 
differed  little  from  the  form  of  provinces.  Their  private  rights 
depended  on  the  edicts  of  the  praetor  or  praefect,  and  their  public 
rights  on  the  senate,  who  imposed  on  them  taxes  and  service  in  war 
at  pleasure.  Some  praefecturae,  however,  possessed  greater  privi- 
leges than  others.  Towns  were  commonly  reduced  to  this  form, 
which  had  been  ungrateful  to  the  Romans,  as  for  example  Capua, 
after  the  second  Punic  war. — With  regard  to  Reate,  consult  Geo- 
graphical Index. 

2.  Tertiafere  vigilia  exacfa.     "  Nearly  at  the  close  of  the  third 
watch,"  i.  e.   near  three  o'clock  in  the  morning.     The  Romans 
divided  the  night  into  four  watches  of  three  hours  each,  commencing 
at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening.     The  third  watch,  therefore,  would  be 
from  twelve  to  three. 

3.  Magno  comitatu.      "  With   a    large    retinue."      We   have 
rejected  cum  with  Ernesti  and  others.     Matthiae,  however,  adduces, 
in  its  support,  pro.  Mil.  10,  28.     Compare  Drakenborch,  ad  Liv.  1, 
14,7. 

4.  Interventu.       "  On    the    intervention." — Integris    signis. 
"  With  the  seals  unbroken."     Letters,  among  the  Romans,  were 
tied  round  with  a  string,  the  knot  of  which  was  sealed.     The  seal 
was  generally  a  head  of  the  letter-writer,  or  of  some  one  of  his 
ancestors,  impressed  on  wax  or  chalk.     Hence  the  phrases  for 
"  to  open  a  letter,"  are  incidere  linum,  mnculum  solvere,  epistolam 
tolvere. 

5.  Ipsi.     "The  persons  themselves  composing  it."    i.   e.    the 
retinue,  including  of  course  the  ambassadors  themselves  who  had 
been  thus  escorted. 

6.  Cum  jam  dilucesceret.      "  When  it  was  now  beginning  to  be 
dawn."     Compare  note  15,  page  26,  and  PalaireCs  Latin  Ellipses. 
p.  60,  ed.  Barker. 

7.  Improbissimum  machinatorem.     "  That  most  infamous  con- 
triver."— Cimbrum  Gabinium.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

8.  Lentulus.     He  was  then  praetor,  and  a  man  of  slothful  and 
Vixurious  habits.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

9.  Credo  quod,  litteris  dandis,  &c.     "  I  suppose,  because  he  had 
t>een  up  late  the  previous  night,  contrary  to  his  usual  custom,  for  the 


AGAINST  CATILINE.  199 

Page. 

purpose  of  giving  the  letters,"     i.  e.  for  the  purpose  of  making  out  2*7 
and  delivering  the  despatches."     Literally,  "  in  giving  the  letters." 
By  proximo  node  is  meant  the  night  which  had  just  gone  by,  and 
on  the  morning  after  which  the  arrest  took  place. 

10.  Practer  contuetudinem.       Cicero   speaks,  in    the    seventh 
chapter  of  this  oration,  of  the  somnum  Lentuli,  "  the  drowsiness 
(>f  Lentulus." 

11.  Deferri.     The  common  text  has  referri,  which  is  erroneous. 
There  was  no  formal  reference,  but  the  letters  were  merely  to  be 
laid  before  the  senate.     Their  opinion  respecting  them  would  be 
asked  in  a  subsequent  stage  of  the  proceedings. 

12.  Si  nihil  esset  inxentum.     Understand  in  Hits,  referring  to 
the  letters. — Tantus  twmultus.     "  So  great  alarm." — Negavi    me 
esse  facturum,  &c.     With  facturum  supply  ita.     "  I  declared  that 
I  would  not  act  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  lay,"  &c. ;  i.  e.  I  expressed 
my  firm  determination  of  laying,  &c. 

13.  Quae  erant  ad  me  delata.     "  Which  had  been  communicated 
tome." — Reperta  non  essent.     "Had  not  been  found  in  the  let- 
ters."— Nimiam  diligentiam.     "  That  any  excess  of  vigilance," 
i.  e.  the  blame  of  having  been  over-vigilant. 

14.  Coegi.     The  senate  was  convened  on  this  occasion  in  the 
temple   of  Concord.     (Sail.  Cat.  46.)     This  building  was  situate 
on  the  lower  slope  (in  radicibus)  of  the  Capitoline  hill,  overlooking 
the  forum,  and  was  a  place  of  great  security  from  its  natural  situa- 
tion.    The  Equites,  moreover,  stood  guard  around  it.     This  temple 
of  Concord  had  been  erected  by  the  consul  Opimius,  after  the  death 
of  Caius  Gracchus.     (Plut.  C.  Gracch.  17.) 

15.  Si   quid   telorum   esset.      "  Whatever  weapons  might  be 
there,"  i.  e.  might  be  found  there  on  searching  the  building. 

16.  Fidem  ei  publicam  dedi.     "  I  pledged  unto  him  the  public 
faith  for  his  safety,"  i.  e.  I  assured  him  of  impunity  in  the  name  of 
the  senate  and  the  people. — Ea  quae  sciiet.     "  All  that  he  knew." 

17.  Recreasset.      Gruter  and  some  other  early  editors  prefer 
recepisset,  which  occurs  in  one  of  the  MSS.  of  Muretus.      The 
present  reading,  however,  is  more   forcible.     Reereare  se  is  "  to 
regain  courage,"  recipere  se  merely  "  to  recover  one's  self." 

18.  Momdata  et  litteras.     "  A  verbal  message  and  a  letter." 

1.  Uteretur.     "  Should  avail  himself."     As  regards  the  circum-  OQ 
etance  here  mentioned,  compare  the  language  of  Sallust :  "  Ad  hoc 
mandaia  verbis  dat :    Quum  ab   senatu  hostis  judicatus  sit,  quo 
cmisilio  servitia  repudiet  1  in  urbe  parala  esse  quae  jusserit ;  ne 
cunctetur  ipse  propius  accedere.'"     (Cat.  44.) 

2.  II  auttm.     Supply  facertt. — Omnibus  ex  pariibuf.     Accord- 


~  THE  THIRD  ORATION 

Page. 

28  >ng  to  Sallust,  (Cat.  43,)  the  city  was  to  be  fired  in  twelve  different 
quarters  at  the  same  time.  Plutarch,  however,  states,  that  the 
conspirators  had  divided  Rome  into  a  hundred  parts,  and  selected 
the  same  number  of  men,  to  each  of  whom  was  allotted  his  quarter 
to  be  set  on  fire.  Others  were  to  intercept  the  water  and  lull  ail 
that  went  to  seek  it.  (Vit.  Cic.  c.  18.) 

3.  Praesto  esset  ille.     "  He  might  be  near  at  hand."     Referring 
to  Catiline. — Qui  et  fugientes  exciperet.      "  Both  to  intercept  those 
who  fled,"  i.  e.  from  the  city.     Excipere  is  here  borrowed  from  the 
movements  of  the  chase,  and  is    beautifully   figurative.     Compare 
the  Greek  IxSi^caQai. 

4.  Jusjurandum.     This  was  in  writing,  and  had  the  seals  and 
signatures  of  the  leading  conspirators  annexed.     (Sail.  Cat.  44.) 

5.  L.  Cassia.     Competitor  with   Cicero    for  the  consulship. — 
As  regards  the  proper  names  mentioned  in  this  sentence,  consult 
Historical  Index. 

6.  Pedcstres  sibi  capias,  &c.     "  That  foot-forces  would  not  be 
wanting  to  them,"  i.  e.  that  they  would  be  joined,  when  they  had 
crossed  the  Alps,  by  a  sufficient  number  of  infantry." 

7.  Sibi  confirmasse,  &c.     "  Had  assured  them,  that,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Sibylline  predictions,  and  the  answers  of  the  diviners, 
he  was  that  third  member  of  the  Cornelian  line,  unto  whom  it  was 
fated  for  the  sovereignty  of  this  city  and  the  whole  empire  to  come." 
The  Sibylline   prediction  alluded  to  was  as   follows,  that  "  C  C  C 
would  reign  at  Rome."     These   three  capitals  were  thought   to 
denote  three  Cornelii.     As   regards  the  Sibylline  oracles,  consult 
Historical   Index,  s.  v.  Sibyl. — The  aruspices  examined  the  entrails 
of  the  victims,  and  from  the  appearance  of  these  as  well  as  from  the 
flame,  smoke,  and  other  circumstances,  pretended  to  draw  omens  of 
what  was  to  happen.     Roman  divination  was  of  Etrurian  origin. 

8.  Tertium  ilium  Cornelium.     The  pronoun  ilium  has  here  the 
foice  of  the  Greek  article. — The  full  name  of  Lentulus  was  Publius 
Cornelius  Lentulus  Sura.     By  his  nomen  therefore  he  belonged  to 
the  gens   Cornelia,    the    Cornelian  line,  clan,  or  house. — There 
appears  to  have  been  no  affinity  between  the  different  members  of  a 
Roman  house  or  g-zns.     It  bore  this  latter  name  only  from  its  union. 
The  Cornelii,  as  a  gens,  had  common  religious  rites  ;  but  we   are» 
not,  on  that  account,  to  assume  that  an  original   kindred  existed 
between,  for  example,  the  Scipios  and  the  Syllas.     The  analogy  of 
the  Athenian   constitution  confirms  this  opinion.      Nieluhi ,  Rom. 
Hist.  vol.  1,  p.  270  and  267,  Cambridge  transl. 

9.  Cinnam  ante  se  et  Sullam  fuisse.     Both  Cinna  and   Sylla 
were  Cornelii.      Consult  Historical  Index  and  compare  the  words 


AGAINST  CATILINE.  201 

Page. 

Of  Plutarch,  (  Vit.  Cic.  17,)  cifiappcrovs  clvai  ry  'Pufiri  rpsTs  repMvovt,  J>8 
tav  £io  piv  rilr]  ireir\ripta'civai  TO  xpiw,  Kivvav  re  <cai  S  H'.XX-:vs  rpirw  oi 
\-jnrrp  Kopmi\iro  iKcimp.      Consult  also  Sallust,  (Cat.  47.) 

10.  Fatalem   esse.     "Was    fated."     Compare    Tibullus,  (1,  3, 
63,)    "  Quodsi  fatales  jam  nunc  explemrrvus  annos." — Qui  esset. 
"  Since  it  was."     Compare  note  14,  page  26. 

11.  Post  Virginian  absolutio-nem.     The  names  of  the  two  Ves 
tal  virgins  here  alluded  to  were  Marcia  and  Liciuia.     They  were 
accused  of  having  violated  the  vow  by  which  the  members  of  this 
order  were  bound  to  perpetual  chastity,  which  in  the  case  of  Vestals 
was  called  incestus,  or  unhallowed  intercourse.     The  whole  matter 
is  clearly  set  forth  in  the  following  comment  of  Asconius   on  the 
oration  for  Milo,  (c.  12,  $  32,)  which  Weiske  first  adduced  in  illus- 
tration of  this  passage  :    "  Ob  severitalem  (quam  Cas&ius  injudicio 
ostenderat)  quotempore  Sex.  Perducaeus,  tribunus  plebis,  criminatus 
est  L.  Metellum,  pontificem  maximum,  lotumque  collegium  pontifi- 
cum   male  judicasse  de  incestu  virginum  wstalium,  quod  unam 
modo  Aemiliam  damnaverat,  absolverat  autem  duos,  Marciam  et 
Liciniam,  populus  hunc  Cassium  creavit,  qui  de  eisdem  mrginibus 
quaereret :  isque  et  utrasque  illas    et  praeterea  eomplures   alias, 
mmia,  ut  existimatio  est,  asperitate  usus,  damna-cit." 

12.  Post    Capitolii  autem  incensionem.     The   burning  of  the 
capitol  here  alluded  to,  took  place  A.  U.  C.  670,  in  the  consulship 
of  L.  Scipio  and  C.  Norbamas.      The  building  had  stood  415  years. 
(Sigon.    Fast.  Cons.  p.  438,  ed    Oxon.~)     The   conflagration  was 
owing  to  the  carelessness  of  the  keepers,  and   was   supposed   to 
portend  some  great  evil.     The  Roman  capitol  was  burnt  three 
several  times.     First,  A.  U.  C.  670,  when  it  was  rebuilt  by  Sylla, 
and  dedicated  by  Catulus,  (A.  U.  C.  675.)     A  second  time,  A.  D. 
70,  by  the  soldiers  of  Vitellius,  when  it  was  rebuilt  by  Vespasian ; 
and  a  third  time,  at  the  death  of  the  latter.     It  was  restored  by 
Domitian,  his  son,  with  greater  magnificence  than  ever. 

13.  Saturnalibus.     "  During  the    Saturnalia."     The  Saturnalia 
or  festival  of  Saturn,  was  the  most  celebrated  in  the  Roman  Calen- 
dar.    It  took  place  in  the  month  of  December,  beginning  on  the 

.7th  and  lasting  for  several  days.  At  first  it  was  for  one  day,  after- 
ward for  three,  (which  was  the  case  in  Cicero's  time,)  and  by  the 
order  of  Caligula  for  five  days.  During  its  continuance,  all  orders 
were  devoted  to  mirth  and  feasting,  friends  sent  presents  to  one 
another,  and  the  slaves  were  entertained,  and  even  waited  upon  by 
their  masters.  All  this  was  done  in  commemoration,  and  as  em- 
blematic, of  the  golden  age,  when  men  were  perfectly  equal,  and  no 
slavery  as  yet  existed.  The  license  allowed  at  this  festival  seemed 


202  THJi  THIRD  ORATION 

Page. 

Og  to  the  conspirators  to  afford  a  favourable  opportunity  for  executing 
their  murderous  design. 

14.  Videri.     The  construction  is  here  slightly  changed,  which  is 
not  unusual  in  Cicero.     Compare  Cat.  4,  3.     Some  editions  have 
videretur,  to  which  Ernesti  inclines.     But  the  emendation  is  unne- 
cessary. 

15.  Ne  longum  sit.     "  Not  to  be  tedious." — Tdbellas.     "  The 
letters."     The  term  tabellae  refers  to  the  peculiar  form  and  nature 
of  these  letters,  they  being  written  on  "  tablets"  covered  with  wax. 
Compare  note  4,  page  27. 

16.  Signum.     "His  seal." — Cognovit.     "He  acknowledged  it 
to  be  his." — Nos  linum  incidimus.     "  We  cut  the  string,"   i.  e. 
open  the  letter.     Compare  note  4,  page  27. 

17.  Quae  eorum  legatis  confirmasset.     "  What  he  had  assured 
their  ambassadors  he  would." — Recepissent.     "  Had  taken  upon 
themselves  to  promise." 

18.  Tamen.     We  have  recalled  this  particle  with  Beck,  Boring, 
and  Schiitz,  as  required  by  the  context.     It  is  omitted  by  Emesti. 

19.  Bonorum  ferramentorum  studiosum.     "  Fond  of  good  arms." 
Ferramentiim  is  properly  any  instrument  of  iron,  a  rod,  tool,  &c. 
The  use  of  the  term,  on  this  occasion,  by  Cethegus,  may  have  been 
intended  as  a  species  of  witticism,  paltry  enough  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, for  the  purpose  of  hiding  his  agitation  and  assuming  an  air 
of  composure. 

20.  Recitatis  litteris,  &c.     "  When  the  letter  had  been  read, 
dispirited  and  confounded,  convicted  by  the  force  of  conscience, 
became  all  of  a  sudden  silent." 

21.  Cognovit  signum  et  manum  suam.     "  Acknowledged  his 
seal  and  hand-writing." — Tabellae.      "  His  letter." — Sententiam. 
"  Purport." — Confessus  est.     "  He  confessed  that  it  was  his." 

22.  Cognosceretne   signum  1    "  Whether  he  knew  the  seal  ?"— 
Annuit.     "  He  made  a  sign  with  his  head  in  the  affirmative." — Est 
vero.     "  It  is,  indeed."   Vcro  is  here  equivalent  to  sane  or  profecto. 

23.  Clarissimi  viri.     The  grandfather  of  Lentulus,  here  alluded 
lo,  had  been  princeps  senatus  in  his  day,  and  had  also  received  a 
wound,  while  combating  on  the  side  of  the  patricians  against  the 
followers  of  Caius  Gracchus. 

24.  Unice.     "  Dearly,"  i.  e.  as  the  one  sole  object   of  all   his 
affections. — Etiam  muta.     "  Even  though  mute." 

29  1-  Leguntur,  eadem  ralione,  &c.  "The  letter  itself,  which  was 
addressed  to  the  senate  and  people  of  the  Allobroges,  and  of  the 
same  tenor  with  the  other  two,  is  then  read." 

2.   Ncgatit      "  Declined  the  offer."     Equivalent  to  negavil  se. 


AGAINST    CATUINK.  201) 

Page. 

ugurum  esse  facia  siii  dicendi  potestate. — Surrexit.     All  who  ad-  £*) 
dressed  the  senate  had  to  rise,  unless  they  merely  expressed  their 
assent  to  a  speaker  who  had  preceded  them. 

3.  Quid  sibi  esset  cum  Us.     "  What  he   ever  had  to  do   with 
them.'' — Qui  cum  illi,  &c.  "  And  when  they  had  told  him  briefly  and 
firmly  in  reply." — Per  quern.   Namely,  Umbrenus.  (Sail.  Cat.  40.) 

4.  Nihilne  secum,  &c.     "Whether  he  had  mver  spoken  with 
them   concerning   the    Sibylline   predictions."     Compare   note   7 
page  28. 

5.  Scelere  demens.     "  Deprived  of  all  judgment  by  a  sense  of 
guilt."  Amentia  denotes  the  total  and  continued  absence  of  reason  ; 
dementia  the  want  of  judgment  on  particular  occasions. 

6.  Ita.     "To    such  a  degree." — Ingenium  illud,  &c.     "That 
ability  of  his,  and  that  experience  in  public  speaking  for  which  he 
was  always  distinguished."  Cicero  (Brut.  64)  ranks  Lentulus  among 
the  equals  of  Hortensius  ;  and  on  another  occasion  (Ibid.  66)  says 
of  him  :  "  Neque  multo  secus  P.  Lentulus,  cujus  et  excogitandi  et 
loquendi  tarditatem  tegebat  formae  dignitas,  corporis  motus  plenus 
artis  et  -eenustalis,  vocis  et  suavitas  et  magnitude.    Sic  in  hoc  nihil 
praeter  actionem  fait." 

I.  Propter  vim  sceleris,  &c.  "  From  the  force  of  openly-detected 
guilt."     Manifesti  atque   depre.hensi,  by  hendiadys  for  manifesto 
deprehensi. — Impudentia.     "  That  ef&ontery." 

8.  Vehementissime  pcrlurbatus.     "  Though  very  violently  agita 
ted."     As  if  quamvis  were  expressed  ;  and  hence  the  presence  ot 
lumen,  "  still,"  in  the  succeeding  clause. 

9.  Erant  autem,  &c.     "  Now  it  was  written  without  any  name, 
Out  to  the  following  purport."  The  terms  in  this  letter  do  not  exactly 
agree  with  Sallust  (Cat.  44.)     The  one  in  the  text  probably  is  the 
more  correct  transcript. 

10.  Quern  in  locum  sis  progrcssus.     "  Into  what  a  situation  you 
have  advanced,"  i.  e.  what  a  step  you  have  taken  ;  how  far,  by  going 
to  the  camp  of  Manlius,  you  have  declared  your  real  intentions. 
Sallust,  in  citing  this  same  letter,  has  in  quanta  calamitate  sis,  "  in 
how  dangerous  a  situation  you  are." 

II.  Etiam  infimorum.     "Even  of  the  lowest."     Meaning  the 
slaves.     Sallust  has,  "  auxilium  petas  ab  omnibus,  etiam  ab  infimis. 

12.  Insimulabant.  "  Alleged  against  him."  Donatus  makes 
this  verb  have  the  meaning  of  to  frame  a  charge  against  another, 
whether  it  be  true  or  false.  Thus,  "  Insimulare  est  crimen  ingerere. 
Insimulatio  est  et  falsi  et  veri  criminis  incusatio."  (Ad  Terent. 
Phorm.  2,  3, 12.)  So  also  Festus  :  "  Insimulare,  crimen  in  aliquen 
confingere." 


S04  THE    THIRD    ORATION 

Page. 

29  13.   Cum    ilia,  &c.     "Although   the   following  appeared  to  be 
most  manifest  indications  and  proofs  of  guilt." — Turn  mullo,  &«. 
"  Still  these  seemed  far  more  convincing,  their  changing  colour,  the 
expression  of  their  eyes,  their  look,  their  silence." 

14.  Sic  enim  obstupuerant.     "  For  so  astounded  were  they." — 
Sic  furtim  nonnumquam,  &c.  "They  from  time  to  time  exchanged 
such  stolen  glances  with  each  other,  as  to  appear  no  longer  to  be 
informed  against  by  others,  but  to  be  informing  against  themselves. 

15.  Expositis  atque  editis.    "  Being  unfolded  and  made  known." 
Expositis  is  here  used  for  explicatis.     Compare  Oral.  11:"  Diffi- 
cillimum  cst  formam  exponere  optimi." 

16.  De  summa  republica.     "  For  the  safety  of  the  republic  at 
large."     Summits  is  elegantly  joined  to  nouns  for  the  purpose  of 
denoting  that  on  which  the  whole  thing  indicated  by  the  latter 
depends.     Thus,  summa  respublica  is  the  public  safety  and  every 
thing  on  which  it  depends.     Compare  Cat.  1,  5:  "Summa  salus 
periditatur." 

17.  A  prlncipibiis,     "  Of  the  leading  men."   The  princeps  stena- 
tus  was  always  asked  his  opinion  first,  unless  consuls  elect  were 
present,  who  had  on  such  occasions  the  preference.     After  these 
had  expressed  their  sentiments,  the  consulares,  or  men  of  consular 
rank,  were  asked,  and  after  them  the  other  senators,  according  to  the 
offices  they  had  filled,  or  were  then  filling.     Sometimes,  with  the 
exception  of  the  princeps  senatus,  and  the  consuls  elect,  no  regular 
order  was  observed.     The  principes,  on  the  present  occasion,  were 
they  who  had  the  right  of  expressing  their  opinion  first,  and  who  in 
that  sense  might  be  called  leading  men. 

18.  Accrrimae  ac  fortissimae  sentenliae.  "Opinions  full  of  spirit 
and  firmness." — Sine  ulla  varietate.  "  Without  a  dissenting  voice  " 
Literally,  "without  any  diversity  of  sentiment." 

30  1-   Perscriptum.     "Written  out,"  or  engrossed.     The  decrees 
of  the  senate  were  written,  or,  more  correctly  speaking,  engraved 
on  tablets  of  brass.     So  that  perscriplum  is  here  in  fact  equivalent 
to  acre  incisum. 

2.  MM  gratiae,  &c.     "  Thanks  are  rendered  me  in  the  fullest 
terms." — Quod   eorum   opera,  &c.     "  Because  I   found    in  them 
vigorous  and  faithful  co-operation." 

3.  Viro  forti.     Referring  to  C.  Antonius,  his  colleague  in  the 
consulship,  who  had  been  on  friendly  terms  with  Catiline,  but  was 
drawn  over  by  Cicero  to  the  cause  of  the  republic.     Consult  His- 
torical Index. 

4.  A  suis  et  reipuMicae  consiliis.  "  From  his  own  and  the  coun- 
sels of  the  republic."    Antonius  is  here  praised  for  not  having  aided 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  205 

PaK*- 

las  former  friends,  the  conspirators,  with  his  private  advice,  and  for  QQ 
not  having  imparted  to  them  any  of  the  measures  secretly  taken  by 
his  colleague  and  the  senate  for  the  suppression  of  the  conspiracy. — 
Ernesti  makes  a  difficulty  about  the  meaning  of  reipublicae  consiliis, 
which  we  trust  our  explanation  has  removed. 

5.  Cum  se  practura  abdicasset.     "  After  he  had  abdicated  the 
praetorship."     No  person  at  Rome  could  be  punished  while  holding 
any  office.     This  seems  to  have  arisen  from  the  sacred  character 
imparted,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  to  all  stations  of  magistracy, 
by  the  auspices  having  been  taken,  and  the  pleasure  of  the  gods 
as  it  were  consulted,  before  they  were  conferred.     Hence  the  per 
sons  of  magistrates  were  deemed  sacred,  and  they  could  not  bo 
given  into  custody  until  they  had  laid  down  their  office  and  become 
private  individuals. 

6.  In  custodiam.     Not  to  prison,  but  into  what  was  called  libera 
custodia.     This  was  resorted  to  in  the  case  of  individuals  of  rank 
when  accused  of  any  crime.     They  were  either,  as  in  the  present 
instance,  given  over  to  the  care  of  distinguished  persons,  who  thus 
became  responsible  for  their  appearance  when  it  was  required,  or 
else  were  detained  in  the  dwellings  of  the  magistrates.  Consult  Lip- 
sius,  ad  Tacit.  Ann.  6,   3,  and  compare  Sallust,  Cat.  47.     The 
writer  last  referred  to  gives  us  the  names   of  the  individuals  into 
whose  hands  the  conspirators  were  delivered. 

7.  Procurationem.    "  The  task." — Cassius  and  the  persons  after 
named  had  probably  not  been  then  apprehended. 

8.  Ex  his  colonis.     "  One  of  those  colonists."     The  MSS.  and 
early  editions  read   coloniis   for  colonis.     This  latter,  however,  is 
without  any  doubt  the  true  lection,  and  is  given  as  such  by  Aldus, 
R.  Stephens,  Ernesti,  Schiitz,  and  others.     In  adopting  it,  quas, 
which  follows  after  coloniis,  must  of  course  be  changed  to  quos. 

9.  In  hac  Allobrogum  sollicitatione.     "  In  this  tampering  with 
the  Allobroges." 

10.  Libertinum  hominem.    "  A  freedman."    The  Roman  writers 
use  the  term  libertimis  when  designating  a  freedman  generally,  but 
libertus  when  they  name  the  master  to  whom  he  stands  in  the  rela- 
tion of  a  freedman  :  thus,  libertus  Caesans,  but  ille  erat  libertimis. 

11.  Perductos.     Purposely  used  instead  of  deductos,  to  convey 
the  idea  of  their  being  brought  to  Gabinius  for  corrupt  purposes,  i.  e. 
for  the   ruin   of  the    state.     "  Inest   enim  ve^bo  perducere  notio 
nequitiae,  nam  meretrices  rjerAuci  dicuntur."    (Ernesti  Clav.  Cic.) 

12.  Atque  ea  lenitate,  &c.     "  And  thus,  Romans,   the  senate 
exercised  such  lenity,  as  to  think,  &c.     Atque  is  here  partly  inten- 
sive. 

18 


?06  HE    THIRD    ORATION 

Page 

QQ      13.  Novem  hominum,  &c.     Of  these  five  weie  put  to  death. 

(Sail.  Cat.  55.) — Sanari  -posse.     "  Could  be  brought  back  to  a 

sound  state." 

14.  Supplicatio.    "A  thanksgiving."  This  took  place,  of  course, 
in  all  the  temples.     Couches  were  spread  in  them  for  the  gods,  as 
if  about  to  feast,  and  their  images  were  taken  down  from   their 
pedestals,  and  placed   upon   them  around   the  altars  which  were 
loaded  with  the  richest  dishes.     This  was  called  a  Lcctisternium 
(i.  e.  lecti  sternebantur.)     The  author  of  the  decree  ordaining  a 
supplicatio  in  the  present  instance  was  L.  Cotta.     (Cic.  Phil.  2, 
6.— 14,  8.) 

15.  Togato.     "  Arrayed  in  the  robe  of  peace."     A  supplicatio 
had  never  before  this  been  decreed  except  for  some  success  in  war. 
— The  military  cloak  of  the  Romans  was  the  sagum,  short,  fastened 
in  front  by  a  clasp,  and  of  a  red  colour. 

16.  Hoc  intersit.     "  Will  be  found  to  differ  in  this."     The  use 
of  the  subjunctive  must  be  here  noted,  as  indicative  of  modesty  and 
less  positive  than  the  indicative  would  have  been.     Compare  the 
Greek  form  of  expression,  TOVTO  iiapipoi  av. 

17.  Atque  illud.    Compare  the  language  of  Ernesti,  "  Est  forma 
conciudendi  loci  bene  Latina.  Sic  atque  haec  dicta  sum,  et  similia." 

18.  Factum  atque  transactum  est.    A  form  borrowed  either  from 
the  technicalities  of  the  law,  or  from  the  language  of  the  Roman 
sacred  rites. — Whenever  two  verbs  are  used,  nearly  if  not  precisely 
similar  in  meaning,  they  are,  generally  speaking,  to  be  rendered  as 
one  verb,  with  an   adverb  or  some  other  term  to  strengthen  'the 
meaning.     Thus,  in  the  present  instance,  the  clause  may  be  trans- 
lated, "  was  fully  attended  to." 

19.  Patefactus.     "  Completely  exposed,"  i.  e.  fully  detected. — 
Tamen  magistratu,  &c.    Cicero  commends  the  wise  caution  of  the 
senate  in  not  punishing  an  individual  while  invested  with  an  office 
of  magistracy. 

JJ1  1.  Ut,  quae  religio,  &c.  "  In  order  that  we,  ir»  punishing  Publius 
Lentulus  as  a  mere  private  individual,  might  be  freed  from  that  re- 
ligious scruple,  which,  however,  had  not  prevented  Caius  Marius 
from  putting  to  death  Caius  Glaucia,  concerning  whom  nothing  had 
been  decreed  by  name,  while  actually  invested  with  the  office  of 
praetor." — As  regards  the  historical  allusions  in  this  passage,  consult 
Index.  The  elegant  construction  of  non  fuerat  C.  Mario  quo 
minus  occideret,  &c.,  must  be  noted  by  the  student.  Literally, 
"  had  found  no  existence  unto  C.  Marius,  (i.  e.  in  the  bosom  of  C. 
Marius,)  so  that  he  might  the  less  on  that  account  put  to  death,"  &c. 
2.  Captos  et  comprehensos.  'Arrested  and  hi  custody." — Em* 


AGAINST    CATILINE  20? 

Page. 

timare  debetis.     "  You  ought  to  rest  assured." — His  depulsis,  &c.  Q  I 
''  These  dangers  that  threatened  our  city  being  now  warded  off."        .  » 

3.  Quern  quidem  ego,  &c.  "  When  I  was  endeavouring  to  drive 
that  individual   from  the  city."     Quern,  commencing  a  clause,  is 
here  equivalent  to  Ilium,  referring  to  Catiline. 

4.  Somnum.    "  The  drowsiness."     Equivalent  to  somnolentiam. 
Lentulus,  although  a  man  of  parts,  was  remarkable  for  his  indolent 
and  luxurious  habits.     In  principle  he  was  a  complete  profligate. 
Consult  Historical  Index. 

5.  Nee  L.  Cassii  adipem.     "  Nor  the  lazy  corpulence  of  Lucius 
Cassius."     Adeps  is  literally  "  fat."    It  is  here  equivalent  to  corpus 
obesilate  et  pinguetudine  tardum  et  stolidum,  conveying  the  idea  of 
laziness  and  dulness.     The  English  expression,  "fat-head,"  (if  it 
be  not  from  the  French  fat,)  is  somewhat  analogous. 

6.  Hie.     Referring  to  Catiline. — Sed  tamdiu.     "But  so  long 
only." 

7.  Omnium  aditus  tenebat.     "  He  was  acquainted  with  the  ave- 
nues of  approach  unto  all." — Appellare,  tentare,  &c.     "  He  was 
able,  he  dared,  to  address,  sound,  tamper  with."     Heumann  sus- 
pects audebat  of  being  superfluous  here,  but  it  refers,  in  fact,  to 
what  comes  immediately  after,  "  consilio  neque  lingua  neque  manus 
deer  at." 

8.  Erat  ei  consilmm,  &c.     "  He  had  a  head  well-fitted  for  the 
planning  of  crime,  while  neither  was  a  tongue  nor  a  hand  wanting  to 
it."     Lingua  refers  to  Catiline's  powers  of  persuasion,  manus  to 
his  laborious  perseverance,  and  his  daring  execution  of  what  he  had 
planned. 

9.  Jam  ad  certas  res,  &c.    "  Nay,  too,  he  had  particular  persons 
selected  and  assigned  for  the  accomplishment  of  particular  objects," 
i.  e.  each  one  had  his  distinct  and  allotted  sphere  of  action.     Ccrtos 
homines  in  this  passage  is  commonly  rendered  "  trusty  adherents," 
"  men  on  whom  he  could  rely,"  and  this  is  certainly  more  in  accord- 
ance with  the  general  meaning  of  certus  ;  but  the  presence  of  certas 
res  in  the  same  sentence  seems  naturally  to  call  for  the  meaning  we 
have   given.     Cicero,  besides,  elsewhere  uses  certus  in  the  same 
sense,  i.  e.  for  the  pronoun  quidam.     Thus,  De   Clar.  Or.  c.  16  : 
"  Habet  certos  sui  studiosos,  qui,"  &c.,  and  pro  Marcell.  6  :  "  Inso- 
lenliam  certorum  hominum  extimescere." 

10.  Nihil  crat,   quod,  &c.     "  There  was  nothing  in  which  he 
nimself  did  not  engage,  lend  aid,  watch,  labour."     Occurro  here  has 
the  meaning  of  to  hasten  to  lend  aid,  to  arrive  seasonably  or  in  time, 
»nd  rises  in  signification  above  obeo,  which  is  employed  in  its  primi- 
tive sense,  "  to  come  in  contact  with,"  (ob,  "  against,"  and  ire,)  "  to 


208  THE  THIRD  ORATION 

Page. 

Q 1  engage  in. "  Compare,  as  regards  the  meaning  here  assigned  to 
occurro,  Plant.  Poen.  prol.  43  :  Cic.  Phil.  1,  4,  &c. 

11.  Frigus,  sitim,  &c.     Compare   the  account  which  Sallust 
gives  of  Catiline,  (c.  5,)  "  Corpus  patiens  incdiae,  vigiliae,  algaris, 
supra  quam  cuiquam  credibile  est." 

12.  Tarn  acrem.     "  So  keen,"  i.  e.  so  keen-sighted  in  what  re- 
garded his  own  interests.     Compare  the  explanation  of  Doring, 
"  acrius<  quod  sibi  expediat,  perspicientem." — Tarn  paratum.  "  So 
prepared,"  i.  e.  prepared  to  act  on  every  emergency.     Paratus  is 
often  put,  as  in  the  present  instance,  without  any  thing  expressed 
to  which  it  may  directly  refer.     Compare  Graevius,  ad  loc. 

13.  In  perdilis  rebus.     "  In  a  ruinous  cause."     Literally,  "  in 
the  midst  of  ruined  affairs." — Domesticis  insidiis.    "  Secret  plots," 
i.  c.  plots  at  home,  or  in  the  city,  as  opposed  to  the  camp. 

14.  Non  ille  nobis  Saturnalia,  &c.    "  He  would  have  fixed  upon 
no  festival  of  Saturn  for  us,"  i.  e.  for  our  destruction.     He  would 
not  have  put  off  so  long  the  day  of  execution.     Consult  note  1 3, 
page  28. 

15.  Neque  commisisset,  &c.     "  Nor  have  allowed  his  seal,  his 
letters,  in  a  word,  manifest  proofs  of  his  guilt,  to  be  seized." 

16.  Occurri  atque  obstiti.     "  I  met  and  obstructed."  The  mean- 
ing of  occurri  is  here  also,  as  in  a  previous  passage,  to  arrive  sea- 
sonably, and  in  time  for  action,  but  this  action  is  now  of  an  opposing 
character,  as  is  farther  denoted  by  the  presence  of  obstiti. 

Qty  1.  Nutu  atque  consilio.  "  By  the  very  will  and  design."  Nutus 
is  here  equivalent  to  voluntas,  and  has  a  figurative  reference  to  the 
expression  of  one's  assent  by  nodding  me  head.  Compare  the 
well-known  passage  in  Homer,  (//.  1,  528,  seqq.,)  and  the  verb 
Karavevaou. 

2.  Conjectura  assequi.     "Conjecture."     Literally,  "attain  to 
by  conjecture." — Quod  vix  videtur,  &c.     "  Because  the  direction 
of  affairs  so  important  in  their  character,  seems  scarcely  possible  to 
have  fallen  within  the  range  of  human  wisdom."      By  tantarum 
rerum  gubernatio  he  means  the  piloting  of  the  vessel  of  the  state 
amid  the  dangers  by  which  it  had  just  been  surrounded. 

3.  Ita  praesentes,     "  In  so  manifest  a  way."     So  much  like 
present  deities. — His  temporibus.     "  During  the  present  crisis." 

4.  Nam  ut  ilia  omittam,  &c.     "  For  not  to  dwell  upon  the  fol- 
lowing circumstances."     Cicero   passes  over,  with  only  a  slighi 
mention,  these  manifestations  of  the  will  of  the  gods,  in  order  to  dwell 
with  more  force  on  the  omen  afforded  by  the  erection  of  the  statue. 

5.  Visas  nocturno  tempore,  ccc.     These  were  meteoric  appear- 
ances, connected  probably  with  the  Aurora  Borealis,  and  resembling 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  209 

Page. 

turning  torches. — Ardoremque  coeli.  "  And  the  blazing  of  the  sky. "  JJjj> 
flier  phenomena  here  alluded  to  by  Cicero  displayed  themselves 
during  his  consulship,  and  were  regarded  as  portending  the  con- 
spiracy of  Catiline.  The  orator  makes  mention  of  them  in  his 
poem  de  Consulatu,  a  fragment  of  which  has  come  down  to  us,  (de 
Div.  1,  11):— 

<:  Quid  vero  Phoebi  fax  tnstis  nuntia  belli, 
Quae  magnum  ad  culmen  flammato  ardore  volabat, 
Praecipites  coeli  paries,  obitusque  petisset,"  &c. 
Compare  the  account  of  Dio  Cassius,  (37,  25,)  Aa^iruJ«  avexas  is 

TOV   oiipavov   dird   rcoi/   fv^fiwv  aviioa^ov.      So    also  Julius    Obsequens, 

(c.  122,  p.  205,  seqq.  cd.  Oudend.,)  in  enumerating  the  prodigies 
that  made  their  appearance  at  this  period,  speaks  of  a  "  trabs  ardens 
ab  occasu  ad  coelum  extenta"  which  suits  very  well  one  of  the 
aspects  of  the  Aurora  Borealis.  (Compare  Senec.  Qitaest.  Nat.  7, 
5,  and  Hardouin,  ad  Plin.  H.  N.  2,  26.)  As  regards  the  Aurora 
Borealis  in  ancient  times,  consult  the  work  of  Ideler,  "  Meteorologia 
Vet.  Grace,  ct  Rom.,1'  c.  10,  p.  49  :  "  Aurorae  Borealis  apud  vete- 
~es  vestigia." 

6.  Ut  fulminum  jaclus.     "  Not  to  dwell  upon  the  thunderbolts 
hurled  from  on  high."     Supply  omittam. — The  allusion  is  to  thun- 
der heard  from  a  serene  sky,  which  the  ancients  always  regarded  as 
a  very  special  omen.     Compare  Cic.  de  Div.  1.  c. : — 

"  Aut  cum  terribili  perculsus  fulmine  civis 
Luce  serenanti  mta.Ua,  lumina  linquit." 

So  Dio  Cassius,  (1.  c.)  in  alluding  to  this  same  occasion,  remarks, 
xepavvol  iv  alfipia  roAAoi  ciretrnv,  and  Julius  Obsequens,  (1.  c.)  "  Fill- 
mine  pleraque  decussa.  Serena  Vargunleius  Pompeius  de  coelo 
exanimatus."  Compare  Horace,  Od.  1,  34,  7. 

7.  Ut  terrae  motus.     So  Dio  Cassius  (1.  c.)  remarks,  Kat  1}  yij 
Itr^vpws  iadvdr],  and  Julius  Obsequens  (1.  c.)    "  Terrae  motu  Spole- 
tum  totum  concussum,  et  quaedam  corruerunt. 

8.  Canere.     "  To  foretell ;"  a  term  borrowed  from  the  language 
of  prophecy,  and  deriving  its  meaning  in  the  present  instance  from 
the  early  custom  of  predicting  in  verse. 

9.  Cotta  et  Torquato  consulibus.     Two  years  previously. 

10.  Complures  res.     The  comrmm  tezt  has  turres  in  place  of 
res,  oifc   ids   latter  reading   is  adopted  by  Ernesti,  Schiitz,  and 
others.     Among  the  objects    afterward  enumerated  as  struck  with 
lightning,  towers  are  not  named.     Neither  is  any  mention  made  ol 
them  in  the  verses  of  Cicero,  where  he  describes  the  events  of  his 
consulship.     There  were,  in  fact,  no  towers  in  the  Capitol.     Botti- 
aer  »lso  assents  to  the  propriety  of  Ernesti's  emendation,  (which  ;• 

18* 


210  THE    THIRD    ORATION 

Page. 

32  sanctioned  besides  by  several  MSS.)  in  the  Magazinfur  o/eniliclun 
Schulen  and  Schullehrer,  vol.  2.  p.  2. 
\\.Decoelo.     "  With  lightning." 

12.  Simulacra  deorum,  &c.       Compare  Cic.  1.  c.    "  El  divum 
simulacra  peremit  fulminis  ardor."     Not  only  the  statue  of  Jupi- 
ter, but  the  images  also  of  other  deities  were  struck  on  this  occasion. 
Compare     DlO     Cassius,   xai    dyaX^ara  uAAa  TE,    xal    Aids,   eiri  Kiovoi 

ISpVflCVOV. 

13.  Depulsa  sunt.     "  Were  dislodged  from   their  pedestals." — 
Statuae  veterum  hominum.     Cicero,  in  the  verses  already  alluded 
to,  makes  mention  of  the  statue  of  Natta,  one  of  the  Pinarii,  a 
priest  of  Hercules. 

14.  Legum  aera  liqvefacta.     "  The  brazen  tables  of  the  laws 
were  melted."     The  laws  were  engraven  on  brazen  tablets,  which 
were  kept  in  the  Capitol. 

15.  Quern  inauralum,  &c.     "  A   gilded   image  of  whom   you 
remember  was  in  the  Capitol,  small  of  size,  and  in  the  act  of  being 
suckled,  opening  wide  its  lips  to  receive  the  dugs  of  the  she- wolf." 
This  group  was  thrown  down  from  its  base.     Compare  the  language 
of  Cicero,  1.  c.  : — 

"  Hie  silvestris  erat,  Romani  nominis  altrix, 
Martia,  quae  parvos  Mavortis  semine  natos 
Uberibus  gramdis  vitali  rare  rigabat ; 
Quae  turn  cum  pueris  ftammalo  fulminis  ictu 
Concidit,  atque  avulsa  pedum  vestigia  liquit." 
The  term  inauralum  very  probably  refers  to   a  statue  or  image  ol 
bronae  gilt.     As  regards  the  mode  of  representing  Romulus  and 
Remus,  here  referred  to,  consult  Rasche,  Lex.  Rei.  Num.  (vol.  2. 
p.  1886-90 

16.  Ex  tola  Elruria.     The  Romans  derived  all  their  knowledge 
of  divination  from  Etruria.     This  became,  of  course,  a  very  usefuJ 
engine    of  state   with  the   patricians,   as  it  augmented  the    sub- 
servience of  the  multitude  to   those   who   claimed   the   exclusive 
knowledge  of  the  methods  by  which  the  gods  might  be  propitiated 
Compare  Cic.  de  Div.  1,  41. 

17.  Suo  vumine  prope  fata,  &c.     "  Should   by   their  express 
interposition  almost  bend  the  fates  themselves."     According  to  the 
pagan  creed,  the  decrees  of  fate  were  either  conditional  or  uncondi- 
tional.    The  former  could  be  altered  and  softened  down,*the  latter 
could  not  be  changed,  (Virg.  Aen.  3,  76,)  but  merely   delayed  or 
put  off  for  a  season.     (Aen.  10,  622,  and  7,  315.) 

18.  Ludi.     Public  games  and  scenic  exhibitions  were  the  usual 
modes   of  propitiating  the   gods.     Compare    Livy,  7,  2        "  Lwti 


AGAINST   CATILINE.  211 

Page. 

juoque  scenici  inter  alia  coelestis  irae  placamina.  instituti   dicun-  *5O 
tur." 

19.  Ad  placanditm   deos.     Most  MSS.  have  placandos  for  pla- 
candum,   and    Ernesti  inclines   to   give   it   the   preference.     The 
gerund,  however,  is  well  defended  by  Beck,  and  is  more  direct  than 
the  passive  participle,  or  gerundive,  would  have  been. 

20.  Majus.     "  Larger   than   the   former  one." — Quod  videtis. 
"  Wh  ch  you  now  see  erected." 

21.  Illuslrarentur.     "  Would  be  brought   so  clearly  to  light." — 
Atque  illud,  &c.     "  Now  the  consuls  of  that  year  made  arrange- 
ments to  have  this  statue  placed  in  the  manner  directed."     Locare 
is  "  to  bargain,"  or,  "  make  arrangements,"  to  have  a  thing  done, 
conducerc,    "  to  contract  to  do  a  thing."     The  persons  who  under- 
took any  such  task  or  employment  were  called  redemplcrts.     The 
verbs  suscipere  and  redimere   are  also   employed  in  the  sense  of 
condur.ere,  especially  the  latter. 

1.  Locaverunt.     Some  MSS.  read  collocaverunt,  but  incorrectly.  33 
The  true  lection  was   first   suggested  by   Gruter,  and    adopted  by 
Graevius,  whom  Ernesti  and  others  follow. 

2.  Superioribus   consulitius .      L.    Caesar  and  C.    Figulus. — A 
nobis.     Referring  to  himself  and  C.  Antonius  his  colleague  in  the 
consulship. 

3.  Tarn  aversus  a  vero.     "  So  great  an   enemy  to   the    truth." 
An  expression  borrowed   from  the  custom  of  showing  aversion  by 
turning  away  from  an  object. — Tarn  praeceps.     "  So  inconsiderate." 
Tarn  mente  captus.     "  So  blind."    So  deprived  of  all  mental  vision 

4.  Et  ea.     "  And  that  too."     The  Greek  usage  is  similar  in  <rai 
r  iSru. — A  pcrditis  civibus.     This  is  the  reading  adopted  by  Ernesti. 
Gruter  recommends  per  cites,  which  Graevius  admits  into  the  text. 
Ernesti  is  very  probably  correct  in  suspecting   the   words   et  ea,  a. 
perditis  civibus  of  being  a  mere  gloss,  the  idea  of  which  was  taken 
from  a  nefariis  civibus  towards  the  latter  part  of  the  sentence. 

5.  Illud  vero,  &e.     "  Is  not  the  following  circumstance,  however, 
so  manifest  in  its  character  as  to  seem,"  &c.     The  repetition  of  ut 
in  this  sentence  is  extremely  inelegant,  and   was   never  written  so 
by  Cicero.     Ernesti  makes  the   first  ut   equivalent  in  some  degree 
to  quod,  but  it  is  more  than  probable,  as  Doring  remarks,  that  some 
words  have  fallen  out  between  Tideatur  and  the  second  ut. 

6.  Mane  per  forum,  &c.     This  of  course   was   all  a  matter  of 
previous  arrangements  on  the  part  of  Cicero,  and  intended  to  pro- 
duce an  impression  upon  the  superstitious  feelings  of  the  populace. 
It  appears  to  have  answered  its  end  admirably. 

7.  Eorum  indices.     The  Allobroges  and  Vi..tuieiu= — In  aedcm. 


212  THE  THIRD  ORATION 

••age 

33  Concordiae.     This  temple  stood  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  th« 

forum,  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitoline  hill.     (Donat.  de  Rom.  vet.  lib. 

2,  c.  8,  p.  103.) 

8.  Templis  atque  delubris.     Consult  note  1 1 ,  page  25. — Funestin 
ac  nefarios  ignes.     "  Destructive  and  unhallowed  fires." 

9.  Quibus  ego,  &c.     "  Were  I  to  say  that  it  was  I  who  success 
fully  resisted  them,"  i.  e.  who  defeated  their  attempts. 

10.  Hie,  ille  Jupiter  restitit.     "  Yon  Jupiter,  yon  Jupiter  de- 
feated their  attempts."     Ille  denotes  the   gesture   of  the  orator, 
pointing  to  the  newly-erected  statue.     The  pronoun  ille,  in  the  rest 
of  the  sentence,  is  to  be  rendered  by  the  simple  pronoun  "  he,"  with 
an  emphasis  resting  upon  it. 

11.  Hanc  mentem  voluntatemque  suscepi.     "  Have  I  formed  this 
design  and  wish,"  i.  e.   of  exposing  to  view  the  plans  of  wicked 
men. 

12.  Jam  ve.ro,  &c.     The  true  reading  of  this  passage  is  extremely 
doubtful.     We  have  inserted  suscepta  after  kostibus,  on  the  sugges- 
tion of  Ernesti,  since  otherwise  sollicitatio  will  have  no  verb  to  which 
it  can  be  referred.     With  suscepta  and  crcdita  respectively,  we  must 
supply  nunquam  esset.     The  whole  may  be  rendered  as  follows  : 
"  Still  farther,  too,  that  tampering  with  the  Allobroges  would  never 
have  been  undertaken,  in  the  way  that  it  has,  by  Lentulus,  and  the 
rest  of  our  domestic  foes  ;  a  secret  of  so  much   importance  would 
never  have  been  so  rashly  confided  to  strangers  and  barbarians  ; 
nor  most  assuredly  would  any  letters  have  ever  been  entrusted  to 
their  hands  ;  had  not  all  judgment  been  taken  away  by  the  immortal 
gods  from  this  so  audacious  a  conspiracy." 

13.  Ut  homines  Galli,  &c.     Supply  before  ut  the  words  anne 
putandum  est,   or  something  equivalent.     "  Is  it  to  be  imagined 
that  Gauls,"  &c. — Male  pacata.     "  Hardly  brought  to  subjection." 

14.  Spem  imperil,  &c.     "  The  hope  of  dominion  and  of  the  most 
extensive  aggrandizement." — A  patriciis  hominibus.     Alluding  to 
Lentulus,  Cethegus,  and  others  of  the  conspirators. 

3^  1.  Suis  opibus.  "  To  their  own  interest." — Id  non,  &c.  The 
common  text  has  nonne.  We  have  given  non  with  Graevius,  on 
MSS.  authority. — Dimnitus.  "  By  the  interposition  of  Heaven." 

2  Praesertim  qui  nos,  &c.  "  Especially  since  they  might  have 
overcome  us,  not  by  fighting,  but  by  remaining  silent,"  i.  e.  by 
keeping  the  secret  of  the  conspiracy.  Swperarent  is  here  equivalent 
to  superare  potuissent,  and  the  subjunctive  mood  is  required  by  the 
peculiar  force  of  the  relative,  which  is  here  the  same  as  quum  illL 
The  common  text  has  superare  poluerunt. 

3.  Ad  omnia  pulvinaria.     "  At  all  the  shrines."     Tne  primitive 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  213 

'"      .  Page. 

meaning  of  this  term  is  a  cushion,  or  pillow,  for  a  cov.:ch.  It  is  JJ/J 
then  taken  to  denote  the  couch  itself  ;  and  finally  it  signifies,  from 
the  operation  of  a  peculiar  custom  among  the  Romans,  a  temple  or 
shrine  of  the  gods.  When  a  thanksgiving  was  decreed  by  the 
senate,  what  was  called  a  Lectisternium  took  place,  couches  being 
spread  for  the  gods,  as  if  about  to  feast,  and  their  statues  being 
taken  down  from  their  pedestals  and  placed  upon  these  couches 
around  the  altars,  which  were  loaded  with  'the  richest  dishes. 
Hence  the  meaning  attached  to  pulvinaria  in  the  text.  Compare 
Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  and  Schutz,  Ind.  Lat.  s.  v. 

4.  Celebratote.     Boys  crowned  with  garlands,  virgins,   and  ma- 
trons, moved  in  procession  through  the  streets  singing  hymns  in 
honour  of  the  gods. — Illos  dies.     A  thanksgiving  often,  as  in  the 
present  instance,  lasted  for  several  days. 

5.  Togati,  me  uno  togato,  &c.     "  Wearing  the  toga,  with  me 
alone,  likewise  wearing  it,  for  your  leader  and  commander."     More 
freely,  "  arrayed  in  the  gown  of  peace,  with  me  alone,   similarly 
arrayed,  for  your  leader,"  &c.     Consult  note  15,  page  30. 

6.  L.  Sulla  P.  Sulpicium  oppressit.     "  When  Sylla  had  set  out 
to  join  the  legions  which  he  had  levied  in  Italy  for  the  Mithridatic 
war,  P.  Sulpicius,  a  tribune  of  the  commons,  and  a  violent  partisan 
of  Marius,  strove  to  have   Sylla's  command  abrogated  and  Marius 
appointed  in  his  stead.     Sylla,  in  consequence  of  this,  returned  with 
his  troops  to  Rome,  put  to  death  Sulpicius,  and  drove  Marius  into 
exile.     (Flor.  3,  21.— Veil.  Pat.  2,  18,  19.) 

7.  Custodem  hujus  urbis.     "  The  preserver  of  the  same."     Al- 
luding to  his  victories  over  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones. 

8.  Cn.  Octavius.     Octavius,  a  partisan  of  Sylla's,  when   consul, 
drove  out  Cinna  his  colleague,  because  he  would  not  allow  certain 
laws  to  be  passed.     The  latter,  having  collected  an  armed  force, 
returned  along  with  Marius  to  Rome,  and  the  scenes  of  slaughter 
were  renewed. 

9.  Omnis  hie  locus.     The  forum,  where  the  contending  factions 
had  met  in  conflict,  and  much  blood  had  been  spilt. — Redundavit. 
This  verb  has  here  two  meanings,  one  for  acercis  coporum,  ("  was 
filled,")  and  another  for  sanguine  cimum,  ("flowed.")     Gramma 
rians  call  this  construction  a  zeugma. 

10.  Clarissimis  viris.     Referring  to  Q.  Catulus,  Scaevola,  and 
the  orators  Crassus,  Antonius,  and  C.  Caesar.     Consult  Historical 
Index. 

11.  Quanta  diminutions  cimum.     If  we  may  credit  so  declama- 
tory a  writer  as  Floras,  the  number  slain  on  this  occasion  exceeded 
fpventv  thousand.     (3,  21.  24.) 


214  THE    THIRD    ORATION 

Page. 

JJ^J  12.  M.  Lepidus.  Lepidus  and  his  colleague  Catulus  had  at  first 
a  warm  contest  about  the  interment  of  Sylla,  the  former  endeavour- 
ing to  prevent  his  being  buried  in  the  Campus  Martius.  Afterward, 
plac'.rg  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Marian  faction,  he  strove  to  pro- 
cure the  abolition  of  all  Sylla's  public  acts,  and  was  driven  out  in 
consequence  by  Catulus,  after  the  two  parties  had  come  into  open 
and  violent  collision. 

13.  Atque  illae  dissensiones,  &c.     We  have  adopted,  with  Mat- 
thiae,  the  emendation  proposed  by  Ernesti,  throwing  out  the  words 
etant  hujusmodi  before  Quirites,  where  they  appear  in  the  common 
text,  introducing  a  parenthesis  from  non  illi  to  voluerunt,  and  ma- 
lting atque  illae  tamen  a  repetition  from  the  first  clause.    Tamen,  in 
such  constructions,  after  a  parenthesis,  has  the  force  of  mquam,  or 
igilur.     Consult  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v. 

14.  Pertinerent.     The  subjunctive  is  here  employed  after  the 
relative,  as  stating,  not  an  assertion  of  Cicero's,  but  of  the  individual 
actors  themselves,  as  it  had  come  down  to  his  times.     Hence  quae 
pertinerent  may  be  rendered,  "  which  tended  as  was  alleged."  After 
this  comes  the  declaration  of  the  orator  himself,  based  upon  this 
allegation,  when  the  indicative  is  employed. 

15.  Illi.     "  The  actors  in  those  scenes." — Esse  principes.  "  To 
be  the  leading  men." — Hanc  urbem  conflagrare.     "  That  this  city 
should  be  wrapt  in  flames." — Florere.    "  Should  rule."  This  mean- 
ing is  derived  from  the  intermediate  one  of  excelling,  which  fioreo 
often  has  in  Cicero  and  other  writers. 

16.  Quaesivit.     "Had  in  view." — Ut  non  reconciliations  con- 
cordiae,  &c.    "  That  they  were  terminated,  not  by  the  reconciliation 
which  concord  is  wont  to  bring  with  it,  but  by  the  massacre  of  citi- 
zens," i.  e.  not  by  reconciliation  and  concord,  but  by  the  loss  o 
many  lives. — Cicero's  meaning,  as  it  is  carried  out  in  the  sue 
ceeding  clause,  is  this :  that  the  evil  dissensions  enumerated  by 
him,  though  they  had   in   view  merely  a  change  of  affairs,  were 
nevertheless    only   terminated    after  much    bloodshed ;    whereas 
the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  which  aimed  at   the  total  subversion 
of  the  government,  and  the  destruction  of  all,  had  been  brought 
to  an  end  by  him  without  the  loss  of  any  lives  on  the  part  of  his 
fellow-citizens. 

17.  Nulla,   barbaria.     "No  barbarian  land."     Barlaria  means 
any  territory  inhabited  by  barbarians.     The  Romans  employed  the 
term  in  general  to  denote  any  country  except  Greece  and  Italy. 
Compare  Cic.  de  fin.  2,  25 :  "  A  quo  non  solum  Graecia  et  Italia, 
fed  etiam  cmnis  Barbaria  cornmotas  est." 

18.  0«m  sua  genie.     "  With  its  own  race." 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  215 

V  ,_   ._,„    •,         Pa«e 

19.    Constitute,  fuit.     "•  Was  laid  down." — Soica  urbe.     "  In  Q<J 
case  the  city  were  safe." 

1.  Tantum  civium,  &c.     "  That  only  so  many  citizens  would  JJ5 
survive,  as  many  as  should  remain  after  boundless  massacre."    Lit 
erally,  "as  many  as  should  have  withstood  boundless  massacre." 
Burmann,  ad  Anthol.  Lat.  vol.  2,  p.  180,  suggests  infinita  e  caede 

in  place  of  infinitae  caedi.  In  this  case,  restitisset  would  come  from 
restare,  and  the  literal  meaning  would  be  the  same  with  what  we 
have  first  given,  "  should  remain  after,"  &c.  The  common  reading, 
however,  conveys  the  same  sense,  and  is  better  in  point  of  Latinity. 

2.  Obtre  non  potuisset.     "  Might  not  have  been  able  to  reach." 

3.  Pro.     "  In  return  for." — Rebus.     "  Services." — Tnsigne  ho- 
noris.    "  Mark   of  honour."     As,  for  example,  a  triumph.     Thus, 
a  little  after,    he  remarks,  "  in  animis  vestris  omnes  triumphos 
meos,"  &c. 

4.  Ornamenta  honoris.    "  Badges  of  honour." — Laudis  insignia. 
The  trophies  of  my  renown." 

5.  Nihil  mulum.  "  No  mute  memorial,"  as  for  example  a  statue. 

6.  Nostrae  res  alentur.     "My  actions  will  be  fostered." — Ser- 
monibus.     "  In   your   daily  converse." — Litterarum  monumentis, 
&c.     "They  will  become  identified,  through  lapse  of  time,  with, 
and  will  be  rendered  more  and  more  enduring  by,  your  national 
annals."     Inveterasco  means  literally,  "  to  grow  old  in,"  "  to  gather 
strength    by   age   or   time,"    "  to    become   deeply   rooted,"   &c. 
Compare,  as  regards  the  force  of  monumentis  in  this  passage,  pro 
Scxt.   48  :    "  Haec  monumentis  ann&lium  mandantur,  posteritatt 
propagantur." 

7.  Eandemque   diem,  &c.     "  And   I   feel   convinced,  that  this 
same  day  will  be  perpetuated,"  &c.,  i.  e.  will  ever  be  celebrated  as 
a  festal  day  by  posterity.     We  have  adopted  the  reading  given  by 
Beck  with  the  aid  of  MSS.    The  common  text  is  altogether  errone- 
ous and  unintelligible,  viz.  :  '•'•Eandemque  diem  intelligo,  quam  spero 
aeternam  fore,  et  ad  salutem  urbis,  et  ad  memoriam  consulates 
mei  propagatum."     Even,  however,  in   Beck's  reading  there  is 
something  in  intelligo  that  appears  suspicious,  and  to  stand  in  need 
of  emendation.     But  the  MSS.  afford  no  aid. 

8.  Duos   cives.     Himself  and  Pompey,  who  had  brought  the 
piratical  war  to  a  close,  and  also  conquered  Mithridates. 

9.  Quorum  alter.     Pompey. — Non  terrae,  sed  coeli  regionibus. 
An  oratorical  hyperbole,  by  which  Pompey  is  described  as  having 
carried  the  Roman  arms  to  the  very  limits  of  earth  and  sky,  i.  e.  to 
nave  filled  even  the  distant  horizon  with  the  fame  of  Roman  power. 
Repder,  "  not  by  the  regions  of  earth,  but  by  the  very  horizon  itself 


216  THE   THIRD  ORATION 

Page. 

JJ£j  10.  Est  eadem  forluna  atque  conditio.  The  verb  is  u  (lie  singu- 
lar, as  the  two  nouns  express  merely  different  shades  of  the  same 
idea. — Quae  illorum.  "  As  is  that  of  those." 

11.  Isii.     This  pronoun  does  not  denote  any  contempt  here,  but 
is  used  in  strict  accordance  with  its  primitive  meaning.     Render, 
"  those  commanders  of  yours."     In  the  previous  clause,  illorum  is 
applied  to  them  with  reference  to  their  distant  operations.     Consult 
note  4,  page  1. 

12.  Si  ceteris,  &c.     The  indicative  mood  is  here  employed  as 
denoting  certainty,  and  referring  to  what  has  actually  taken  place. 
By  ceteris  are   meant  the  Roman  commanders  who  have  been 
engaged  in  foreign  wars. 

13.  Mentes.     "  Designs." 

14.  Ab  istis.     The  pronoun  now  denotes  contempt.     "  By  those 
men,"  i.  e.  by  those  poor  wretches. 

15.  In    lonis.     Understand    civibus. — Dignitas.      "  Majesty " 
Referring  to  the  authority  of  the  senate  and  the  power  of  the  laws. 

'  'i.  Se  ipsi  indicabunt.  "  Will  only  be  expflsing  themselves," 
'  e.  will  only  be  turning  informers  against  themselves,  and  exposing 
to  view  their  secret  sentiments.  They  will  be  driven  by  the  force 
of  conscience  to  make  the  same  disclosures,  and  to  act  in  the  same 
way  as  Lentulus  did  before  the  Roman  senate. 

17.  Is  animus,  "  Such  a  determination."  Is  elegantly  used 
for  talis. 

£J(j  !•  Converterit.  We  have  here  given  the  reading  of  Manutius, 
Graevius,  and  Beck,  which  Schiitz  also  adopts.  The  common  text 
has  cvnverterint,  and  for  omnis  and  depulsus  reads  omnes  and 
depulsi,  making  impetus  plural  of  course.  There  is  less  spirit, 
however,  in  this. 

2.  Qua  conditione^  &c.  "  In  what  situation  you  may  wish  those 
to  be  in  future  days,"  &c.,  i.  e.  what  effect  your  action  in  the  premi- 
ses may  have  upon  the  situation  of  those  in  after  days,  who  shall 
stand  forth  as  the  asserters  of  your  freedom,  and  the  defenders  of 
your  lives  and  fortunes. — The  meaning  of  Cicero  is  this  :  that  if  anv 
attack  be  made  upon  him  by  his  private  foes,  for  the  part  he  has 
taken  in  crushing  the  conspiracy,  he  looks  to  the  people  for  their 
prompt  interference  in  his  behalf ;  not  because  he  actually  stands  in 
need  of  this,  since  the  high  honours  thus  far  conferred  upon  him  by 
his  countrymen  will  always  be  a  sufficient  defence  against  such 
opponents,  but  in  order  that  a  bad  effect  may  not  be  produced  upon 
others,  by  his  being  exposed  unaided  to  the  onsets  of  the  wicked,  and 
that  those  who  may  wish,  hereafter,  to  serve  their  country,  may  not  be 
discouraged  from  doing  so  by  seeing  what  has  happened  lo  himsp.'f. 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  217 


^       ^  - 

3.  Ad  vitae  fructum.     "  For  the  enjoyment  of  existence."  —  In 
konore  veslro.     "  Amid  the  honours  in  your  gift." 

4.  Quidquam  altius.     Cicero  had  now  attained  to  the  summit  ot 
a  true  Roman's  ambition,  the  consulship.  He  had  saved  his  country, 
and  a  thanksgiving  had  been  declared  in  his  name,  although  he  was 
arrayed  at  the  time  in  the  robe  of  peace,  or,  in  other  words,  acting 
merely  as  a  civil  magistrate.     The  office  of  dictator  alone  he  had 
not  obtained  and  did  not  desire. 

5.  Ea  quae  gessi  in  consulatu.     "  The  principles  on  which  ) 
acted  during  my  consulship."  —  Privatus.     "  In  rrivate  life." 

6.  Mihi  valeat  ad  gloriain.     "  May  but  advance  my  glory,"  i.  «. 
may  only  redound  the  more  to  my  own  fame,  by  making  my  publw 
services,  if  possible,  more  conspicuous. 

7.  Ut  meminerim,  &c.     "  As  ever  to  be  mindful  of  my  pas> 
actions."  —  Virtute.    "  From  patriotic  motives."    From  the  dictate* 
of  public  virtue.     Compare  Ep.  ad  Fam.  5,  2  :  "  Hujus  ego  temeri 
tail  si  virtute  atque  animo  non  restilissem,  quis  esset  qui  me  nor 
casu  potius  existimaret,  quam  consilio  fortem  fuisse  ?" 

8.  Ilium  Jovem.      "  Yon  Jove."  Pointing  in  the  direction  of  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  in  which  he  had  delivered  his  first  oration 
against  Catiline.  —  Procidebo.     Whatever  the  decree  of  the  senate 
shall  be,  he  will,  as  consul,  see  it  fully  executed,  and  will  place  the 
safety  of  his  fellow-citizens  beyond  the  reach  of  the  wicked,  by 
inflicting  on  the  latter  a  well-merited  punishment. 


FOURTH  ORATION  AGAINST  CATILINE. 


Page 

37  1.  M.  TOLLH  CICERONIS,  &c.  "  Fourth  Oration  of  M.  T 
Cicero  against  L.  Catiline,  delivered  in  the  Senate."  This  oration 
was  pronounced  in  the  course  of  the  debate  concerning  the  punish- 
ment to  be  inflicted  on  the  conspirators.  Silanus  had  proposed  the 
infliction  of  instant  death,  while  Caesar  had  spoken  in  favour  of  the 
more  lenient  sentence  of  perpetual  imprisonment.  Cicero  does 
not  precisely  declare  for  any  particular  punishment,  but  he  shows 
that  his  mind  evidently  inclined  to  the  severest,  by  dwelling  on  the 
enormity  of  the  conspirators'  guilt,  and  aggravating  all  their  crimes 
with  much  acrimony  and  art.  His  sentiments  finally  prevailed ; 
and  the  conspirators  were  strangled  under  his  immediate  superin 
tendence. 


2.  Ora  atque  oculos.     Every  eye  was  fixed  upon  Cicero    in 
anxious  expectation,  to  see  whether  he  would  advocate  the  opinion 
of  Silanus.     The  senate  was  convened,  on  this  occasion,  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Stator. 

3.  Si  id  depulsum  sit.     "  If  that  be  warded  off,"  i.  e.  by  the 
punishment  of  those  in  custody. — De  meo  periculo.     Especially  if 
Cicero  should  have  adopted  the  opinion  of  Silanus. 

4.  Vestra  ergo,  me  voluntas.    "  Your  kind  wishes  in  my  behalf." 
The  generous  interest  you  take  in  my  welfare.     Voluntas  is  here 
used  for  favor,  benevolentia,  or  caritas.     Compare  Cic.  Ep.  ad  Q. 
Fratr  3,  11,  6 :  ad  Fam.  5,  12  :  pro  Lig.  2.  Jin. 

5.  Deponite.     He  is  afraid  lest,  prompted  by  a  wish  to  relieve 
him  from  the  burden  of  public  odium,  for  the  summary  steps  he  may 
have  taken  against  the  accused,  the  senate  pursue  some  course 
prejudicial  to  the  state. 

6.  Hacc  conditio  consulatus.     "  This  condition  of  enjoying  u.o 
consulship." — Omncs  acerbitates.     "Every  bitter  infliction." 

218 


FOURTH    OE»TIO.\    AGAINST    CATIf  INfc.  219 

Page. 

7.  Digmtas  salusque.     "  Dignity  and  safety."     By  dignilas  is  Q1} 
here  meant  that  exercise  of  authority  which  is  worthy  of  a  people 
enjoying  a  regular  form  of  government.     Compare  Cicero's  defini- 
tion, (Dt  Inv.  2,  55,)  "  Dignitas  est  ahcujus  honesta  auctoritas,  et 
cultu,  et  honore,  et  verecundia  dig-no.." 

8.  Non  forum.     He  had  been  in  danger  from  Catiline  even  in 
the  forum. — In  quo  omnis  aequitas  continetur.      In  the  forum  the 
courts  of  law  were  held,  and  justice,  according  to  Cicero,  had  here 
her  abode.    As  regards  the  distinction  between  justitia  and  aequitas, 
it  may  be  remarked,  that  the  latter  is  the  generic  term,  including 
what  we  owe  to  God  and  man.     Cicero  considers  it,  in  its  principle 
or  foundation,  as   tripartita,  divisible  into  three  parts,  (Topica,  c. 
23,)  "  Una  pars  legitima  est,"    "  what  is  founded  in  law ;" — 
"  alt  era  aequitati  convenient,"    "  what  is  consonant  with  equity,  or 
founded  on  our  own  natural  perceptions  of  what  is  right  and  wrong  ;" 
— "  tertia  moris   vetustate  conftrmata,"    "  what  is  founded  in  long 
and  established  usage." 

9.  Non  campus.     Cicero  had  appeared  in  the  Campus  Martius, 
during  the  consular  election,  when  Silanus  and  Murena  were  chosen, 
with  a  coat  of  mail  under  his  robe,  to  guard  against  the  risk  of 
assassination  from  Catiline.     (Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  14.) 

10.  Consularibus  auspicns   consecralus.     At  the   comitia  cen- 
turiata,  the  auspices  were  always  first  taken  before  they  proceeded 
to  the  election  of  the  consuls  and  the  higher  magistrates.     Hence 
the  Campus  Martius  is  said  to  be  "  hallowed"  by  the  "  consular 
auspices"  taken  in  it. 

11.  Summum  auxilium.     "  The  chief  refuge." 

12.  Non  domus,  commune  perfugium.     "  Not  my  own  home, 
a  man's  common    asylum."     According  to  the  principles  of  the 
Roman  law,  it  was  unlawful  to  enter  any  man's  dwelling  for  the 
purpose  of  forcing  him  to  court,  because  his  house   was  esteemed 
his  sanctuary.     But  if  any  one  lurked  at  home  to  elude  a  prosec" 
tion,  he  was  summoned  three  times,  with  an  interval  of  ten  day* 
between  each  summons,  by  the  voice  of  a  herald,  or  by  letters,  or 
by  the  edict  of  the  praetor,  and  if  still  he  did  not  appear,  the  prose- 
cutor was  put  in  possession  of  his  effects.     (Heinecc.  Anliq.  Rom. 
4,  6,  16,  p.  671,  ed.  Haubold.)    As  regards  the  sanctity  of  a  man's 
home,  compare  the  eloquent  language  of  Cicero,  (pro.  Don.  c.  41,) 
"  Quid  est  sanctius,  quid  omni  religione  munitius,  quam  domu» 
uniuscujusque  civium  ?  hie  arae  sunt,  hie  foci,  hie  dei  Penates,  hie 
tacra,   religiones,  caerimoniae  continentur,  hoc  perfugium  est  it* 
lanctum  omnibus,  ut  inde  abripi  neminem  fas  sit." 

13.  Non  lectus.     Alluding  to  the  attempt  made  to  assassinate  him 


220  THE  FOURTH   ORATION 

Page. 

^T"  at  hi8  own  home,  early  in  the  morning,  and  before  he  had  yet  risen 
Compare  Sallust,  Gat.  c  28,  and  Or.  in  Cat.  1,  4. 

14.  Haec  sedes  honoris.     After  these  words  follow  sella  mrulis, 
which,  though  found  in  all  MSS.  are  nevertheless  rejected  with 
great  propriety  by  Ernesti,  as  a  mere  gloss.     Neither  is  it  a  very 
correct  interpretation  itself  of  the  expression  haec  sedes  honoris, 
since  by  this  latter  is  meant  not  so  much  the  curule  chair,  as  the 
place  in  the  senate  where  he  sat  as  consul,  and  which  was  some- 
what elevated  above  the  other  seats. 

15.  Multa  tacui.     Muretus  very  correctly  supposes,   that   this 
prudent  silence,  on  Cicero's  part,  might  be  dictated  by  the  suspi- 
cion, that  many  persons  of  rank,  such  as  Caesar  and  Crassus,  for 
example,  were  implicated  in  the  conspiracy. 

16.  In  vestro  timore.     "  In  the  midst   of  alarm  on  your  part," 
i.  e.  whilst  your  alarm  prevailed.     Lipsius  ( V.  L.  3,  22)  conjec- 
tures,   "  sine  vestro  timore,"  of  which  Heumannus  approves. 

17.  Miserrima.     We  have  given  this,  on  the  authority  of  some 
MSS.,  in  place  of  the  common  reading  miser  a.     The  emendation 
is  approved  of  by  Goerenz,  ad  Cic.  defin.  1,  4. 

18.  Ex  accrbissima  vexalione.     "  From  the  most  cruel  outrages  " 
— Te.mpla  atque  delubra.     Compare  note  1 1 ,  page  36. 

OQ       1.   Quaecunque  fortuna.     "  Whatever  lot." 

2.  Inductus  a  various.     Referring  to  the  Sibylline  books  and  the 
interpretation  of  the  aruspices.     Compare  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  4. 

3.  Fatale.     "  Fated."     The  fated  name  was  Cornelius,  which 
was  the  women  of  Lentulus,  his  full  appellation  being  Publius  Co  - 
nelius  Lentulus  Sura.     Consult  note  7,  page  28. 

4.  Prospicitc  patriae.     "  Provide  for  the  welfare  of  your  coun- 
try." 

5.  Omnes   deos,  &c.     Every  city,  in  ancient  times,   had  its 
peculiar  deity  or  deities,  who  presided  over  it,  and  under  whose 
special  protection  it  was  considered  to  be.     Hence,  when  a  town 
was  besieged,  and  on  the  point  of  being  taken,  the  besiegers  always 
used  to  call  out  (evocare)  in  solemn  form  the  god  or  gods  who  exer- 
cised a  guardianship  over  it,  while  the  besieged,  on  their  part,  in 
order  to  prevent  this,  were  wont  to  chain  the  statue  or  statues  to 
the  pedestal.     (Consult  Macrobius,  Sat.  3,  9.) 

6.  Pro  eo  mihi,   &c.      "  Will  reward  me  according    to    my 
deserts."     In  point  of  Latinity,  ut  would  be  better  here  than  ac, 
and  perhaps  we  ought  to  read  so. 

7.  Si  quid  obtigerit.     "  If  any  thing  adverse  shall  befall  me." 
An  euphemism,  for  si  moriar.      The  preposition  ob  here  denotes 
literally    "  against,"  and  the  strict  meaning  of  the  phrase  is,  "  if 


AGAINST  CATILINE  221 

Page. 

my  thing  shall  happen  against,  or  adverse  to,  my  wishes."     Cora-  3g 
pare    Plautus,  Menacchm.  5,  5,  1,    "  Aedepol  nae  hie  mihi  dies 
pervorsus  atque  adversus  obtigit." — Ernesti  regards  obtigerit,  in  the 
text,  as  of  doubtful  authority,  the  more  usual  form  being  accident. 
But  our  explanation  of  obtigerit  is  a  sufficient  answer  to  the  objec 
tion,  and  besides  all  the  MSS.  give  this  latter  form. 

8.  Neque  cnim,  &c.     Death  can  bring  with  it  no  disgrace  to  n 
brave  man,  since  even  in  death  he  will  find  only  additional  glory. 
Some,  on  the  authority  of   Quintilian,  (6,   3,    109,)  read  grams 
instead  of  turpis,  but  it  is  too  general  an  epithet. 

9.  Neque  im.ma.tura  consulari.     "  Nor  a  premature  one  to  a  man 
who  has  been  gifted  with  the  office  of  consul."     The  consulship 
was  the  highest  of  all  the  offices  in  the  gift  of  the   people,  and 
hence  one,  who  enjoyed  it,  might  be  said  to  descend  to  the  grave 
ripe  in  public  honours. 

10.  Sapienti.     "  To  one  acquainted  with  the  lessons  of  philoso 
phy,"  i.  e.  those  lessons  which  teach  us  to  regard  death  as  the  road 
merely  to  a  better  and  happier  land.     This  idea  is  beautifully  fol-  - 
lowed  out  in  the  first  book  of  the  Tusculan  disputations. 

11.  Ele  ferreus  qui.     "  So  iron-hearted  as,"  i.  e.  with  a  heart  so 
steeled  against  every  gentle  emotion.      Ille  is  here  used  for  talit  or 
ejusmodi,  which  is  more  commonly  the  case  with  the  pronoun  is. 

12.  Fratris.      His   brother   Quintus. — Amantissimi.      "  Most 
affectionate." 

13.  Circumsessum.      The  reference  here   is  to   some   of  the 
Equites,  and  other  friends  of  Cicero,  who  stood  around  his  chair, 
and  in  fact  encompassed  the  whole  senate  both  within  the  temple 
as  well  as  without,    for   the  sake  of  their  personal  safpty  while 
debating  on  the  punishment  of  the  conspirators. 

14.  Exanimata  uxor.     "  My  wife  half  dead  with  terror."     The 
allusion  is  to  Terentia,  whom  he  subsequently  divorced  for  infidelity 
during  his  banishment,  and  who  married  the  historian  Sallust. 

15.  Abjecta   metu  JUia.     "  My   daughter  dismayed   by   fearful 
apprehensions."     Alluding  to  Tullia. 

16.  Purvulus  jilius.     Marcus  Cicero,  then  two  years  old.     He 
was  born  in  the  consulship  of  Cotta  and  Torquatus.     (Ep.  ad. 
Alt.  I,  3.) 

17.  Amplech.     "  To  hold  in  its  arms."     The  term  is  beautifully 
applied  to  the  case  of  a  young  child,  and  is  used  for  the  commoa 
tenere. — Tamquam  obsidem,  &c.     "  As  the  pledge  of  my  consul- 
ship," i.  e.  as  a  pledge,  that  I  will  do  every  thing  in  my  power  for 
preserving  the  public  safety,  if  not  on  my  own,  yet  on  my  son't 
account. 

19* 


22'2  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

38  18.   Gener.     C.  Calpurnius  Piso.     He  had  been  united  to  Tulha 
two  years  before,  and  was  the  first  of  three  husbands  whom  she 
married. 

19.  Moveor  his  rebus  omnibus,  &c.     "  I  am  moved  by  all  these 
things,  but  it  is  to  this  effect  merely,  that  they  whom  I  have  men- 
tioned may  all  be  saved  along  with  you,  even  though   some  act  of 
violence  may  have  crushed  me,"  &c. 

20.  Incumbite.      "  Bend   all  your    energies." — Circumspicite. 
"  Look  around  and  behold." 

21.  Non  Tib.   Gracchus,  &c.     "It   is  no   Tiberius    Gracchus, 
who  has  wished  to  become  a  second  time  tribune  of  the  commons  : 
no  Caius  Gracchus,  who  has  endeavoured  to  excite  the  partisans  of 
his  Agrarian  law  :  no  Lucius   Saturninus,  who  has  slain  a  Caius 
Memmius,  that  is  now  exposed  to  the  risk  of  a  prosecution,  and  to 
the  sentence  which  you  in  your  just  severity  may  inflict." — For  an 
account  of  the  individuals  here  alluded  to  consult  Historical  Index. 

22.  Tenentur  ii.       "  They   are   held   in   custody." — Tenentur 
litterae,  &c.     "  Their  letters,  their  seals,  &c.,  are  in  our  posses- 
sion." 

23.  Sollicitantur  Allobroges,  &c.     "The  Allobroges  are  tam- 
pered with,  our  very  slaves  are  excited  to  insurrection." 

39  1-  Rei  confessi  sunt.     "  The  accused  have  themselves  confess- 
ed."—  Vos  multis,  &.c.     "You  yourselves  have  already  decided 
upon  by  many  expressions  of  opinion."      We  have  adopted  indiciis, 
the  reading  of  Badius,  and  which  is  approved  of  by  Bynkershoek, 
(Obs.  Jur.  Rom.  1,  6,)  and  Vonk,  (Lect.  Lat.  1,  7.)     The  common 
text  has  judiciis,  referring  to  the  "  determinations"  of  the  senate  on 
the  several  occasions  enumerated  immediately  after.     But  Cicero 
had  too  nice  an  ear  to  say  judiciis  judicastis. 

2.  Singularibus  verbis.      "  In  language  singularly  honourable." 
Alluding  to   the  supplicatio  decreed   in  his  name,    "  Quod  urbem 
incendiis,  caede  ewes,  Italian,  hello  liberasset."     (7w  Cat.  3,  6.) 

3.  Mea  virtute   atque   diligentia.     "  By   my  public   spirit  and 
vigilance." 

4.  Deinde  quod  P.  Lcntulum,  &c.     A  very  dangerous  assump- 
tion of  authority  on  the  part  of  the  senate,  and  only  to  be  resorted 
to  in  extreme  cases  like  the  present. 

5.  De  quibus  judicastis.     "  On  whose   cases  you  have  pro- 
nounced an  opinion." 

6.  Togato.     Consult  note  15,  page  30. 

7.  Damnati  esse  videantur.     Compare  Sallust,  ( Cat.  50,)  "Eos 
paulo  antefrequens  senalus  judicarerat  contra  rempublicamfecisse." 

%.   Sed  ego  insfitiii,  &c.      "  I  have  resolved,  however,  Conscrip* 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  223 

Page. 

Fathers,    as  if  the  matter  were  still   untouched,    to   consult    you  JJQ 
in  relation   both  to  the   affair  itself,    what    you    may    determine 
respecting  it,  and  the  punishment  to  be  inflicted,  what  you  may 
think  that  ought  to  be." 

9.  Ilia  praedicam,  quae  sunt  consulis.     "  But  before  I  do  this,  I 
will  state  what  it  is  the  duty  of  a  consul  to  mention."     The  student 
will  observe  the  force  of  prae  in  composition  with  dico. 

10.  Versari.      "  To   be  prevalent." — Et  nova   quaedam,    &c. 
"  And  that  certain  evils,  before  unknown,  were  aroused  and  called 
into  action."     He  alludes  to  the  prevalence  of  disaffection,  and  the 
introduction  of  principles  of  insubordination  hostile  to  the  well-being 
of  the  state. 

11.  Quocumque  vestrae  mentes  inclinant,  &c.     Ernesti  thinks 
that  quocumque  is  here  put  for  quo,  and  that  for  inclinant  we  ought 
to  read  inclinent.     It  is  much  simpler,  however,   to  consider  the 

-  words  quocumque  vestrae,  &c.  as  merely  explanatory  of  quidquid 
est,  and  requiring  of  course  the  indicative  inclinant. 

12.  Statuendum  vobis  ante  noctem  est.     Both  because  no  decree 
of  the  senate  was  legal  if  pronounced  before  sunrise  or  after  sunset, 
(Aid.  Gell.  14,  7,)  and  because    the   risk   was  also  greater  of  a 
forcible  rescue,  or  of  an  escape  of  the  prisoners,  by  night  than  by  day. 

13.  Huic  si  paucos,  &c.     "  If  you  imagine  that  only  a  few  are 
implicated  in  this."     For  other  instances  of  affinis  with  the  dative, 
compare  Or.  pro  Cluent.  45.    "  affinis  turpitudini  ;"  de  Inv.  2, 10, 
"  honestae  rationi  affinis." 

14.  Manavit  non  solum,  &c.     "  It  has  not  only   spread  slowly 
throughout   Italy."     Manavit  beautifully  expresses   the   slow  but 
steady  progress  of  the  conspiracy,  like  a  slowly-rolling  stream. 

15.  Obscure  serpens.     "  Creeping  onward  unperceived." 

16.  Sustenlando  ac  prolatando.     "  By  delay  and  irresolution." 
Literally,  "  by  still  enduring  it,  and  still  putting  off  (the  moment  of 
action.") 

17.  Esse.     "  Are  before  you,"   i.   e.   have  been  proposed. — 
(Jnam  D.  Silani.     "  The  one,  that  of  Decimus  Silanus."      Con- 
sult Historical  Index. 

18.  Qui  haec  delere,  &c.     "  Who  have  endeavoured  to  blot  out 
this  fair  state  of  things  from  existence."     Haec  refers  to  the  Roman 
city  and  state,  and  the  gesture  of  the  orator  corresponds  as  he  points 
slowly  around.     Emesti  is  in  favour  of  conati  sint,  and  Beck  has 
adopted  the  emendation,  but  the  true  reading  is  undoubtedly  conati 
runt,  since  there  was  no  longer  any  doubt  respecting  the  crime 
itself  or  its  intended  perpetrators.     Compare  Heusinger,  praef.  ad 
dr..  de  Off.  p.  53,  seqq. 


224  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

39  19-   C.  Caesaris.     Julius  Caesar. 

20.  Qu,i  mortis  poenam   removet,  &c.     "  Who   puts   aside    the 
punishment  of  death,  but    embraces  all  the   severities  of  remaining 
punishments,"  i.  e.  who  is  against  the  punishment  of  death,  but  in 
favour  of  the  severest  one  that  remains  after  this  is  excluded. 

21.  Pro  sua  dignitate,  &c.     "Consistently  with  his  own  high 
rank,  and  the  importance  of  the  crisis." — Versatur.     "  Insists." 

22.  Alter.     Silanus. — Conati  sunt.     Ernesti  here  again  recom- 
mends conati  sint.      But  consult  note  18. 

40  !•  Hoc  communi  spiritu.     "  This  air  that  we  all  breathe." — 
Recordatur.     "  He  reminds  us." 

2.  Alter  intelligit.     "  The  other  is  clearly  of  opinion."     Julius 
Caesar  maintained,  in  his  remarks  before  the  senate  on  this  occasion, 
that  the  soul  was  mortal,  and  death  an  eternal  sleep  ;  consequently, 
that  loss  of  life  was   a  blessing  rather  than  a  punishment,  since  it 
freed   us  from  all   the  evils   of  existence.     Compare   the  speech 
which  Sallust  assigns    him  in  the   debate   on   this    same  question 
relative  to  the  conspirators. 

3.  Necessit.atem  naturae.     "  As  a  necessary  law  of  nature." 

4.  Sapientes.      By  the   "  wise"  are  here  meant  those   imbued 
with  what  Caesar  regards  as  the  true  principles  of  philosophy  !     The 
Stoics,  especially,  although  they  believed  in  a  future  state,  regarded 
death  as  any  thing  rather   than  a  source  of  terror.    According  to 
them,  a  wise  man   might  justly  and  reasonably  withdraw  from  life 
whenever  he  found  it  expedient ;  not  only  because  life  and  death 
are  among  those  things  which  are  in  their  nature  indifferent,  but 
also  because  life  may  be  less  consistent  with   virtue   than  death. 
Caesar,  who  was  an  Epicurean,  if  he  was  any  thing  at  all,  artfully 
avails  himself  of  the  fact  of  many  of  the  Stoic  sect  having  actually 
put  an  end  to  their  existence,  and  applies  it  to  the  establishment  of 
his  peculiar  doctrine. 

5.  Oppetiverunt.    "  Have  courted  it."    Among  the  "fortes"  may 
be  enumerated  Codrus,  the  Athenian,  the  Roman  Decii,  Curtius,  &c. 

6.  Vincula  vero,  &c.     "  Imprisonment,  however,  and  that  too 
for  life,  was  invented  in  his  opinion  for  the  express  punishment  of 
abandoned  guilt." 

7.  Municipiis.     "  Throughout  the  municipal  towns."     Equiva- 
lent to  in  municipia.     Caesar's  proposition  was,  that  the  conspirators 
who  had  been  arrested  should  be  "  distributed"   throughout  these 
towns,  and  there  confined  for  life.     His  true  object  was  to  save 
their  lives,  and  trust  to  some  future  chance  for  their  pardon. 

8.  Habere  videtur,  &c.    The  use  of  ista  in  this  sentence  shows 
tbe  gesture  of  the  orator,  who  in  making  the  remark  turns  toward* 


AGAINST  CATILINE.  225 

Page. 

Caesar.  *  Thai  proposition  of  yours  seems  to  rarry  with  it  an  ^Q 
unjust  burden,  if  you  wish  to  demand  it  of  them  ;  a  difficulty  if  you 
are  only  inclined  to  ask  it  as  a  favour.  However,  let  a  decree  be 
passed  to  this  effect,  if  such  be  your  pleasure."  Cicero's  meaning 
is  this  :  if  you  exercise  your  power  and  demand  of  the  free  towns, 
that  they  receive  these  prisoners  and  keep  them  in  confinement, 
you  will  be  imposing  an  unjust  burden  upon  them ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  if  you  only  request  it  as  a  favour,  you  may  meet  with  a 
difficulty  in  their  declining  to  accede  to  your  request. 

9.  Ego  enirn  suscipiam,  &c.     "  For  I  will  take  it  upon  myself 
to  see,  that  what  you  wish  shall  be  accomplished,  and  I  will  find,  as 
I  hope,  those  who  will  not  think  it  consistent  with  their  dignity  to 
refuse,"  i.  e.  I  will   find  municipal  towns  that  will  have  no  objec- 
tions, I  trust,  to  receive  them. — With  suscipiam  understand  rem, 
so  that  the  literal  translation  will  be,  "  I  will  undertake  the  affair," 
alluding  to  the  execution  of  the  decree  which  shall  be  passed. 

10.  Ad.ju.ngit.     The  orator  returns  to  Caesar,  and  gives  the  rest 
of  his  opinion.     "  He  is  for  adding  a  heavy  penalty  on  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  municipal  towns." — Eorum.     "  Of  the  criminals." 
Referring  to  the  conspirators. 

11.  Horribiles  custodias  circumdat.     "  He  is  for  throwing  around 
them  a  frightful  imprisonment,  for  decreeing  in  solemn  form  what- 
ever is  worthy  of  the  guilt  of  abandoned  wretches,  in  order  that  no 
one  may  hereafter  be  able,  either  througjj  the  senate  or  people,  to 
mitigate  the  punishment  of  those  whom  he  is  in  favour  of  condem 
ning." 

12.  Eripit  etiam  spem.     "  He  even  deprives  them  of  hope,"  i.  a 
by  making  their  confinement  one  for  life. — Quae  sola  hominum,  &c. 
Compare  the  beautiful  language  of  Tibullus  (2,  6,  25)  •  — 

"  Spes  etiam  valida  solatur  compede  mnctum, 
Crura  sonant  ferro,  scd  canit  inter  opus." 

13.  Bona  praetcrea,  &c.     As  regards  Cicero's  account  of  the 
opinion  held  by  Caesar,  on  this  occasion,  before  the  Roman  senate, 
compare  the  language  of  Sallust,  (Cat.  c.  51,)  "  Sed  ilia  censeo, 
publicandas  eorum  pecunias,  ipsos  in  vinculis  habendos  per  munici- 
pia,  quae  maxime  opibus  talent,  ne  quis  de  his  postea  ad  scnatum. 
referat,  neve  cum  populo  agat"  &c. 

14.  Quam  si  eripuisset.     "  For  had  he  taken  away  this. " — Md. 
:os,  uno  dolore,  &c.     "  He   would  have  ended,  by  a  single  pang 
many  sufferings  of  mind  and  body,  and  all  the  punishments  due  to 
their  crimes."     There  is  some  doubt  as  to  the  true  reading  of  this 
passage.     Ernesti  gives  multas  in  place  of  multos,  making  the  geni- 
tives animi  and  corporis  depend  upon  poenas   understood,  in  the 


226  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

/JQ  sense  of  "  sufferings."  This,  however,  appearu  extremely  harsh. 
The  MSS.  in  general  give  multos,  which  induced  Graevius  to  sug 
gest,  as  an  emendation,  multos,  uno  dolore,  dolores  animi  atque 
corporis,  et,  &c.  This  correction  has  been  received  by  Matthiae, 
Schiitz,  Orellius,  and  others,  but  in  truth  the  juxtaposition  of  dolore 
dolores  sounds  like  any  thing  else  rather  than  Ciceronian  Latinity. 
We  have  adopted,  therefore,  a  middle  course,  and  have  supposed 
dolores  to  be  understood  with  animi  atque  corporis,  as  may  easily 
be  implied  from  multos,  and  the  presence  of  dolore. 

15.  Itaque  ut  aliqua,  &c.     "  Hence,  on  this  account,  that  there 
might  be  some  fear  remaining  for  the  wicked  in  life,  the  men  of 
earlier  times  favoured  the  idea,  that  certain  punishments,  of  a  nature 
calculated  to  produce  this  effect,  were  appointed  for  the  wicked  in 
the  lower  world."     We  have  given  ejusmodi  ("  of  that  kind,")  a 
free  translation,  as  more  directly  explanatory  of  the  meaning  of  the 
orator. — It  is  evident,  from  what  we  see  here,  that  Cicero  himself 
gave  no  credit  to  the  popular  belief  respecting  the  nature  of  the 
punishments  in  another  world.    And  this  is  apparent  also  from  many 
other  parts  of  his  writings.    He  was  a  believer,  however,  in  a  future 
state  ;  and,  without  directly  attacking  the  scepticism  of  Caesar,  he 
here  in  fact  censures  it,  by  expressing  his  opinion,  that  a  belief  in 
the  punishments  of  a  future  world  had  the  advantage  at  least  of 
curbing  in  this  life  the  evil  passions  of  the  wicked.     It  is  this  which 
will  give  us  the  true  connfpion  between  Itaque,  &c.,  and  the  close 
of  the  last  sentence. 

16.  Videlicet.     "  No  doubt."     There  is  a  slight  tinge  of  irony 
in  the  use  of  this  word,  on  the  present  occasion,  but  it  is  an  irony 
directed  against  the  fables  of  the  vulgar  respecting  the  punishments 
of  another  world,  not  against  a  future  state  itself. 

17.  Mea   quid  inter  sit.     "How  my  interests  are  concerned." 
More  freely,  "  on  which  side  my  true  interest  lies,"  i.  e.  as  regards 
the  conflicting  opinions  of  Silanus  and  Caesar. 

18.  Hanc  in  republica  viam.     "  Such  a  career  in  public  affairs." 
— Popularis.     "A' popular  one,"  i.  e.  calculated  to  gain  the  favour 
of  the  people.     There  is  here  a  lurking  sarcasm  against   Caesar's 
love  of  popularity. 

19.  Hoc  auctore  et   cognitore,  &c.    "With  him  as  the  author 
and  supporter  of  this  opinion."     By  auctore  senlent.iae  is  meant 
the   original   proposer   of  a   measure ;    by  cognitor,  one  who  ac- 
knowledges it  to  be  his,  and  exerts  himself  to  defend  and  substan 
tiate  it. 

fcO  Populares  impetus.  "  Any  onsets  of  the  people,"  i.  e.  any  out- 
breakings  of  popular  \iolence,  through  sympathy  for  the  comli  mnrd 


AGA1-VST   CATIMXE.  227 

Page. 

Cicenrs  meaning  is,  that  Caesar's  popularity  will  shield  him  from  /|(j 
this  risk,  and  that  on  this  side  his  true  interest  lies. 

21.  lllam  alteram.     "The   other."     Ille  here  answers  to  oui 
definite  article.     Literally,  "  that  other  one,"  i.  e.   the  opinion  of 
Silamis. 

22.  Nescio  an,  &c.     "  I  know  not  whether  additional  trouble 
will  not  in  that  event  be  incurred  by  me."     Amplius  negotii,  liter- 
ally "more  trouble."     It  is  a  very  rare  thing  for  amplius  to  have 
after  it  a  genitive  case.     A  similar  construction  occurs  in  Cues.  B. 
G.  6,  9  :  "  Amplius  obsidum." — Cicero   apprehends  some  trouble 
on  the  part  of  the  lower  orders  if  the  opinion  of  Silanus  be  adopted, 
but  still  he  is  in  favour  of  it. — As  regards  the  expression  nescio  an, 
(otherwise,  and  more  commonly  written  haud  scio  an,)  it  may  be 
remarked,  that  the  "usus  loquendi"  among  the  Romans  made  it 
equivalent  to  nescio  an  non.     It  is  employed  to  express  a  modest 
degree  of  doubt,  &c.,  and  may  often  be  rendered  by  our  English 
term  "  perhaps."     Ernesti  goes  too  far  when  he  makes  it  equivalent 
to  a  simple  affirmation  (Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  hawl.)     The  more  correct 
doctrine  is  laid  down  by  Scheller  (Praecept.  Styl.  vol.  1,  p.  490.) 

23.  Sed  tamen  meorum  periculonim,  &c.     "  Still,  however,  let 
the  interests  of  the  state  overcome  all  considerations  of  my  own 
individual  danger,"  i.  e.  let  the  welfare  of  the  state  triumph  over 
every  personal  consideration.     The  common  expression  would  be. 
"  attamen  solus  reipuUicae  anteponenda  est  meis  periculis." 

24.  Habemus  enim,  &c.     The  connexion  in  the  train  of  ideas 
is  as  follows  :  Cicero  has  just  been  remarking,  that  considerations 
of  personal  safety,  on  his  part,  must  yield  to  the  public  good.    Now, 
as  his  personal  safety  would  have  been  in  a  great  measure  secured 
by  adopting  the  opinion  of  Caesar,  it  might  be  inferred  by  some, 
although  very  erroneously,  that  he  regarded  Caesar's  opinion  as 
clashing,  hi  some  degree,  with  the  public  welfare.     In  order,  there- 
fore, to  avoid  such  an  inference,  he  immediately  adds,  that  the 
opinion  expressed  by  Caesar,  although  the  public  interests  will  not 
allow  him,  peculiarly  situated  as  he  is,  to  embrace  it,  yet  seems  m 
h  .m  worthy  in  every  way  of  the  high  rank  of  its  author,  and  a  sure 
proof  of  his  sincere  attachment  to  the  state.     The  compliment  is 
very  artfully  turned,  and  shows  great  policy  on  the  part  of  Cicero. 

25.  Ipsius  dignitas.   "  His  own  high  rank." — Amplitude.  "  The 
illustrious  character." — Tamquam  obsidem,  &c.     "  As  a  pledge  of 
his  lasting  attachment  to  the  state." 

1.  Intellectum  est,   (Sec.     "  By  this  has  it  been   rendered  fully  A  I 
apparent,  what  difference  there  is  between  the  insincerity  of  mere 
public  declaimers,  and  a  bosom  truly  attached  to  the  people,  and 


228  THE  FOURTH  ORATJON 

Page 

4  J  consulting  for  their  welfare."  Another  artful  compliment.  Cicero 
remarks,  that  Caesar's  opinion  shows  the  true  friend  of  the  people, 
and  not  the  hollowness  of  the  demagogue,  who  is  merely  seeking 
their  favour  for  his  own  private  ends.  It  will  readily  be  perceived 
that  Cicero's  object  is  to  avoid  irritating  Caesar,  and  thereby  to  pre- 
vent fresh  difficulties.  The  praise  bestowed,  however,  is  of  a  very 
peculiar  character,  since,  to  us  at  least,  a  vein  of  sarcasm  appears  to 
run  beneath,  and  yet  it  is  one  so  artfully  managed  that  Caesar  could 
not  make  it  a  cause  of  offence. 

2.  1st  is.     The  pronoun  here  denotes  contempt. — Populares.    In 
the  wrong  sense  of  the  term. 

3.  Non  neminem.  "  A  certain  person."  He  means  some  senator, 
who,  in  order  not  to  vote  upon  the  capital  punishment  of  Roman 
citizens,  and  from  the  wish  of  becoming  popular  with  the  lower 
orders,  had  absented  himself  from  this  meeting  of  the  senate.     To 
this  one  he  opposes  Caesar,  as  a  true  friend  of  the  people  and  anx- 
ious for  their  welfare  and  the  safety  of  the  state.     The  name  of  the 
senator  in  question  is  unknown  ;  some  make  him  to  have  been  Q. 
Metellus. 

4.  Nudiustertius.     "  The  day  before  yesterday."    A  contraction 
for  nunc  dies  tertius,  (i.  e.  est..) 

6.  Dedil.  "  Consigned,"  i.  e.  was  in  favour  of  consigning ;  voted 
to  that  effect. — Gives  Romanes.  The  conspirators  who  had  been 
arrested. 

6.  Indices.   The  Allobroges  and  Vulturcius. — Affecit.  "  Recom- 
pensed," i.  e.  voted  for  recompensing. 

7.  Jam.     Marking  the  conclusion  to  which  Cicero  fairly  arrives, 
that  one,  who  had  gone  as  far  as  this  particular  senator,  had  already 
expressed  his  opinion,  in  fact,  on  the  merits  of  the  case  at  large, 
and  ought,  therefore,  to  have  been  present,  since  he  gained  nothing 
by  absence. 

8.  Quaesitori  gratulationem.     "  A  vote  of  thanks  to  the  individ- 
ual who  first  instituted  an  inquiry,"  i.  e.  who  first  inquired  into,  and 
ascertained,  the  existence  of  a  conspiracy.     Cicero  uses  the  term 
quaesitor,  here,  in  an  unusual  sense.     It  generally  signifies,  when 
applied  to  a  public   officer,  a  person  appointed   by  the  senate  or 
people  to  preside  at  public  trials  of  a  capital  nature, 

9.  At  vcro,  &c.     "  Caius  Caesar,   however,   plainly  perceives, 
that  the  Sempronian  law  was  enacted  for  the  benefit  of  Roman  citi- 
zens," &c.     Cicero  sets  the  conduct  and  sentiments  of  Caesar,  on 
the  present  occasion,  in  opposition  to  those  of  the  senator  just  men- 
tioned, and,  in  so  doing,  very  artfully  turns  a  part  of  Caesar's  ora- 
tion against  the  speaker  himself.      Caesar  had  laid  great  stress  vipon 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  229 

Page 

Jfte  Porcian  and  Sempronian  laws,  the  latter  of  which  ordered  that  A  1 
no  Roman  citizen  should  be  capitally  punished  without  the  command 
of  the  people,  and  the  former,  that  no  citizen  should  be  put  to  death 
at  all,  but  that  the  alternative  of  exile  should  be  allowed  him.  This 
part  of  Caesar's  speech  becomes  completely  refuted,  if  the  latter 
can  be  made  to  confess,  that  a  public  enemy  is  no  longer  a  citizen, 
and  Cicero,  therefore,  brings  forward  this  proposition  in  so  artful  a 
\vay  that  Caesar  cannot  possibly  contradict  it. 

10.  Ipsum  latorem,  &c.     "  That  the  very  proposer  himself  of  the 
Sempronian  law  rendered  atonement  to  the  state  by  the  order  of  the 
people."     The  meaning  of  Cicero  is  this,  that  even  Caius  Gracchus 
himself,  who  brought  in  the  Sempronian  law,  was  not  allowed  to 
avail  himself  of  the  provisions  of  that  law,  but  suffered  the  punish- 
ment due  to  the  violation  of  public  order,  on  the  ground  of  his  being 
a  public  enemy,  and  that  too  by  an  express  decree  of  the  state.  The 
principal  force  of  the  remark  lies  in  the  expression  jussu  popvli,  the 
people  themselves  having,  according  to  Cicero,  sanctioned  by  thsir 
order,  in  the  case  of  Caius  Gracchus,  the  distinction  drawn  by  him 
between  a  citizen  and  a  public  foe. — All  the  MSS.,  and  all  the  early 
editions,  without  a  single  exception,  read  jussu,  and  so  the  text 
remained  until  Ernesti  thought  fit,  on  mere  conjecture,  to  substitute 
injussu.     His  argument  is,  that  Gracchus,  the  proposer  of  the  Sem- 
pronian law,  was  not  put  to  death  by  the  order  of  the  people,  but 
by  an  act  of  violence  on  the  part  of  the  nobility  headed  by  Scipio 
Nasica.     In  this  remark,  however,  there  is  an  historical  error,  since 
Caius  Gracchus  was  slain  by  the  party  of  the  consul  Opimius,  after 
a  decree  of  the  senate  had  been  passed,  entrusting  the  republic  to 
his  care.     The  only  difficulty  is,  to  ascertain  in  what  way  the  sen- 
tence of  the  senate  may  be  said  to  have  been  ratified  by  the  people, 
or  how  their  assent  was  in  any  form  obtained.     Cicero  appears  to 
have  inferred  this  assent  from  their  not  having  interfered  to  preserve 
the  life  of  Gracchus,  and  perhaps  from  other  circumstances  to  us 
unknown.     At  all  events,  it  is  too  bold  a  proceeding  to  alter  what 
has  thus  far  been  regarded  as  the  established  text,  and  make  it  speak 
a  directly  opposite  meaning.  The  best  editors,  since  Ernesti's  time, 
namely,  Schutz,  Weiske,  Matthiae,  Wetzel,  &c.,  have  rejected  the 
emendation. 

11.  Idem  ipsiim,  &c.     "  The  same  individual  is  of  opinion,  that 
T,ent-ilus  himself,  though  lavish  and  prodigal  in  his  expenditures 
upo  -  the  people,  cannot  be  called  their  true  friend,  when  he  has 
with  so  bitter  cruelty  been  plotting  the  destruction  of  the  Romaa 
people,  the  ruin  of  this  city."     The  reference   in  largitorem  and 
prodisriim  is  to   public  shows,  and  other  entertainments,  given  for 

20 


230  THE    FOURTH    ORATION' 

Page. 

4.  |  the  purpose  of  securing  popularity.     Compare,  as  regards  the  force 

of  prodigus,  the  definition  of  Cicero,  de  Off.  2,  16. 

12    Homo  mitissimus   atque  lenissimus.      "Although  a   very 

mild  and   merciful   man."     Referring   to  Caesar. — Non    dubitat. 

"  He  hesitates  not." 

13.  Et  sancit  in  posterum.     "  And  he  is  in  favour  of  guarding, 
by  an  express  decree,  against   the  time   to   come." — Se  jactare. 
"  To  exert  himself."     More  literally,  "  to  busy  himself."     Equiv- 
alent  here  to   commovere   se.     Consult   Ernesti,  Clav.    Cic.  and 
Schxitz,  Index  Lat.  ad  Cic.  Op.  s.  v. 

14.  In  pernicie  populi  Romani.     "  In  a  matter  that  involves  the 
ruin  of  the  Roman  people." 

15.  Adjungit  etiam,  &c.     Cicero  purposely  lays  great  stress  on 
the  severity  of  Caesar.     The  latter  had  said  that  he  was  in  favour 
of  the   most   rigorous   punishment.     The  consul  understood  him 
well,  and  takes  him  at  his  word.     Caesar  cannot  retract,  and  if  a 
still  more  severe  punishment  can  be  discovered  than  that  already 
thought  of,  the  senate  may  decree  to  that  effect,  and  Caesar  must 
of  course  approve.     Cicero  adroitly  manages  to  draw  this  inference 
from  the  words  of  Caesar,  and  involves  the  latter  in  his  own  subtle- 
ties. 

16.  Quamobrem  sive  hoc,  &c      "Either  then,  if  you   shall  have 
decreed  what  Caesar  recommends,  you  will  have  given  me,  in  him, 
a  companion   for  the   public  assembly,  dear  and  acceptable  to  the 
people,"  i.  e.  you  will  have  adopted  an  opinion,  which  will  find  a 
zealous  and  successful  advocate,  before  the  assembled  people,  in  the 
person  of  the  one  who  proposed  it. 

17.  Atque  obtinebo,  &,c.     "  And  I  will  make  it  appear  to  have 
been  the  far  milder  opinion  of  the  two." 

18.  Ego  enim  de  meo  sensu  judico.     "  For  I  judge  from  my  own 
feelings,"  i.  e.   in  what  I  am  going  to  say,  I  will  give  utterance 
frankly  to  my  real  and  honest  feelings. 

19.  Nam  ita  mihi,  &c.     "  For  so  may  it  be  allowed  me  to  enjoy, 
along  with  you,  the  republic  in  a  state  of  safety,  as   I  am  now, 
because  t  show  more  severity  than  usual  in  the  present  affair,  not 
influenced  by  any  cruelty  of  spirit,  (for  who  is  in  fact  miiuer  than 
myself?)  but  by  apeculiar  feeling  as  it  were  of  humanity  and  pity." 
i.  e.  may  I  never  enjoy,  in  common  with  you,  the  benefits  resulting  fvom 
my  country's  safety,  if  the  eagerness  which  I  display  in  this  affair  pro- 
ceeds from  any  cruel  spirit,  (for  no  one  has  less  of  that  than  myself,) 
but  from  a  feeling  of  humanity  and  pity  towards  my  countrymen. 

20.  Videor  mihi  videre.     "  Methinks  I  see."     The  orator  is  here 
entering  on  the  figure  which  grammarians  call  dialyposis. 


AOAIXST    CATIL1XK.  231 

Page. 

21.  Arcem  omnium  gentium.     "The   capital   of  all  nations."^! 
Arcem  is  here  equivalent  to  caput. — Subito  uno  incendio  eonciden- 
tem.     "  On  a  sudden  sinking  amid  one  universal  conflagration  " 

1.  Sepulta  in  patria.     "  In   my  ruined  country."     Sepulta  is  ^2 
here  equivalent   to   evcrsa  or  vastata. — Miser os  atque  insepultos. 

No  article  of  popular  belief  was  more  strongly  established  in  the 
ancient  world,  than  that  the  soul  wandered  for  a  hundred  years 
around  the  banks  of  the  Styx  or  the  dead  body  itself,  whenever  the 
latter  was  deprived  of  the  rites  of  burial.  Hence  the  peculiarly 
mournful  ideas  attached  to  the  circumstance  of  a  corpse  remaining 
neglected  and  unburied,  and  of  which  Cicero  here  happily  avails 
himself,  in  order  to  heighten  the  effect  of  the  gloomy  picture 
which  he  draws. 

2.  Versatur  mihi  ante   oculos.     "  Is   often   present  before  my 
view." — Et  furor  in  vestra  caede  bacchantis.     "  And  his  wild  fury 
as  he  revels  amid  your  blood." 

3.  Mihi  proposvi.     "  I  have   pictured   to   myself." — Ex  falls. 
"  From  the  Sibylline  predictions." 

4.  Purpuratum  esse,  &c.     "  That  this  Gabinius  here  is  arrayed 
in  purple."     Hanc  refers  to  Gabinius  as  havirg  been  before  them 
on  a  recent  occasion,  not  as  actually  present  at  the  time.     Compare 
Or.  in  Cat.  3,  3,  init. — Gabinius  is  called  pwrpuratus,  as  one  of 
the  titled  attendants  in  the  future  royal  court  of  Lentulus.     Com- 
pare Cic.  Tusc.  Quaest.  1,  43,  Flor.  1,  10,  Liv.  30,  42. 

5.  Vexationem  virginum  Vestalium.     "  The  outrages  offered  to 
the  vestal  virgins." 

6.  Vehementer  misera  ctque  miser anda.     "  In  the  highest  degree 
deplorable  and  worthy  of  compassion." — Ea  perjicere.     "  To  bring 
them  to  pass." 

7.  Praebebo.     We  have  here  given  the  reading  which  Graevius 
adopted  from  some  of  his   MSS.  and  which  Gruter  found  in  three 
of  his.     It  imparts  a  more  sonorous  and  Ciceronian  ending  to  the 
sentence.     The  common  text  has  praebeo. 

8.  De  servis.     We  would  naturally   expect  here  de  servo,  since 
the  singular  scrm  precedes.     But  the   allusion  here  is  to  the  Ro- 
man law,  by  which  it  was  ordained,  that  if  the  master  of  the  house 
or  any  member  of  his  family  were  murdered,  and  the  murderer  not 
discovered,  all  the  slaves  composing  the  household  should  be  put  to 
death.     Hence  we  find  in  Tacitus  (Ann.  14,  43)  no  less  than  400 
in  one  family  punished  on  this  account. 

9.  Mihi  ve.ro,  &c.     What  Cicero  here  justifies,  viz. ,  to  seek  to  les- 
sen the  smart  of  anguish  by  the  sufferings  and  torture  of  him  who  has 
•-•ccasioned  it,  he  would   on   another   occasion,  where   greatness  of 


4AJ.  THK     FOURTH     ORATION 

P«ge. 

42  so"'  was  the  theme,  have   openly   condemned.     Here,  however,  ;t 
suits  his  purpose  to  assert  what  he  has  in  the  text. 

10.  Nocentis.     This  would   appear  at  first  view  to  clash  with  de 
servis.     But  it  in  fact  confirms  that  reading,  since  "  the  guilty  one" 
would  be  sure   of  being  punished,  if  all  the  slaves  composing  the 
household  were  put  to  the  torture. 

11.  Hoc  universum,  &c.     "And   this   common   dwelling-place 
of  the  republic,"  i.  e.  this  city,  the  dwelling-place  of  a  whole  people. 

12.  Qui  id  egerunt  ut  collocarent.     "  Who  have  aimed  at  estab- 
lishing."— Si.     "Even  if." — Misericordes.      Because   no  punish- 
ment is  adequate  to  their  crime,  and  any  infliction  of  it   therefore 
will  only  appear  mercy. 

13.  In  patriae,  &c.     "  In  a  case  that  involves  the  ruin  of  our 
country  and  fellow-citizens." — Fama.     "  The  imputation." 

14.  L.  Caesar.     L.    Julius   Caesar,   who   was   consul  with  C. 
Marcius  Figulus,  A.  U.  C.  689.     He  was  uncle  to  Julius  Caesar. 

15.  Crudelior.     "  Too  cruel." 

16.  Sororis  suae.     Julia,  who  had  married   Lentulus,  after  hav- 
ing been  the  widow  of  M.  Antonius  Creticus.     By  her  first  mar- 
riage she  had  become  the  mother  of  Mark  Antony,  the  triumvir. 
The  punishment  of  her  second  husband,  Lentulus,  was  the  origin, 
according  to  Plutarch,  of  the  enmity  that  prevailed  between  Antony 
and  Cicero.     (Vit.  Anton,  c.  2.) 

17.  Virum.     Lentulus. 

18.  Cum  avum,  &c.     L.    Caesar,  in  his   remarks,  before   the 
senate,  on  the  occasion   alluded  to  by    Cicero,  in   order  to   shield 
himself  from  the  imputation  of  undue  severity   in   voting   for  the 
punishment  of  Lentulus,  had  observed,  that  "  his  own  grandfather" 
was  once  put  to  death  by  order  of  a  Roman  consul,  and  the  son  of 
the  former,  although  sent   to   sue   for   peace,  was  imprisoned   and 
slain.     Caesar  alluded  to  M.  Fulvius  Flaccus,  who  was  his  grand- 
father on  the  mother's  side,  and  who  was  slain  by  order  of  the  con- 
sul Opimius,  together  with  his  son,  during  the  affair  of  Caius  Grac- 
chus.    Consult    Veil.  Paterc.  2,  7,  2,    Vol.  Max.  9,  12,  6.    Plut. 
Vit.  C.  Gracch.  c.  16,  seqq. 

19.  Quorum  quod  simile  factum  ?     "And  yet  what  act  on  their 
part  was  at  all  like  the  conduct  of  these  conspirators'!"     Literally, 
"  Of  whom,  what  act  was  similar?"  i.  e.  what  comparison  will  the 
offence  of  Fulvius  Flaccus  and  his  son  bear  with  that  of  Lentulus 
and  his  colleagues  1 

20.  Initum.     "  Was  formed  by  them."     Referring  to  Flaccus 
and  his  son. 

21.  Largitionis  voluntas,  &c      "Adosireto  gratify  the  people 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  233 

Page. 

by  largesses,  and  a  certain  violence  of  parties,  were  then  preva-  Aft 
lent  in  the  state."  The  allusion  in  largitionis  voluntas  is  to  tho 
•novements  of  the  Gracchi,  in  conciliating  the  favour  of  the  people. 
C.  Gracchus,  for  example,  was  the  author  of  a  lex  frumentaria,  for 
i  distribution  of  corn  among  the  people,  and  he  and  his  elder 
Brother  Tiberius  »were  the  well-known  advocates  of  the  Agrarian 
law.  Consult  Legal  Index. 

22.  Hujus  avus  Lentuli.  Alluding  to  P.  Lentulus,  whose 
image  was  on  the  seal  of  his  grandson,  and  to  whom  Cicero  also 
refers  in  the  third  oration,  (c.  5,)  "  Est  vero,  inquam,  signum 
notum,  imago  am  tui,"  &c.  As  regards  the  occurrence  mentioned 
in  the  text,  compare  the  words  of  Valerius  Maximus,  (5,  3,  2,) 
"  P.  Lentulus,  clarissimus  et  amantissimus  reipublicae  civis,  cum 
tn  Aventino  C.  Gracchi  nefarios  conatus,  et  aciem,  pia  et  fortt 
pugna,  magnis  vulneribus  exceptis,  fugasset,"  &c. 

1.  Ne  quid  de  summa,  &c.     "That  no   portion  of  the  public  ^Q 
safety  might  be  impaired."     Summa  republica  is  here  equivalent  to 
what  is  elsewhere  given  as  summa  reipublicae,  and  this  latter  phrase 

is  the  same  as  "  res  a  qua  solus  universae  reipublicae  pendet." 
Compare  note  16,  page  29.  The  common  text  has  de  summa 
reipublicae  dignitate.  Our  reading  is  that  of  Graevius,  Ernesti, 
Beck  and  Schiitz,  supported  by  good  manuscripts. 

2.  Hie.     "  This  his  descendant." — Attribu.it  nos.     "  Gives  us 
over." 

3.  Veremim  censeo.     "  You  are  afraid,  I  suppose."     The  com- 
mon text  has  vereamini.    Our  reading  is  that  of  Emesti,  who  found 
the  words  vere  enim  censeo  in  one  of  the  MSS.,  from  which  he  con- 
jectured veremini.     This  would  be  rather  feeble  authority,  it  is  true, 
for  the  emendation,  did  not  the  sense  require  the  indicative. 

4.  Aliquid  severius.    The  common  text  has  nimis  aliquid  severe, 
for  which  we  have  adopted  one  of  the  emendations  of  Ernesti. 

5.  Remissione  poenae.     "  By  any  relaxation  of  punishment."— • 
Severitate  animadversionis.     "  By  any  severity  of  infliction.'' 

6.  Quae  exaudio.     Ernesti  remarks,  that  exaudio  is  rarely  em- 
ployed when  speaking  of  rumour  or  mere  report.     Cicero,  however, 
expressly  uses  the  compound  form  on  the  present  occasion  to  impart 
additional  strength  to  the  clause.     It  is  the  same  as  saying,  that  he 
hears  the  reports  alluded  to  so  distinctly  as  to  be  incapable  of  any 
longer  misunderstanding  them. 

7.  Jaciuntur  cnim  voces.     "  Remarks  are  thrown  out."     Some 
editions  have  jactantur,  but  Graevius  altered  this    to  Jaciuntur, 
on  the  authority  of  many  MSS.,  and  as  required  by  the  context. 
Jar.tanlur  would  denote  a  frequent  and  active  circulation  of  rumours, 

20* 


234  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

^3  sueh  as  would  suit  the  enemies,  not  the  friends,  of  Cicero  ;  jaciun- 

tur,  on  the  contrary,  refers  to  what  is  said  by  the  well-disposed  but 

timid. 

8.  Eorum,  qui,  &c.     "  On  the  part  of  those,  who  seem  to  be 
apprehensive  that  I  have  not  a  sufficient  force,"  &c.     After  the 
verbs  metuo,  timeo,  vereor,  ne  is  used  when  we  are  afraid  lest  a  thing 
may  take  place  which  we  do  not  want  to  happen,  and  ut  when  we 
wish  it  to  happen,  but  are  afraid  it  will  not.    Thus,  metuo  ne  facias 
is,  "  I  am  afraid  lest  you  will  do  it,"  but  metuo  ut  facias,  "  I  am 
afraid  you  will  not  do  it."     The  solution  of  this  apparent  anomaly 
is  as  follows  :  metuo  ne  facias  is  the  same  as  metuo  ut  non  facias, 
"  I  am  afraid  in  order  that  you  may  not  do  it,"  i.  e.  I  do  not  wish 
you  to  do  the  thing  in  question,  but  fear  lest  you  will  ;  whereas 
metuo  ut  facias  is  literally,  "  I  am  afraid  in  order  that  you  may  do 
it,"  i.  e.  I  wish  it  done,  but  am  afraid  you  will  not  do  it. 

9.  Et  provisa,  &c.  "  Have  been  both  provided  for,  and  prepared, 
and  fully  settled." — Cum.    "  As  well." — Diligentia.  "  Vigilance." 

10.  Turn  multo  etiam,  &c.     "  As  by  the  still  greater  zeal,  dis- 
played on  the  part  of  the  Roman  people,  for,"  &c. 

11.  Hajus  loci  ac  temph.     The  senate  was  assembled  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Stator. 

12.  Praeter  eos,  qui,  &c.     He  refers  to  those  whom  in  the  10th 
chapter  of  the  second  oration  he  comprehended  in  tne  fourth  class 
of  disaffected  persons,  men  who  are  weighed  down  by  debt,  and 
who  see  but  too  clearly  that  these  debts  will  prove  their  ruin. 

13.  Quavirtute.     "  With  what  courage." — Consenliuntl    "Do 
they  all  unite  V 

14.  Qui  vobis  ita,  &c.     "  Who  yield  to  you  the  precedence  in 
rank  and  counsel,  only  to  vie  with  you  in  love  for  the  republic." 
Consilii  reff  rs  to  the  administration  of  public  affairs. — The  use  of 
summam,  in  this  passage,  in  the  sense  of  superiority,  or  taking  the 
lead,  is  of  very  rare  occurrence.    Hence  Scheller  suspects,  that  per 
haps  auctoritatem  has  been  dropped  from  the  text. 

15.  Ex  multorum    annorum    disst  'sione.     Judges   were   first 
selected  from  the  senate.    In  consequence,  however,  of  the  venality 
of  that  order,  the  right  of  judging  was  taken  from  them  by  the  Sem- 
pronian  law,  and  given  to  the  equites.    It  was  restored  to  the  senate 
by  a  law  of  Sylla's,  and  subsequently,  by  a  law  of  Cotta,  the  praetor, 
in  the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus,  it  was  shared  between 
the  senate,  equites,  and  tribunes  of  the  treasury.     This  latter  ordi- 
nance produced  a  very  powerful  effect,  in  healing  the   differences 
which  the  others  had  caused  between  the  two  orders,  and  Cicero 
exerted  himself  very  zealously  in  completing  the  reconciliation.    On 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  23j 

Pago. 

the  present  occasion,  the  two  orders  appear  once  more  uuiuxi,  and  £Q 
that  too  in  the  best  of  causes,  the  preservation  of  their  country. 
(Consult  Legal  Index,  s.  v.  Lex  Aurdia,  and  also  Hcinecr.  Anllq. 
Rom.  4,  18,  16,  p.  754,  ed.  Haubold.) 

16.  Ad  kujus  ordinis,  &c.     "  To  an  alliance  and  union  with  this 
order."    Alluding  to  the  change  of  feeling  which  had  been  produced 
by  the  Aurelian  law  of  Cotta. 

17.  Haec  causa.    Alluding  to  the  conspiracy. — Conjungit.  "Re 
conciles." 

18.  Conftrmatam.     "  Placed  on  a  sure  basis." — Confirmo  vobis. 
"  I  confidently  declare  to  you." 

1.  Nullum  poslhac  malum,  &c.     Cicero  imagined  that  he  had  ^^ 
placed  the  authority  of  the  senate  on  a  solid  basis,  by  uniting  it  with 

the  equestrian  order,  thus  constituting  what  he  calls  "  optima  res- 
publica,"  and  he  ascribes  the  ruin  of  the  republic  to  that  coalition 
not  being  preserved.  The  cause  of  the  rupture,  which  was  a  very 
speedy  one,  was  the  senate's  refusing  to  release  the  equites  from  a 
disadvantageous  contract  concerning  the  Asiatic  revenues.  (Cic. 
ep.  ad  Alt.  1,  17.) 

2.  Tribunes   aerarios.     These    were    of  Plebeian    origin,  and 
through  them  the  pay  passed  to  the  army,  (pro  Plane.  8.)  Compare 
Varro,  L.  L.  4,  (5,   180,  sp.)  "  Tribuni  quoque  quibus  attributa. 
erat  pecunia,  ut  militi  redderent,  Tribuni  aerarii  dicti." 

3.  Scnbas  item  universos.     "  And  likewise  the  whole  body  of 
scribes."     Among  the  Romans  there  were  two  kinds  of  scribes, 
private  and  public  :  the  former  were  the  slaves  of  private  individuals ; 
the  latter  were  free,  but  of  plebeian  rank,  and  generally  freedmen. 
These  last  were  divided  into  decuriae,  and  received  pay  from  the 
public  treasury.     They  were  distributed  by  lot  among  the  different 
magistrates,  and  hence  were  called,  consulares,  praetorii,  aedilitii, 
quaestorii,  &c. 

4.  Cum  casu  haec  dies,  &c.     "  When  this  day  had,  by  chance, 
assembled   them  in  great  numbers,"  i.  e.  at  the  public   treasury. 
Frequentare  is  here  employed  in  an  unusual  sense,  for  frequenteg 
convocare.     Compare  pro  Dom.  c.  33. — The  scribes  were  assem- 
bled on  this  day,  the  nones  of  December,  or  5th  of  the  month,  at 
the  public  treasury,  to  divide  among  themselves,  by  lot,  the  offices 
of  the  ensuing  year,  that  is,  to  determine  who  should  be  secretaries 
to  the  consuls,  who  to  the  praetors,  &c.     This  was  done  annually. 
"While  thus  employed,  they  saw  the  prisoners  led  by  to  the  senate- 
house,  and  immediately,  abandoning  all  their  private  concerns,  they 
came  and  made  an  offer  of  their  assistance,  for  securing  the  public 
safety. 


'J36  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

^.^      5.  Ab  exspectatione  sortis.     "  From  all  expectation  of  the  office* 
to  be  allotted  to  them."     Consult  preceding  note. 

6.  Ornnis  ingenuorum,  &c.     "  The    whole   body  of    frceborn 
citizens  is  here,  even  those  of  the  humblest  degree."     By  ingcnui 
the  Romans  meant  those  who  were  bom  of  parents  that  had  always 
been  free.     Such  at  least  seems  to  have  been  the  case  originally. 
In  the  Institutes  of  Justinian,  however,  the  strictness  of  the  ancient 
rule  on  this  subject  is  very  considerably  modified  :  "  Ingenuas  est 
is,  qui,  stadm  ut  natus  est,  liber  est ;  sive  ex  duobus  ingenuis 
matrimonio  editus  est,  sive  ex  libertinis  duobus,  siee    ex    allero 
libertine,  et  altero  ing-enuo.    Sed  et  si  quis  ex  matre  nasciiur  li'/cra, 
patre  vero  servo,  ingenuus  nihilominus  nasciiur :  quemadmodum 
qui   ex  matre   libera  et  incerto  patre  natus   est,  quoniam  vulgo 
conceptus  est.     Sttfficit  autem  liberam  fuisse  matrcm  eo  tempore 
quo  nasciiur,  licet  ancilla  conceperit,"  &c.     (Inst.  1,  tit.  4.) 

7.  Libertinorum  hominum,  &.c.     The  Romans  distinguished  be- 
tween the  terms  libertus  and  libertinus  as  follows  :  when  referring 
to  the  patron  or  former  master,  they  used  libertus,  thus,  libertus 
Caesaris,  "  Caesar's  freedman,"  libertus  Ciceronis,  &.c.,  but  when 
they  meant  to  designate  a  freedman  generally,  they  employed  liber- 
tinus, as  libertinus  erat,  "  he  was  a  freedman,"  liber tinum  vidi,  &c. 
Compare  the  remarks  of  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.,  and  Taylor,  Ele- 
ments of  the  Civil  Law,  p.  430. 

8.  Qui  virtute  sua,  &c.     "  Who,  having  by  their  merit  attained 
to  the  condition  which  the  right  of  citizenship  bestows."    By  virtute 
is  meant  their  fidelity  and  attachment  to  their  masters.     There  is 
great  variation  here  in  the  MSS.     We  have  adopted  the  reading 
of  Gruter,  Graevius,  and  Ernesti.     Muretus  prefers,  "  qui  fortuna 
sua  hujus  civitatis  )us   consecuti,"  which  is  supported  by  some 
MSS.    Lambinus  gives,  "qui  sua  virtute  ac  fortuna  hujus  cimtatis 
jus  consecuti." 

9.  Quidam.    Referring  not  only  to  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  and  their 
colleagues,  but  to  other  and  more  secret  partisans  of  the  conspiracy, 
whose  names  he  could  mention  if  he  felt  inclined. — Quidam  differs 
from  aliquis,  by  implying  that  the  object  designated  is  definitely 
known,  though  indefinitely  described.     This  indefinite  description 
is   sometimes  resorted   to   for  the   purposes   of  oblique   sarcasm 
(Zumpt.  L.  G.  p.  247  ) 

10.  Quid  commemorem.     "  Why   need  I  mention,"  i.  e.  why 
waste  time  in  speaking  of. — Matthiae,  Weiske,  Schutz,  &c.,  read 
eommemoro,  on  the  authority  of  some  MSS. 

11.  Qui  modo  tolerabili,  &c.     "  Provided  he  enjoy  only  a  tolera- 
ble condition  of  servitude."     Cicero  means,  that  no  slave,  who»« 


AGAINST     CATILINE.  237 

Page. 

hurden  of  servitude  is  in  any  way  tolerable,  will  feel  inclined   to  A-t 
abandon  his  present  state,  and  obtain  freedom  under  the  auspices  of 
Catiline,  since  universal  ruin  must  result  from  the  success  of  his 
daring  schemes. 

12.  Voluntatis.     The  choice  of  words  here   is  extremely  appro- 
priate.    It  belongs  not  to  slaves  to  intermeddle  in  the  affairs  of 
citizens  ;   they  can,  therefore,  only  indulge  in  good-will  (coluntatis) 
for  the  preservation  of  the  state.     And  they  dare  not  even  indulge 
in  this  feeling,  without  bearing  in  mind,  at  the  same  time,  their  real 
condition,  (quantum  audet,)  for  they  well  know  how  little  they  can 
effect  by  their  own  unaided  resources,  (quantum  potest.) 

13.  Forte  commoret.  "  Happens  to  alarm." — Lcnonem  quendam 
"  That  a  certain  worthless  tool." 

14.  Concursare,  &c.     "  Is  running  around  among  the  shops  of 
the  artisans."     Compare  Sallust,  Cat.  c.  50  :  "  Libcrti  et  pauci  ex 
clicntibus  Lentuli,  diversis  itineribus,  opifices  et  sercitia  in  vicis  ad 
cum  eripiendum  sollicitabant,"  &c. 

*  15.  Nulli  sunt  inventi,  &c.  Appian,  on  the  contrary,  states, 
*hat  the  slaves  and  freedmen  of  Lentulus  and  Cethegus,  having 
been  joined  by  a  large  number  of  working-people,  (^Etpori^vas  m>\- 
XoOj  xpoaXa06vTts,)  endeavoured  to  break  into  the  houses  of  the 
praetors,  by  the  rear,  and  rescue  their  masters  who  were  confined 
within.  The  moment  Cicero  was  informed  of  this,  he  hastened 
from  the  senate-house,  stationed  guards  in  different  quarters  of  the 
city,  where  any  attack  was  to  be  apprehended,  and  then  returned  to 
the  senate  and  expedited  the  debate.  (Appian,  B.  C.  2, 5.) 

IP  Ipsum  ilium,  &c.  "  That  same  spot  where  his  seat  is  fixed, 
and  his  labours  are  performed,  and  his  daily  bread  is  earned." — 
Cubile  ac  lectulum  suum.  "  His  dormitory  and  humble  couch." 
Cubile  is  here  equivalent  to  cubiculum  dormitorium. 

17.  Cursum  hunc,  &c.     "  The  peaceful  life  which  he  at  present 
leads."     More  literally,  "  this  his  peaceful  course  of  life." 

18.  Omne  eorum  instrumentum,  &c.     "  Every  thing  with  which 
they  pursue   their  daily  employment,  all   their   industry  and  daily 
gains,  are   supported  by  a  crowded  population,  are  fostered   by   a 
state  of  public  repose."     For  sustinetur  some  editions  have  susten 
tatur,  which  amounts  to  the  same  thing. 

19.  Occlusis  tabernis.     "  When  their  shops  are  closed."     The 
shops  at  Rome  were  closed  during  times  of  public  confusion  and 
alarm,  and  also  of  public  sorrow,  by  an  edict  of  the  consul.     Con- 
sult Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  Taberna. 

1.   Quid  tandem,  &c.     "What  then  will  be  the  result  when  they  ^5 
•re  burnt?"      If  Catiline  succeed,  the  whole  city  will  be  wrapped 


238  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

A  5  in  flames,  and  the  shops  of  the  artisans,  even  though  they  lavoui 
his  cause,  will  share  the  common  ruin.  Some  MSS.  and  editions 
have  futurum  fuit.  Ernesti  prefers  futurum  esset,  but  retains  futu- 
rum  est.  Beck  thinks  that  Cicero  wrote  merely  futurum,  and 
hence  he  encloses  est  in  brackets.  The  form  futurum  cst  3 
undoubtedly  preferable,  and  is  used  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening 
what  is  said,  as  if  the  fire  were  now  actually  about  to  be  applied. 

2.  Consulem.    Meaning  himself. — Atque  ex  media,  &c.  Alluding 
in  particular  to  the  attempt  made  to  assassinate  him  at  his  own 
house. 

3.  Mente,  voluntate,  &c.     "  In  sentiment,  in  inclination,  in  zeal, 
in  courage,  in  open  declarations  of  attachment." 

4.  Vobis  supplex,  &c.     To  produce  a  stronger  impression  on  the 
minds  of  his  hearers,  the  orator  has  recourse  to  a  most  beautiful  and 
striking  personification. 

5.  Aras  Penatium.     The  Lares  were   the  ordinary  household 
deities,  the  Penates  were  gods  of  a  higher  class.     The  latter  were 
of  two  kinds,  public  and  private  ;  but  in  fact  the  same  deities,  that 
is,  the  same  gods,  were  worshipped  as  Penates  by  both   an  entire 
city,  with  public  honours,  and  by  the  individual  families  in  that  city, 
with  private  or   domestic   offerings.     The   Lares  were  worshipped 
in  the  atrium,  or  hall,  the  Penates  in  an  inner  part  of  the  dwelling, 
called  impluvium,  and,  for  the  most  part,  open  to  the  upper  air. 

6.  Ilium  ignem,  &c.     A  sacred  fire  was  always  kept  burning  in 
the  temple  of  Vesta,  and  it  was  one  of  the  offices  of  the  Vestal 
virgins  to  watch  this  fire  day  and  night.     Whoever  allowed  it  to  go 
out  was  scourged  by  the  Pontifex  Maximus.     This  accident  was 
always  esteemed  unlucky,  and  expiated  by  offering   extraordinary 
sacrifices.     The  fire  was  lighted  up  again,  not  from  another  fire, 
but  from  the  rays  of  the  sun.     Consult  Lipsius,  "  De  Vesta  et  Ves- 
tatibus  Syntagma,"  c.  8,  seqq. 

7.  Sempiternum.     Many  MSS.  have  merely  this  word,  omitting 
perpetuum  ac  which  precede,  and   Lambinus  and   Graevius  have 
adopted  the  reading.     But  perpetuus  and  sempiternus  are  not  here 
synonymous.     Ignis  perpetuus  denotes  a  fire  that  is  fed  by  a  con- 
stant succession  of  fresh  fuel ;  whereas  by  ignis  sempiternus  is 
meant'  one  which  is   to  be  continued  to  future  ages.     We  may 
therefore  render  the  two  epithets  in  question  by  "  ever-burning  and 
ever-abiding." 

8.  Defocis.     By  focus  is  here  meant  the  domestic  hearth,  that  is, 
the  hearth  in  the  atrium,  or  place  where  the  family  generally  assem- 
bled, and  around  which  stood  the  images  of  the  Lares.      When 
focus  and  ara  are  joined  in  the  same  sentence,  as  in  the  phrase, 


AGAINST    CATILINE.  239 

Page 

•  pro  ans  et  facts  pugnare,"  then  ara  denotes  the  al:ar  ol  the  Pen-  Aft 
ales,  while  focus  still  refers  to  the  Lares. 

9.  Ducem.     Referring  to  himself. 

10.  Quae  non  semper,  &c.     "  A  privilege   that  is  not  always 
afforded."  Compare  the  explanation  of  Heumannus,  "  cujus  generis 
ducem  non  semper  habere  contingit." 

11.  In  civili  causa.     "In  a  case  of  a  public  nature,"    i.e.  in 
which  all  citizens  are  more  or  less  concerned. 

12.  Auctas  exaggeratasque.     "  Increased,  aye,  and  even  heaped 
up." 

13.  Una  nox.     That  of  the  Saturnalia.     Compare  chapter  4  of 
the  3d  oration. — Paene  delerit.     Cicero  uses  delerit  not  delevisset, 
because  if  he  had  employed  the  direct  form  of  expression,  what  the 
grammarians  call  the  oratio  directa,  he  would  have  said  delevit,  not 
dclevcrat. 

14.  Esse  princeps.     "  To  be  the  first  heard,"  i.  e.  to  take  the 
lead. — OJficio  consulari.     It  being  the  duty  of  a  consul  to  watch 
over  the  public  safety,  and  to  be  the  first  to  give  the  alarm  when  that 
safety  is  threatened. 

15.  Ego  video.      "  I   am   well  aware." — Quim    videtis,  &c. 
"  Which  you  see  in  fact  is  very  great." 

16.  Turpem.     "Base."     Alluding  to  their  flagitious  course  of 
life. 

17.  Quod  si  aliquando.     The  grammarians  lay  it  dovvn  as  a  rule, 
that  the  syllables  ali  should  never  follow  the  word  si.     The  reason 
of  the  rule  they  do  not  give  us.     It  appears,  however,  to  be  a  good 
one,  with   this   exception  added  to  it,  that   whenever   emphasis  is 
required  we  are  to  write  si  aliquid,  for   example,  but  to  adhere  to 
the  main  rule  on  other  occasions. 

18.  Concitata.     "  Aroused  into  action." — Ista.     Denoting  con- 
tempt.— Plus  value rit,  quam.     "  Shall  triumph  over." 

'1.   Vitae  tantam  laudetn.     "  So  glorious  an  existence."  Afi 

2.  Semper.     Gruter  thinks  that  this  word  ought  to  be  rejected, 
and   Graevius   actually  omits   it.     Ernesti,  however,   successfully 
defends  its  presence  in  the  text,  by   showing  that  it  stands  opposed 
to  uni. 

3.  Gestae.     Gruter  recommends  gesta  and  conservata  repubaca, 
which  Graevius   adopts.     But  the  ablative,  as  Ernesti  correctly 
remarks,  would  only  be  proper  here,  if  Cicero  were  expressing  his 
own  sentiments.     He  avoids  this  species  of  vain-boasting,  and  uses 
the  genitive,  as  conveying  merely   the  sentiments   of  the  senate, 
respecting  the  result  alluded  to,  not  his  own. 

4.  Scipio.     The  elder  Africanus,  who  defeated  Hannibal  in  the 


240  THE    FOURTH    ORATION 

Page. 

4g  battle  of  Zama. — Atque  ex  Italia  decedere.     Hannibal  had  main 

tained  a  footing  in  Italy  for  nearly  sixteen  years.     The  invasion  01 

Africa  by  Scipio  compelled  him  to  return  home. 

5.  Alter  Africanus.     The  younger  Scipio,  or  Africanus  Minor. 
He  was  the  son   of  Paullus  Aemilius,  and  was  adopted  into   the 
Scipio  family  by  the  son  of  the  elder  Africanus. 

6.  L.  Paullus.     Referring  to   Paullus  Aemilius,   who  reduced 
Macedonia  to  a  Roman  province,  after  having  conquered  Perscs 
the  last  king  of  that  country,  in  the  battle  of  Pydna. 

7.  Cujus  currum,  &c.     An  account  of  this  triumph  is  given  b) 
Livy,  45,  35,  seqq. 

8.  Bis  Italiam,  &c.     By  his  two  victories,  one  over  the  Teu 
tones  and  Ambrones,  at  Aquae  Sextiae  in  Gallia  Narbonensis,  and 
the  other  over  the  Cimbri,  at  the  Raudii  Campi,  in  Cisalpine  Gaul. 
Consult  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  12,  Flor.  3,  3. 

9.  Pompeius.     The  exploits  of  Pompey  are  enlarged  upon  in  the 
Oration  for  the  Manilian  Law. 

10.  lisdctn  quibus  solis,  &c.     Equivalent  to  "per  totum  teria- 
rum  orbem  celebrantur" 

11.  Ahquidloci.     "  Some  room." 

12.  Quo  victores  revertantur.     In  illustration  of  what  is  here  said 
we  may   cite   the  remark   of  Cicero,  in  the   treatise  de   OJficiis, 
(1,  22,)     "  Mihi  quidem  Pompeius  hoc  tribuit,  ut  diceret,  fustra  se 
triumphum  tertium  deportaturum  fuisse,  nisi  meo  in  rempublicam 
beneficio,  ubi  triumphant,  esset  habiturus." 

13.  Una  loco.      "  In   one  respect." — Externae.     "  In  foreign 
lands." — Domesticae.     "  At  home." 

14.  Aut  oppressi  serviunt,  &c.     "Either  have  been  completely 
crushed  and  are  become  slaves,  or  have  been  admitted  to  favourable 
terms  of  surrender,  and  consider  themselves  bound   to  us  by  the 
Kindness  thus  conferred." 

15.  Tantam  conspirationem  bonorum  omnium.     "  So  great  una- 
nimity on  the  part  of  all  good  men."  Conspiratio  is  used  by  Cicero 
in  both  a  good  and  a  bad  sense.     In  the  former  meaning,  it  occurs, 
besides  the  present  instance.  Ep.  ad  Fam.  12,  15  :  de  Of.  2, 18: 
de  Fin.  1,  20  :  in  the  latter,  Ep.  ad  Fam.  11,  11  :  "  Seder atissi- 
ma  conspiratio." 

16.  Pro  impcrio,  &c.     Alluding  to  the  province  of  Macedonia, 
to  the  government  of  which  he  was  entitled  on  the  expiration  of  his 
consulship,  but  which  he  had  surrendered  to  his  colleague  Antonius, 
in  order  to  keep  him  firm  in  his  attachment  to  the  state.     Compare 
Sallust,  Cat.  c.  26.     Cisalpine  Gaul  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  Anto- 
oius,  but  Macedonia  was  by  far  the  richer  province  of  the  two. 


AGAINST  CATILINE.  241 

Page. 

Cicero  afterward  laid  down    the  government  of   Cisalpine  Gam,  Aft 
which  he  had  thus  received  in  exchange,  and  Q.  Metellus  Celer, 
at  that  time  praetor,  was  chosen  in  his  place.     (.Ep.  ad  Fam.  15, 
4.— Or.  in  Pis.  11.) 

1.  Pro  exercitu.    The  army  which  he  would  have  commanded  in  ^."J 
the  province  of  Macedonia. 

2.  Pro  provincia,  &c.     Alluding,  not  to  Cisalpine  Gaul,  as  Ma- 
nutius  remarks,  but  to  Macedonia. 

3.  Pro  triumpho.     He  means  the  public  chances  of  a  triumph 
for  operations  abroad. 

4.  Pro  clientelis,  &e.     "  In  return  for  the  numerous   c'ientships 
and  connexions  of  friendship  which  I  might  have   formed  in  my 
province,  and  which,  notwithstanding,  I  here  support  with  no  less 
labour,  by  means  of  those  resources  which  the  city  affords  me." 
To  prove  the  value  of  the  sacrifice,  he  confesses  how  eager  he  is  to 
establish  clientships  and  connexions  of  friendship  at  home,  by  every 
means  which  his  standing  and  influence  in  the  city  enable  him  to 
employ. 

5.  Pro  meis  in  vos  singularilws  studiis.     "  In  return  for  my 
conspicuous  proofs  of  zeal  in  your  behalf." 

6.  Quae  dum  erit  infixa.     "  For  as  long  as  it  shall  be  firmly 
fixed." — Firmissimo  muro.  "  By  one  of  the  strongest  of  ramparts." 

7.  Fefellerit  atque  superaverit.     "  Shall  have  disappointed  and 
triumphed  over." — Pareum  meumfilium.     His  son  Marcus. 

8.  Cui  profecto,  &c.   "  Who  will  find  in  you  assuredly  sufficient 
aid,  not  only  as  regards  his  personal  safety,  but  also  his  future  ad- 
vancement, if  you  shall  bear  in  mind  that  he  is  the  son  of  that  man, 
who  preserved  from  ruin,  at  his  own  individual  risk,  all  these  things 
by  which  you  are  now  surrounded." 

9.  De  summa  salute  vestra.     "  In  a  case  that  concerns  your 
very  existence."     Literally,  "  your  highest  safety." 

10.  De  aris  ac  focis.     "That  concerns  your  homes."     Ernesti 
correctly  remarks,  that,  in  the  expression  arae  ac  foci,  both  terms 
have  a  united  reference  to  private  dwellings,  the  ara  referring  to  the 
altar  of  the  Penates,  and  the  focus  to  the  hearth  of  the  Lares,  in 
each  dwelling.     Our  English  phrase,  "  altars  and  homes,"  is  alto- 
gether inapplicable,  in  the  sense  that  we  attach  to  it,  by  "  altars" 
being  meant  public  places  of  worship. — Compare  Ernesti,   Clav 
Cic.  s.  v.  ara. 

1 1.  Universa  republica.     "  Your  country  at  large." 

12.  Diligenter,  ut  instituistis,  &c.     "  Promptly  and  firmly,  as 
you  have  already  begun  to  do."     The  expression  ut  instituisti* 
refers  as  well  to  the  prompt7iess  and  energy  displayed  bv  Silanus 

21 


242  FOURTH    ORATION    AGAINST    CATILINE 

Page. 

£J  and  other  senators  in  the  course  of  the  present  debate,  as  to  ttiu 
opinions  of  certain  members  of  that  body  during  their  deliberations 
at  the  previous  meeting.  Compare  Or.  in  Ca-t.  3,  6  :  "  Dictac 
sunt  a.  principibus  acerrimae  ac  forti/tsiniae  sententiae,"  &c. 

13.  Per  se  ipsum  praestare.  "  Take  on  himself  and  execute." 
Quoad  is  introduced  before  possit  in  some  MSS.,  and  Gracvius  and 
Ernesti  both  approve  of  it,  on  the  ground  of  its  being  more  modest 
than  the  ordinary  reading,  and  displaying  more  of  the  "  concinnitas 
Ciceroniana."  Both  reasons  are  weak.  The  language  of  Cicero, 
as  we  have  given  it,  shows  the  firm  resolve  and  conviction  of  an 
undaunted  and  patriotic  mind,  sure  of  accomplishing  its  object,  and 
encouraging  others  by  this  very  appearance  of  decision.  And  as 
for  the  "  concinnitas  Ciceroniana,'"  it  may  be  merely  remarked,  that 
there  is  no  direct  relation  whatever  between  quoad  vivet  and  quoad 
possit,  the  connexion  is  between  dubitet  and  possit. 


NOTWITHSTANDING  the  strenuous  efforts  of  Cicero,  in  this  oration, 
*o  have  prompt  and  vigorous  measures  taken  against  the  conspirators 
who  were  in  custody,  a  large  majority  of  the  senators,  and  among  them 
Cicero's  own  brother,  Quintus,  were  disposed  to  side  with  Caesar,  prob- 
ably from  the  fear,  lest  severe  measures  might  prove  injurious  after- 
ward to  Cicero  himself.  At  last,  Lutatius  Catulus,  Caesar's  inveterate 
foe,  and  Cato,  who  was  then  tribune  of  the  commons  elect,  interposed 
Iheir  efforts.  The  eloquence  of  the  latter  proved  triumphant,  and  the 
course  he  recommended  was  almost  unanimously  adopted.  (Consult 
Plutarch,  Vit.  Cic.  c.  20,  seq. — Id.  Vit.  Caes.  c.  7,  seq.—Id.  Vit.  Cat 
Afi».  c.  22. — Suet.  Caes.  14. — Appian.  B.  C.  2,  5,  teqq.) 


ORATION  FOR  THE  POET  ARCHIAS. 


Page. 

1.  M.  TULLII  CICERONIS,  &c.     "  Oration  of  M.  Tullius  Cicero  AQ 
in  defence  of  the  poet  Archias." — This  is  one  of  the  Orations  of 
Cicero  on  which  he  has  succeeded  in  bestowing  the  finest  polish, 
and  it  is  perhaps  the  most  pleasing  of  all  his  harangues. 

Archias,  a  native  of  Antioch,  came  to  Rome  when  about  eighteen 
or  twenty  years  of  age.  He  was  rewarded,  for  his  learning  and 
genius,  with  the  friendship  of  the  first  men  in  the  state  ;  and,  under 
the  patronage  of  Lucullus,  with  whom  he  travelled,  he  obtained  the 
rights  of  citizenship  at  Heraclea,  a  confederate  and  enfranchised 
town  of  Lucania.  He  assumed  upon  this,  as  was  customary,  his 
patron's  family-name  of  Licinius.  A  few  years  afterward,  a  law 
was  enacted,  conferring  the  rights  of  Roman  citizens  on  all  who 
had  been  admitted  to  the  .freedom  of  federate  states,  provided  they 
had  a  settlement  in  Italy  at  the  time  when  the  law  was  passed,  and 
had  asserted  the  privilege,  before  the  praetor,  within  sixty  days  from 
the  period  at  which  it  was  promulgated.  With  this  form  Archias 
complied,  and  for  more  than  twenty  years  his  claims  were  never 
called  in  question. 

At  length,  a  certain  individual,  named  Gratius,  accused  him  of 
not  having  any  just  title  to  the  character  of  a  Roman  citizen,  and 
attempted  to  drive  him  from  the  city,  under  the  enactment  expelling 
all  foreigners  who  usurped,  without  due  right,  the  name  and  attri- 
butes of  Roman  citizens. 

The  records  of  Heraclea  having  been  destroyed  during  the  Social 
war,  and  the  name  of  Archias  not  appearing  in  any  census  of  Roman 
citizens,  certain  doubts  were  thrown  on  the  legal  rights  of  his  client. 
Cicero,  therefore,  enlarges  on  the  dignity  of  literature  and  poetry, 
and  the  various  accomplishments  of  Archias,  which  gave  him  so  just 
a  claim  to  the  privileges  he  enjoyed.  He  beautifully  describes  the 
influence  which  study  and  a  love  of  letters  had  exercised  on  his  own 

243 


244  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

^g  character  and  conduct.  He  had  thence  imbibed  ihe  princ'ple,  thai 
glory  and  virtue  should  be  the  darling  objects  of  life,  and  that,  to 
attain  these,  all  difficulties  and  dangers  were  to  be  despised. 

The  praetor  who  presided  on  this  occasion  had  been  supposed  to 
be  Quintus  Cicero,  brother  of  the  orator  :  the  ancient  commentary 
on  this  oration,  discovered  by  Maio,  fully  establishes  this  point. — The 
date  of  the  speech  is  A.  U.  C.  692,  B.  C.  62,  and  Cicero  was  then 
in  the  forty-sixth  year  of  his  age. 


2.  Si  quid  est  in  me  ingenii,  &c.     "  If  there  be  aught  of  talent 
in  me,  0  Judges,  and  I  am  well  aware  how  scanty  that  is  ;  or  if  any 
experience   in  public   speaking,  in  which  I  do  not  deny  that  I   am 
moderately  versed  ;  or  if  any  acquaintance  with  the  theory  of  this 
same  art,  resulting  from  the  zealous  cultivation  and  disciplining 
influence  of  the  most  liberal  studies,  from  which  I  acknowledge  that 
no  portion  of  my  life  has  ever  been  estranged,"  &c.    Menage  tells 
a  curious  story,  that  the  first  sentence  of  this  oration  cost  Patru  four 
years  to  translate,  and  that,  after  all,  he  omitted  "  quod  sentio  quam 
sit  exiguum."     (Menagiana,  2,  19.) 

3.  In  qua,  &c.     "  Cicero,  as  Hottoman  remarks,  has  here  acci 
dentally  fallen  upon  an  hexameter,  from  in  qua  to  esse  inclusive. 

4.  Hujusce  rei  ratio  aliqua.     The  expression  kujusce  rei  refers 
to  public  speaking  ;  while  by  ratio  is  meant  theoretical  and  critical 
skill.     Compare  the  definition  of  the  latter  term,  as  given  by  I.  C. 
Ernesti,   in  his   Lexicon,   Technol.    Lat.  Rhet.  p.   320  :    "  Ratio 
dicendi,  omnium  earum  rerum,  quae  ad  artem  dicendi  vel  eloquen- 
tiam    tradendam    pertinent,   accuratam    doctamque  institutionem 
complectitur." 

5.  Hie  A.  Licinius.     "  My  friend  Aulus  Licinius  here."     The 
student  will  note  the  force  of  the  pronoun  hie  in  this  clause. — Two 
MSS.  subjoin  Archias,  but  the  one  which  we  have  given  is  undoubt- 
edly the  true  reading,  since  Cicero  would  purposely,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  his  speech,  employ  only  the  Roman  part  of  his  client's 
name. 

6.  Repetere.     "  To  claim  in  return."     As  the  farmer  seeks  a 
return  of  produce,  for  the  labour  of  cultivation. — Prope  suo  jure. 
"  By  a  right  almost  peculiarly  his  own." 

7.  Nam  quoad  longissime,  &c.     "  For  as  far  back  as  my  mind 
can  possibly  look  over  the  period  of  the  past,  and  recall  the  most 
distant  reminiscences  of  boyhood,  reviewing  my  career  even  from 
that  early  day,  I  see  this  one  to  have  been  my  chief  adviser  and  guide 
for  attempting,   and   for  entering  on  the  path  of   these   oratorical 
studies."     The  meaning  of  principem  here  is  best  given  by  Ihe  two 


POET  ARCHIAS.  245 

Page. 

English  terms,  "  adviser  and  guide."     By  rationem  studiorum  is  ^Q 
meant  the  theoretical  pursuit  of  private  studies. 

8.  Ad  mgrediendam,  &c.     Cicero  here  means  to  allude  to  his 
earlier  studies,   since  his  later    ones  were  pursued  under  other 
insiructers. 

9.  Pueritiae.     Cicero  was   about  five  years  old,  when  he  was 
first  placed  under  the  care  of  Archias. 

10.  Conformata.     "  Moulded."     Compare  Ernesti,  Lex.  Techn. 
p.  82,    "  Conformatio  dicitur,  cum  res  informis  Jit   elegans  et  for- 
mula." 

11.  A  quo  id  accepimus,  &c.     "  From  whom  we  received  that, 
by  which  we  might  be  enabled  to  lend  aid  to  the  rest  of  our  fellow 
creatures,  and  preserve  others  from  injury." 

12.  Ac  ne  quis  a  nobis,  &c.     "  And  lest  any  one  may  chance  to 
wonder,  that  such  a  remark  as  this  is  made  by  me,  because  there  is 
in  this  individual  a  different  kind  of  genius,  and  not  that  theoretical 
or  practical  acquaintance  with  public  speaking  to  which  we  aspire, 
not  even  we  ourselves  have  ever  been  exclusively  devoted  to  this 
one  pursuit."     Since  Archias  was  a  poet  and  not  an  orator,  Cicero 
thought  it  might  perhaps  appear  strange  to  some  of  his  auditors,  to 
hear  him  assert  that  he  had  derived  so  much  benefit  from  the 
former. 

13.  Haec  dicendi  ratio,  &c.     Observe  the  peculiar  force  of  haec, 
and  consult,  as  regards  the  meaning  of  ratio,  what  is  remarked 
under  note  4. 

14.  Ne  nos  quidem  uni,  &c.      The  MSS.  and  early  editions 
have  cuncti  in  place  of  uni.     This  latter  reading  is  an  emendation 
of  Ernesti's,  and  has  been  very  generally  adopted   by  subsequent 
editors.       It   is   evidently   required   by   the   context,    and   stands 
opposed  to  penitus. — By  huic  uni  studio  is  meant  oratory. 

15.  Etenim  omnes   artes,  &c.     "  For  all   those  arts,  that  have 
relation  to  liberal  knowledge,  possess  a  kind  of  common  bond  of 
union,  and  are  connected  together  by  a  species  of  natural  affinity." 
The  liberal  arts  are  meant. 

16.  Humanitatem.     The  term  humanitas  is  applied  by  the  Latin 
writers  to  liberal  and  polite  studies,  from  their  humanizing  influence 
on  the  mind.     Compare  the  language  of  Aulus  Gellius,  13,    16  : 
"  Quiverba  Latino,  feccrunt,  quique  his  prole  usi  sunt,  humanita- 
tem  appellaverunt  id  propemodum  quod  Graeci  vadefav  vacant,  nos 
eruditionem  instiiutionenique   in   bonas  aries  dicimus  ;    guas  qui 
sinceriler  cupiunt  appetuntquc,  hi  sunt  vel  maxime  humanissimi.'1'' 

1.  In  quaestione  legitima.     "  In   the  discussion  of  a  mere  legal  AQ 
question."     The  point  involved  in  the  present  case,  respecting  tlw 
21* 


246  ORATION   FOR  THE 

Page. 

4Q  citizenship  of  A/chias  was  a  strictly  legal  one. — In  judicio  publico. 
It  was  in  fact  only  a  case  about  the  private  right  of  citizenship,  but 
then  the  question  turned  on  the  interpretation  of  a  public  law, 
which  consequently  gave  the  trial  a  public  aspect. 

2.  Cum  res  agatur,  &c.     "  When   a  case   is  plead  before   a 
praetor  of  the  Roman  people,  a   most  accomplished  individual,  and 
before  judges  of  the  gravest  character."     Severissimos,  in  this  sen- 
tence, is  regarded  by  some  commentators,  as  referring  to  the  strict 
impartiality  of  the  bench  whom  Cicero  is  addressing.     It  certainly 
has  this  meaning  elsewhere,    but  in  the  present  instance  the  one 
which  we  have  assigned  to  it  is  undoubtedly  preferable.     Cicero 
means,  that  the  mode  of  defence,  which  he  is  going  to  adopt,  may 
perhaps,  at  first  view,  seem  unsuited  to  the  grave  character  of  the 
judges  before  whom  he  is  to   speak,  who   would   expect  merely  a 
formal  and  technical  discussion  of  a  dry  legal  point,  and  not  a  flight. 
of  oratory  about  the  beneficial  effects  of  liberal  studies. 

3.  Praelorem.     It  used  to  be  a  warmly-contested  point  who  the 
praetor  was  that  presided  on  this  occasion.     The   old  commentary 
discovered  by  Maio  settles  the  question.     The  praetor  was  Cicero's 
brother,  Q.  Cicero,  himself  an  epic  and  tragic  poet.     The  words  of 
the  commentary  are  :  "  Hanc  enim  causam,  lege  Papia,  de  civitate 
Romana,  apud  Quintum  Ciceronem  dixit"  &c. 

4.  Judices.     In  conformity  with  the  Aurelian  law  of  L.  Aurelms 
Cotta,  passed  during  the  consulship  of  Pompey  and  Crassus,  the 
judges  on  public  trials   were  selected,    at  the  time  this   case   was 
plead,  from   the   senators,  equites,  and   tribunes   of  the   treasury'. 
(Consult  note   15,  page  43.)    These  judices  formed  a  select  coun- 
cil, who  assisted  the  praetor  with   their  advice.     They  sat  by  him 
on  subsellia,  or  benches,  and  are  hence  often  called  his  as.iessores. 

5.  Quod  non  modo,  &c.     "  Which  is  at  variance  with  not  only 
the  custom  of  public  trials,  but  even  with  the  mode  of  pleading  that 
is  usual  at  the  bar."       Hence  he  fears,  lest  it   may   not   seem   to 
comport  with  the  grave  character  of  the  court  before  which  he  is 
speaking. 

6.  Ut  in  hoc  causa,  &c.     "  To  grant  me  this  indulgence  in  the 
present  case,  an   indulgence  well-suited   to   the   character  of  the 
accused,  and,  as  I  hope,  not  disagreeable  to  yourselves  ;  that  you 
permit  me,  namely,  when  pleading  in  behalf  of,"  &c. 

7.  Hoc   vestra   humanitate,  &c.      "  Before   a  bench  as  distin- 
guished  as   yourselves   for  liberal  knowledge,  and   while   such  a 
praetor,  in  fine,  as   the  present   one,  presides  at   this  trial."     Hoc 
•praetore  suits   well   the  language   of  one   brother   to   another ;  a 
higher  strain  of  compliment  would  have  been  out  of  place. 


POET  ARCHIAS.  247 

Pago 

8.  De  studies  humanitatis,  &c.     "  To   enlarge,  with  somewhat  £Q 
more  freedom  than  is  usual  here,  on  liberal  studies  and  literature  in 

in  general,  and,  in  the  case  of  such  an  individual  as  this,  who,  on 
account  of  his  retired  and  studious  mode  of  life,  has  been  by  no 
means  conversant  with  public  trials,  and  the  risks  that  attend  them, 
to  employ  a  novel  and  unusual  mode  of  speaking." — Tractata  esl 
is  here  equivalent  to  exercitata  esl.  Compare  the  explanation  of 
Doring  .  "  Tractamus  rem,  quam  attingtmus,vel  in  qua  nos  exer- 
cemus ;  et  sic  ipsae  res,  site  personae,  quae  in  aliqua  re  exercen- 
tur,  in  ea  tra.cta.ri  dicuntur.  Consult  also  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v. 
tractare. 

9.  In   ejusmodi  persona.     Referring   to   Archias.     Passeratins 
makes  the  allusion  to  be  to  the  orator  himself,  of  which  explanation 
Burmann  (ad  On.  Rem.  Am.  381)   approves.     Both,  however,  are 
wrong.     Consult  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  tractare. 

10.  Nova  quodam,  &c.     The  novel  kind  of  speaking,  to   which 
Cicero  alludes,  is  the  introduction  of  literary  topics  into  the  discus-    . 
eion  of  a  legal  point. 

11.  Perficiam  profecto,  &c.     "  I  will  assuredly    cause   you  to 
entertain  the   conviction,   that  my  friend  Aulus  Licimus  here,  not 
only  ought  not,  as  he  is  a  citizen,  to  be  preluded  from  their  number, 
but  even  ought,  if  he  were  not  a  citizen,  to  be  admitted  among 
them." 

12.  Nam  ut  primum,  &c.     From  his  being  subsequently  called 
praelextatus,  Archias  must  at  the  time  here  alluded  to  have  been 
about  14  or  15  years  of  age. 

13.  Ad  humanitatem  informari.     "  To  be  trained  up  to  liberal 
knowledge."      More   literally,    "  to  be   moulded."     Compare  the 
explanation  of  Manutius,  "  Quasi  formae  initium  a  literis  accipiat 
puerilis  aelas,  quae  per  se  informis  esset." 

14.  Ad  scribendi  studium.     "  To  poetic   composition."     More 
literally,  "  to  the  study  of  composition."     Some  of  the  epigrams  of 
Archias  are  preserved  in  the   Anthology,  vol.  2,  p.  80,  seqq.  ed. 
Jacobs.     His  poetical  merits  are  evidently  overrated  by  Cicero. 

15.  Loco  nobili.     "  Of  a  distinguished  family." — Celebri  quon- 
dam ur  be.     "A  city  once  populous  and  flourishing."     As  regards 
the  force  of  celeber  compare  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  "  Abundann 
incolis   et  frequens."     So   ad  Hcrenn.  2,  4,    "  Locus  Celebris  an 
descrtus." — The  words  urbs,  oppidum,  locus,  when  in  apjwsition  to 
names  of  towns,  as  the  place  where  any  thing  occurs,  may  be  in  the 
ablative  without  in,  though  the  name  of  the  place  be  in  the  genitive. 

16.  Eruditissimis  kominibus,  &c.      "Abounding  in   the  most 
learned  men,  and  conspicuous  for  an  attachment  to  the  most  liberal 


248  OKAT10X    FOR    THT, 

Page. 

49  studies."     What  the  grammarians  call  a  zeugma  opeiates  in  iij/lii' 

enti,  that    is,  our    idiom  requires  a  different  meaning  for   each 

clause. 

1 7.  Ei.     We  have  inserted  this  pronoun  into  the  text  on  the 
suggestion  of  Lambinus  and  Ernesti.     It  is  also  given  by  Schiita 

18.  Sic  ejus  adeentus  celebrabanlur,  &c.     "  His  arrivals  were 
attended  with  so  much  eclat,  that  the   expectation  formed  of  the 
individual  exceeded  the  fame  of  his  talents,  his  arrival  itself,  and  the 
admiration  it  excited,  surpassed  the  expectation  to  which  he  himself 
had  given  rise." 

19.  Graecarum  artium  ac  disciplinarum.    "  Of  Graecian  arts  and 
culture." — Studiaque  haec.     Referring  to  liberal  studies  in  general. 
— Vehementius.     "  With  more  ardour." 

20.  lisdem  in  oppidis.     He  uses  the  term  oppidis  purposely,  as 
indicating  places  of  inferior  rank  to  the  capital,  Rome,  which  was 
properly  called  urbs. 

21.  Non  negligebantur.     A  litotes,  for  maxima  fiorebant. 

22.  Qui  aliquid  de  ingeniis,  &c.     "  Who  were  able  to  form  any 
estimate  of  talents,"  i.  e.  who  were  intelligent  enough  to  mark  the 
existence  of  talent  in  another. 

23.  Hac  lanla   celebrilale  famac.      "  Amid  this  so  brilliant   a 
reputation." — Absentibus.     Referring  to  those  who  were   absent 
at  the  time,  and,  of  course,  personally  unacquainted  with  him. 

jjQ  1.  Mario  consule  et  Catulo.  C.  Marius  was  seven  times  consul ; 
this  was  his  fourth  consulship,  A.  U.  C.  650.  Of  Catulus  Cicero 
speaks  in  high  terms,  Oral.  2,  7,  and  elsewhere. 

2.  Nactus  est  primum,  &c.    "  He  found,  in  the  first  place,  those 
individuals  in  the  consulship,  of  whom,  the  one  could  furnish  the 
noblest  subjects  for  poetic  composition,  the  other  both  memorable 
actions,  and  also  an  attachment  to  liberal  studies  and  a  practised 
ear."     By  the  first  of  these  is  meant  Marius,  whose  exploits  over 
the  Teutones  and  Cimbri  were  celebrated  in  verse  by  Archias  :  the 
other  is  Catulus,  who  shared  with  Marius  the  glory  of  the  Cimbrian 
victory,  and  was  also,  as  Cicero  styles  him,  (Brutus,  c.  35,)  "  vir 
doctus  et  disertus."     He  wrote  the  history  of  his  consulship,  after 
the  manner  of  Xenophon,  and  dedicated  it  to  A.  Furius,  the  poet. 
Cicero,  elsewhere,  (de  Off.  1,  37,)  ascribes  to  the  Catuli,  father  and 
son,  "  exquisitum  lilterarum  judicium." 

3.  Aures.     Referring,  not  merely  to  his  listening  with  attention 
to  the  recitations  of  Archias,  but  also  to  his  being  enabled,  by  good 
taste  and  a  practised  ear,  to  pass  an  accurate  opinion  on  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  bard.    Compare  the  remark  of  Manutius  :  "  Aures : 
Quae,  quod  audirent,  judicare  possent,"  and  also  that  of  Do'ring 


POET    ARCHIAS.  249 

Page. 

"  Awes  adhibere,  h.  e.  perripere  et  dijudicare  carminum  pulchritu-  gQ 
dtncm." 

4.  Adhibere,     We  have  rendered  this  verb  by  our  English  terra 
"  to  furnish,"  i.  e.  exhibit  or  display,  rather  than  have  recourse  to 
an  awkward  zeugma,  as  recommended  by  Doling. 

5.  Luculli.  The  two  brothers,  L.  Licinius  and  Marcus  Lucullus. 
The  former  was  the  eminent  commander,  whose  biography  is  given 
by  Plutarch. 

6.  Praetextatus.     "  A  mere  youth."     A  Roman  term  applied  to 
a  foreigner.     Among  the  Romans,  young  persons  wore   the  toga 
praetexta  until  they  were  seventeen  years  of  age,  when  they  assumed 
'.he  toga  mrilis.    Cicero,  most  probably,  does  not  mean  to  designate 
very  closely  the  age  of  Archias,  and  the  latter  perhaps  may,  at  the 
time  here  alluded  to,  have  actually  passed  the  period  of  seventeen  : 
10  only  means  to  speak  of  him  as  possessing  attainments  the  more 
remarkable  on  account  of  his  extreme  youth. 

7.  Non  solum  ingenii,  &c.     "  Was  owing,  not  only  to  his  genius 
ind  literary  acquirements,  but  also  to  his  amiable  temper  and  virtu- 
ous disposition." — Domus.     Referring  to  the  family  of  the  Luculli. 

8.  Illi  Numidico.     "  The  celebrated  Numidicus."    The  pronoun 
tile  has  here  the  force  of  the  Greek  article  when  used  emphatically. 
Metellus  received  the  title  of  Numidicus,  from  his  having  defeated 
Jugurtha  in  two  battles,  and  made  himself  master  of  nearly  all 
Numidia.    Jugurtha,  however,  was  finally  taken  captive  and  the  war 
ended  by  Marius.  Still  Metellus  was,  in  fact,  the  true  victor,  having 
been  recalled  when  on  the  eve  of  terminating  the  contest. 

9.  Et  ejus  JUio  Pio.     "  And  to  his  son  Pius."     The  son  of  Q. 
Metellus  Numidicus  received  the  cognomen  of  Pius,  from  his  having 
obtained,  by  his  entreaties,  from  the  Roman  people,  the  recall  of  his 
father  from  exile.     Compare   Cic.  Or.  in  Senat.  post  red.  c.  15 : 

"  Pro  me  non ut  pro  Q.  Metello,  sum  mo  et  clarissimo  viro, 

fpeclata  jam  adolescentia  filius  deprecalus  est." — Among  the  Ro- 
mans, the  terms  pius  and  pietas  indicated  not  only  duty  towards 
the  gods,  but  also  to  one's  country,  parents,  relations,  friends,  &c. 
Hence,  in  the  present  instance,  the  appellation  Pius  conveys  the 
idea  of  filial  duty.     Compare  Cic.  de   Off.   3,  23  :  "  Ipsi  patriae 
conducit  pios  habere  cives  in  parentes." 

10.  Audiebatur  a  M.  Aemilio.      "  He   found  a  hearer  in  M. 
Aemilius,"  i.  e.  M.  Aemilius  was  one  of  his  hearers.     The  allusion 
is  to  the  poet's  recitations  in  private  circles. — The  Aemilius  here 
meant  is  the  famous  M.  Aemilius  Scaurus.     Consult  Historical 
Index. 

11.  Vivebat.     "  He  lived  on  terms  of  intimacy." 


••-"  ••  *  '          ' 

250  ORATIOV    FOR     THE 

?age. 

^Q       12.   Colebatur.     "  He  was  highly  esteemed." 

13.  Lucullos  vero,  &c.     "  Whil  •,  holding  as  he  did  the  T.uculli, 
and  Drusus,  and  the  Octavii,  and  Cato,  and  the  whole  family  of  the 
Hortensii,  attached  to  himself  by  habits  of  intimacy,  he  was  hon- 
oured by  them  with  marks  of  the  highest  regard." 

14.  Drusum.     M.  Livius  Drusus,  tribune  of  the  commons,  who 
had  promised  the  people  a  law  about  admitting  the  Italian  allies  to 
the  rights  of  citizenship.     He  was  slain  at  his  own  home  by  Q.  Va- 
rius.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

15.  Octavios.     The  two  Octavii,  Cneius  and  Lucius. — Catonem. 
Probably,  M.  Cato,  the  father  of  Cato  Uticensis.     Compare  Manu- 
tius,  ad  loc. 

16.  Colebanl.     "  Courted  his  acquaintance." — Qui  aliquid,  &c. 
"  Who  were  really  desirous  of  making  some  literary  acquisitions 
and  becoming  his  hearers,"  i.  e.  of  improving  themselves  by  becom- 
ing his  auditors. — Si  qui  forte  simulabant.     "  Whoever  chanced  to 
affect  this  desire." 

17.  Interim  satis  longo  intereallo.     "  Some  considerable  urne 
after  this." 

18.  In  Sicilian.     Some  of  the  early  editors  have  Ciliciam,  and 
Ilgen  attempts  to  defend  it   as  the  true  reading.      Most  of  the 
MSS.,  however,  give  Siciliam. — This  journey  of  Lucullus  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  made  in  any  public  capacity.    Ilgen,  in  attempt- 
ing to  prove  Ciliciam  the  true  reading,  thinks  it  probable  that  Lu- 
cullus, in  order  to  qualify  himself   for  public  affairs,   followed  in 
the  train  of  Sylla,  when  the  latter  was  sent  as  propraetor  to  that 
country.     This   is   all,  however,  a  purely  gratuitous   supposition. 
(Ilgen.  Animadv.  Hist  et.  Grit,  in  Oral,  pro  Arch.  p.  12,  seqq.) 

19.  Heraclcam.     In    Lucania,   between  the   rivers    Aciris   and 
Siris.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 

20.  Quae  cum  esset,  &c.     "  And  since  this  state  enjoyed  very 
favourable  privileges,  and  a  very  advantageous  alliance  with  us," 
i.  e.  very  favourable  privileges  by  reason  of  an  advantageous  alliance 
with  us.     The  alliance  here  referred  to  was  made  with  Rome,  at 
the  lime  that  Pyrrhus  was  in  Italy,  A.  U.  C.  475. — A  zeugma,  a* 
will  be  perceived,  operates  in  acquissimo. 

21.  Data  est  civitas,  &c.     "  By  the  law  of  Silvanus  and  Carbo, 
the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship  were  granted  to  strangers,  in  case 
any  of  them  had  been  enrolled  as  citizens  by  the  states  in  alliance 
with  Rome,  provided  they  had  a  domicil  in  Italy  at  the  time  when 
the  law  was  passed,  and  provided  also  they  made  their  claim  under 
the  law,  before  the  praetor,  within  sixty  days  after  the  passage  of 
the  same."     Cicero  quotes  here,  in  part,  the  vory  language  of  the 


POET    ARCH1AS.  251 

Page. 

law,  with  the  change  merely  from  the  present  to  the  past  tense  on  g() 
account  of  data  est  which  precedes.     The  two  quotations  are  com- 
monly printed  in  capitals,  but  incorrectly,  since  the  change  of  tense 
precludes,  of  course,  the  idea  of  their  being  the  ipsissima  vc'la.  of 
the  law. 

22.  Silvani  lege  et  Carbonis.     The  individuals  here  meant  were 
M.  Plautius  Silvanus  and  C.  Papirius  Carbo.     They  were  tribunes 
of  the  commons  when  the  law  in  question  was  proposed  by  them, 
A.  U.  C.  664.     It  is  sometimes  called  lex  Plautia,  from  the  nomen 
of  Silvanus.     Consult  Legal  Index. 

23.  Multos  jam  annos.     "  Many  years  before  this."     He  came 
to  Rome  A.  U.  C.  652,  and  hence  had  been  residing  there  twelve 
years   before   the  passage  of  the  law. — Q.  Mctellum.     Manutius 
thinks  that  Q.  Metellus  Creticus  is  here  meant,  but  Ferratius,  with 
more  probability,  Metellus  Pius. 

24.  Si  nikil  aliud,  &c.     "  If  we  are  to  treat,  on  the  present 
occasion,  of  nothing  else  except  of  his  citizenship  at  Heraclea,  and 
the  application  of  the  law  in  that  case,  I  have  nothing  farther  to 
say  ;  my  cause  is  plead,"  i.  e.  if  I  am  to  confine  my  remarks,  on 
the  present  occasion,  to  the  fact  of  his  being  an  admitted  citizen  of 
Heraclea,  &c. — The  law  referred  to  is  that  of  Silvanus  and  Carbo. 

25.  Grati.     Some  editions  read   Graccke,  but   Grati  rests  OH 
better  MSS.  authority,  and  is  given  by  Ernesti,  Orellius,  &c.  Hgen 
thinks,  that,  as  the  gens  Gratia  is  unknown  to  us,  the  individual 
here  meant  was  most  probably  Numerius  Quinctius  Gracchus,  tribune 
of  the  commons,  A.  U.  C.  697.     But  does  it  follow,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  that  the  accuser,  in  a  case  like  the  present,  must  be  a  mem- 
ber of  a  family  that  is  known  to  us  1 

26.  Turn.     "  At  the  time  already  mentioned,"  i.  e.  the  period  of 
his  visit  to  Heraclea  in  company  with  Lucullus. 

27.  Summa,  atictoritate,  &c.     "  Of  the  highest  credit,  the  most 
scrupulous  regard  for  truth,  and  the  strictest  integrity."     Religio 
here  refers  to  the  scrupulous  caution  that  ought  to  be  observed  in 
giving  testimony,  so  that  the  whole  truth  may  be  told  but  nothing 
beyond.     Compare  the  general  definition  of  Ernesti,  "  Religio  est 
snmma  in  quacunque   re   diligentia,  ne   quid  minus   recte  fat." 
(Clai).  Cic.  s.  v.) 

28.  Qui  se  non  opinari,  &c.     "  Who  states,  that  he  does  noi 
think  it  was  so,  but  knows  it  as  a  fact ;  that  he  did  not  hear  it  from 
otheis,  but   saw  it  with  his  own  eyes ;  that  he  was  not  present 
merely,  but  was  himself  an  actor  in  the  affair,"  i.  e.  aided  Archias 
in  obtaining  the  rights  of  citizenship  at  Heraclea,  by  his  personal 
interference. 


2.V2  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

£J0  29.  Cum  mandatis,  &c.  "  With  written  documents  and  pubht 
testimony."  The  deputies  from  Heraclea  brought  with  them  such 
written  documents  and  proofs  as  might,  in  the  absence  of  the  origi- 
nal registers,  tend  to  furnish  the  next  best  means  for  substantiating 
the  claims  of  Archias. 

51  1-  Heracleensem.  "  As  a  citizen  of  Heraclea,"  i.  e.  the  freedom 
of  the  city  had  been  conferred  on  him,  not  being  a  citizen  by  birth. 
Lambinus  and  Emesti  propose  Heracleae  csse,  considering  adscrip- 
tum  as  a  mere  gloss. 

2.  Tabulas  publicas.     "  The  public  registers."     The  lists  con- 
taining the  names  of  the  citizens. 

3.  Italico  bello.    The  war  made  by  the  Italian  allies  (hence  called 
likewise  the  social  war)  upon  the  Roman  republic,  in  order  to  extort 
from  it,  by  force  of  arms,  the  rights  of  citizenship.     From  the  Marsi 
having  begun  it,  this  war  is  sometimes  denominated  the  Marsic. 

4.  Tabuhirio.     "  The  registry."     The  office  where  the  public 
records  were  kept.     Compare  note  2. 

5.  Ad  ea,  quae  habemus,  nihil  dicere.     "  To  say  nothing  with 
regard  to  the  evidence  that  we  have." — Quae  habere  non  possumus 
The  public  register  which  has  been  destroyed. 

6.  l)f.  hominum  memoria  tacere.     "  To  be  silent  as  to  the  testi- 
mony of  men,"  i.  e.  as  to  what  is  testified,  in  the  present  case,  by 
Lucullus  and  the  Heracleans. 

7.  Literarum  memvriam  Jlagitare.     "To   insist  on  that  of  re- 
cords." 

8.  Cum  habeas.  "  Although  you  have." — Integerrimi  municipii. 
"  Of  a  free  city  of  the  strictest  honour."     When  this  oration  was 
delivered  Heraclea  was  a  municipium ;  when  Archias  obtained  from 
it  the  rights  of  citizenship,  it  was  a  civitas  foederata. 

9.  Quas  idem  diets,  &c.     "  Which  even  ydu  yourself  confess 
are  accustomed  to  be  falsified." 

10.  At  domicilium,  &c.     "  But,  you  will  say,  he  had  not  his 
domicil  in  Italy.1'     Cicero  nere  anticipates  a  frivolous  objection  of 
Gratius,  that  Archias  had  not  fulfilled  the  first  requisite  of  the  law. 
The  common  text  has  Romae,  for  which  we  have  substituted  in 
Italia,  a  conjecture  of  Lambinus,  which  Ernesti  and  others  adopt. 
The  law  required  a  domicil  in  Italy,  not  at  Rome  :  this  latter  pro- 
vision would  have  been  absurd.     Cicero's  argument,  therefore,  is 
oriefly  this  :  if  Archias  lived  at  Rome  many  years  before  he  was 
enrolled  as  a  citizen  of  Heraclea,  he  must  necessarily  have  had  a 
domicil  in  Italy.  Now,  that  he  so  dwelt  at  Rome  is  well  ascertained  ; 
consequently  he  fulfilled,  as  regarded  a  domicil,  all  the  provisions 
of  the  enactment. 


POET    ARCHIA3.  2j)3 

Page 

11    Ante  ciritatem  datam.     Namely,  at  Heraclea. — Sedtm  otn-  F»l 
ttium  rerum,  &c.    "  The  seat  of  all  his  efforts  and  all  his  fortunes." 

12.  At  non  est  professus.  "  But  he  did  not  make  his  claim  under 
the  law."     Anticipating  a  second  objection  from  his  opponent. 

13.  Immo  vero,  &c.     "  Nay,  indeed,  he  did  do  so,  in  those  very 
registers,  which  are  the  only  ones  connected  with  that  claiming  of 
the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  with  the  college   of  praetors,  that 
possess  the  authority  of  public  documents."     Cicero  means,  that 
Archias  not  only  claimed  in  due  season  the  rights  of  citizenship,  bvit 
had  his  name  enrolled  in  those  registers  which  were  considered  the 
most  accurately  kept.     These  were  the  registers  of  Metellus,  those 
of  Appius  and  Gabinius  being  regarded,  for  the  reasons  which  he 
specifies,  as  of  little  or  no  authority. 

14.  Nam  cum,  &c.    "  For,  whereas  the  registers  of  Appius  were 
said  to  have  been  kept  in  too  careless  a  manner,  while  the  corrup- 
tion of  Gabinius,  as  long  as  he  escaped  impeachment,  the  ruin  that 
overtook  him  after  condemnation,  deprived  his  registers  of  all  credit ; 
Metellus,  on  the  other  hand,  of  all  men  the  most  scrupelous  and  the 
most  observant  of  the  laws,  displayed  so  much  exactness  in  his 
own,  as  to  have  come  before  Lucius  Lentulus,  the  praetor,  and  the 
judges  who  were  sitting  with  him,  and  to  have  declared  that  he  was 
rendered  uneasy  by  the  erasure  of  a  single  name." — Cicero  hero 
places   the  registers  of  Metellus  in  direct  opposition  to   those  of 
Appius  and  Gabinius,  ar.d  cites  a  little  anecdote  to  show  how  care- 
ful and  scrupulous  a  man  the  former  was.     His  argument  then  be- 
comes a  very  strong  one.     If  the  name  of  Archias  be  found  in  the 
registers  of  a  praetor  so   famed  for  his  exactness  as  Metellus  was, 
this  circumstance  furnishes  the  best  possible  proof  in  support  of  the 
poet's  claim. 

15.  Appii.     Appius  Claudius  and  P.  Gabinius  Capito  were  prae- 
tors along  with  Metellus,  in  the  year  when  Archias  was  registered. 
Gabinius,  after  returning  from  his  government  of  Achaia,  was  ac- 
cused of  extortion  by  Lucius  Piso,  and   condemned,  and  henee  his 
disgraceful  fall  destroyed  the  credit  of  his  register,  which  his  previ- 
ous corruption  had  already  greatly  impaired. 

16.  MoAestissimus.  Equivalent  here  to  legum  observantissimus. 
Compare  the  remark  of  Doring,  "  homo  enim  moAestus  vel  maxims 
modestiam  suam  probat  dilig enter  observando  ea,  quae  eum  obser 
rare  decet."     Hence,   Or.  post  red.  in  Sen.  c.  2,  the  expression 
modcsti  consules  is  applied  to  magistrates  who  shrink  from  the  idea 
of  doing  any  thing  in  violation  of  the  laws."  (Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.) 

17.  Judices.     The  ass f stores  of  the  praetor.     Consult   note  4 
page  49.       '  ,•'  •; 


254  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

Si  18.  His  igitur  tabulis.  The  student  will  observe  the  force  of 
the  pronoun  his  in  this  clause,  referring  to  the  great  care  and  dili- 
gence with  which  the  register  of  Metellus  was  kept. 

19.  Nullam  lituram,  &c.     "  You  see  no  erasure  in  the  name  of 
Aulus  Licinius."     We  have  considered  in  nomen,  with  Ernesti,  as 
equivalent  here  to  in  nomine.     It  may  also  be  differently  construed 
by  supplying  inductam. — Cicero's  argument  is  a  simple  but  conclu- 
sive one.     If  the  name  of  Archias  was  contained  in  the  register  of 
Metellus  ;  if  there  was  no  erasure  about  this  name  ;  and  if  Metellus 
was  so  scrupulous  a  man  as  to  have  been  rendered  uneasy,  on  one 
occasion,  by  an  actual  erasure,  and  to  have  openly  stated  this  in 
court  before  the  praetor  and  his  associate  judges,  all  this  forms  the 
strongest  possible  argument  in  favour  of  Archias. 

20.  Mediocribus  multis,  &c.     "  On  many  individuals  of  merely 
moderate  abilities,  and  having  either  no  profession  at  all,  or  else 
Borne  humble  one." 

21.  In  Graecia.    Referring  to  Magna  Graecia,  in  Southern  Italy, 
as  appears  at  once  from   the   names  immediately    after   subjoined, 
Rhcginos,  Locrenses,  &c.,  denoting  communities  in  that  quarter. 

22.  Rheginos,  credo,  &c.     "  I  am  to  take  it  for  granted,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Rhegium,  or  of  Loen,  or  of  Neapolis,  or  Tarentum, 
were  unwilling  to  bestow  that  favour  on  this  individual,  though 
enjoying  at  the  same  time  the  highest  reputation  for  talents,  whicn 
they  were  accustomed  to  lavish  on  mere  actors."     The  whole  sen- 
tence is  ironical,  of  which  credo  is  the  index.     The  favour  alluded 
to  is  the  right  of  citizenship. 

23.  Scenicis   artiflcibus.     Equivalent  to   histriombus.     So   the 
Greeks  sometimes  denominated  actors,  01  Trcpi  rdv  Ai6w<rov  TE^n-at, 
and  kioiniaiuKoi  T^'xylrai.     Compare  We&seling,  ad  Diod.  Sic.  4,  5, 
vol.  3,  p.  452,  ed.  Bip. 

24.  Quid  ?  cum  cetcri,  &c.     Cicero  asks,  whether  Archias  can, 
with  any  justice,  be  deprived  of  his  citizenship,  who  was  actually 
enrolled  in  several  cities  of  Magna  Graecia,  but  preferred  being  re- 
garded as  a  citizen  of  Heraclea,  when  so  many  foreigners  have  sur- 
reptitiously had  themselves  registered  in  these  same  cities  not  only 
subsequent  to  the  Plautian,  but  also  to  the    Papian   law.      They 
escape  with  impunity,  whereas  he  who  acted  with  perfect  good  faith 
is  sought  to  be  injured. 

25.  Legem  Papiam.     By  the  Papian  law,  named  from  its  pro- 
poser, the  tribune  C.  Papius,  A.  U.  C.  688,  in  the  consulship  of 
Cotta  and  Torquatus,  it  was  ordained,  that  all  foreigners  should  be 
expelled  from  the  city  :  "  ut  peregrini  urbe  pellerentur."    In  con- 
sequence of  this  enactment,  many  foreigners  managed  to  have  then 


POET    ARCHIAS  2-55 

Page. 

names  surreptitiously  inserted  in  the  registers  of  the  free  towns  of  fj  ] 
Italy,  as  citizens  of  the  same,  by  which  means  they  evaded  the  law. 

26.  In  forum  municipiorum,  &c.     Alluding  to  Rhegium,  Locri, 
&c.     These  were  now  municipia,  under  the  Julian  law,  but  had 
been  civitates  foederatae  when  Archias  obtained   from  them  the 
rights  of  citizenship.     Consult  Legal  Index. 

27.  Irrepserint.     By  clandestine  means.     Alluding  most  prob- 
ably to  the  corruption  of  the  magistrates  who  had  charge  of  these 
registers. 

28.  Census  nostros,  &c.     "  You  ask,  forsooth,  for  the  lists  of 
our  censors,"  i.  e.  you  demand  that  the  census-lists  be  produced. 
Gratius  maintained  that  the   name  of  Archias  was  not  upon  the 
books  of  the  censors.     Cicero  replies,  that,  at  those  times  when  the 
census  was  taken,  Archias  was  absent   from  Rome   with  Lucullus, 
and  that  when  he  was  present  in   Rome,  no  census  for  the  year 
was  made. 

29.  Est  enim  obscurum.     "  For  it  is,  it  seems,  a  fact  not  gener- 
ally known."     Ironical. — Proximis  censoribus.     "  That,  under  the 
last  censors."     The  censors  referred  to  were  L.    Gellius  and  Cn. 
Lentulus,  A.  U.  C.  683. 

1 .  Hunc.     Referring  to  Archias.  PJJJ 

2.  Superioribus.     "  That  under  the  censors  immediately  pre- 
ceding the  last."     These  were  L.  Marcius  Philippus  and  M.  Per- 
perna,  A.  U.  C.  667,  after  whom  the  census  was  for  a  long  time 
intermitted. 

3.  Cum  eodem  quaestare.     "  With  the  same  individual,  then 
filling  the  office  of  quaestor." 

4.  Primis.     "  That,  under  the  first  censors  after  he  received  the 
rights  of  citizenship."      These  were   L.   Julius   Caesar,  and  P. 
Licinius  Crassus,  A.  U.  C.  664. 

5.  Nullam  populi  partem,  &c.     "  No  part  of  the  people  was 
rated,"  i.  e.  no  census  was  taken  of  any  portion  of  the  people. 
In  consequence  of  no  census  having  been  taken  on  this  occasion, 
Philippus  and  Perperna  were   chosen   censors  three  years  after, 
instead  of  five,  the  usual  interval,  in  order  to  remedy  the  omission 
The  census  had  not  been  held,  because  the  censors  were  too  much 
occupied  with  the  arrangement  of  eight  new  tribes,  composed  of 
foreigners   who  had  just  been  admitted  to   the  rights  of  Roman 
citizens.     Archias,  residing  in  Rome  at  the  time,  was  consequently 
not  rated. 

6.  Sed,  quoniam  census,  <fec.    "  But  still  farther,  since  the  mere 
entry  on  the  books  of  the  censors  does  not,  of  itself,  establish  the 
rigfefc  of  citizenship." 


2f)6  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

£j2      7.  Ita.se  jam  turn,  &c.     "  Conducted  himself,  at  that  period,  so 

much  like  a  citizen,  as  to  be  able  to  have  his  name  enrolled  among 

them."     After  ita,  supply  ut  censeri  posset. 

8.  Us   lemporibus,  &c.     "  At  those   very   times   when,  as  you 
allege,  he  was  not,  even  in  his  own  opinion,  in  the  enjoyment  of  the 
rights  of  Roman  citizens."     More  literally,  "  at  those  times,  with 
reference  to  which  (quoad  queue)  you  allege   that  he,''  &c.     This 
construction  of  quae,  as  depending  on  quoad,  or  something  equiva- 
lent understood,  will  save  us   the   necessity  of  reading  queis  with 
Graevius,   in  place  of  quae,  or  of  supplying,  with   Ernesti,  after 
cnminaris,  some  such  expression  as  dicendo,  or  cum  dicis. 

9.  Testamenlum  fecit,  &,c.     Cicero  shows,  that  Archias,  at  the 
time  alluded  to,  was   actually   a   Roman  citizen,  from    the   three 
following  circumstances  :  1.  From  his  making  a  will  according  *•/> 
the  Roman  laws,  which  none  but  a  Roman  citizen  could  do.     i. 
From  his  succeeding  to  inheritances  left  by  Roman  citizens,  which 
a  foreigner  could  not  do.     3.  From  his   having  obtained  a  recom- 
mendation to  the  state  for  good  conduct. 

10.  Et  in  beneficiis,  &c.     "  And  his  name  was  carried  to  the 
public  treasury,  in  the  list  of  the  beneficiaries,  by  L.  Lucullus  the 
proconsul."      Whenever  any  individual  had  distinguished  himself 
in  the  public  service,  he  was   recommended   by  the  magistrate,  or 
governor,  under  whom   he  acted,  to  the  government  at  home.     A 
list,  containing  the  names  of  suoh  persons,  was  made  out  by  the 
one  who  recommended   them,  and   was  deposited  by   him  in   the 
public  treasury,  or  archives  of  the  state.     The  persons  thus  noticed 
were  called  beneficia,  (i.  e.  beneficiarii,)  because  advantages  of  some 
kind  or  other  were  always  sure  to  be  reaped  by  them.     This  hon- 
our, however,  could  of  course  only  be  enjoyed  by  Roman  citizens, 
and  hence  Archias  must  have  been  one  of  the  latter.     (Consult,  as 
regards  the  be.neficia  of  the  Romans,  the  remarks  of  Gronovins  tie 
Pecun.  vet.  3,  17,  and  Manutius  ad  loc.) 

11.  Proconsule.     The  common  text  has  praetore  et  conxule.  foi 
which  we  have  given  proconsule  with  Graevius.     The  reason  of  the 
change  is  simply  this  ;  the  lists  referred  to  in  the  text  were  made 
almost  always   by  the   provincial   magistrates,  and  as   one    of  the 
MSS.  collated  by  Graevius  has  P.  R.  consult  instead  of  praetore  cl 
consuie,   the  change   to  proconsule   seems   a   very  rational    'ine. 
Ernesti  observes  of  it,  "  Verissime  Graevius  corrigit  Proconsule.'' 

12.  Quaere  argumenta,  &c.  "  Seek  for  other  proofs  of  Archias's 
not  being   a  citizen,  if  you  can  find  any.     For   never   will   he    ho 
refuted  by  any  thing  appearing  either  in  his  own  conduct  or  that  of 
his  friends."     The  common  text   has  ivdifio,  for  which    \ve  have 


POE'l    ARCHIAS.  257 

•    ,  ?««e. 

given  indicia,  on  tne  conjecture  of  llgen. — &«o  refers  to  Archias's  g*J 
tiaving  fulfilled  all  the  requisitions  of  the  law,  and  amicorum  to  the 
conduct  of  Lucullus  in  particular,  in  having  added  the  name  of  the 
poei  to  the  list  of  the  public  beneficiaries.  Nothing,  argues  Cicero, 
can  be  derived  from  these  two  sources  unfavourable  to  the  claim 
of  Archias,  but,  on  the  contrary,  every  thing  in  support  of  it. 

13.  Quia  suppeditat  nobis,  &c.     "  It  is   because  he  supplies  us 
witb  that,  by  which  both  our  minds  can  be  refreshed  after  emerging 
from  this  din  of  the  forum,  and  amid  which  our  ears,  stunned  by  the 
wrangling  of  litigation,  may  begin  to  taste  of  repose."     A  beautiful 
allusion  to  the  charms  of  literary  society  and  leisure,  after   labo- 
rious professional  labours  have  been  brought  to  their  daily  close. 
Vbi  is  to  be  repeated  with  et  aurcs,  and  takes  a  new  meaning  in 
this  latter  clause,  being  here  equivalent  to  in  quo,  whereas  in  the 
bf-ginning  of  the  sentence   it  has  the  force  of  a  quo,  or  rather  the 
simple  case  of  the  instrument,  quo. 

14.  Suppetere  nobis  posse,  &c.     "  That  we  can   have   what  to 
say,"  &c. — Rerum.     "  Of  matters  that  present  themselves,"  i.  e. 
cases,  subjects  for  pleading. 

15.  Nisi  excolamus.      "Unless  we  assiduously  cultivate." — 
Ta.nta.rn   contenlionem.     "  So  long-continued  exertion."      More 
literally,  "  to  be  kept  so  long  upon  the  stretch."     A  metaphor  taken 
from  the  bending  of  a  bow,  or  any.  thing  of  a  pliable  nature,  which 
lo;;es  its  pliability  in  some  degree  by  being  too  long  bent. 

16.  Nisi  relaxemus.     "Unless  we  unbend  them." — Relaxo  is 
here  directly   opposed  to  contentio,  and  is   elegantly  employed  for 
reficio  or  recreo.     The  cramping  and  narrowing  effect  of  mere 
professional  studies  is  very  pithily  alluded  to  in  the  well  known 

saying,  ot  airo!    TTfol  T&'j  aiiTMV  roTj  avrois    ru   awra,  as   well  as  in  the 
£i;  icpd:i3rt  Bavarof. 

17.  His  sludiis.    Referring  to  literary  "  pursuits." — Ita  se  liiteris 
abdiderunt.     "  Have  buried   themselves   to  such   a  degree   amid 
literary  studies."     Cicero  means,  that  they  only  are  to  be  censured 
for  their  attachment  to  literary  pursuits,  who  allow  the  world  to  reap 
no  benefit  from  their  labours  ;  that  in  his  case  they  form  a  source 
of  advantage  to  his  fellow-men,  and  one  of  the  purest  and  truest 
delight  to  himself,  calling  off  his  mind  from  all  the  blandishments  ot 
pleasure. 

18.  Ul  nihil  possint,  &<r.     "  As   to  have  been  able  neither  to 
contribute  any  thing  from  these  same  studies  to  the  common  good, 
nor  to  bring  forth  any  thing  into  the  view  of  their  fellow-men  and 
the  open  light  of  day."     Adspectum  and  lucem  are  here  opposed  to 
the  retirement  and  comparative  obscurity  of  the  study. 

22* 


258  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

52  19-  -A-b  nullius  tempore  ant  commodo.  "  From  no  man's  danger 
or  interests."  Tempus  is  here  elegantly  used  in  the  sense  of 
periculum.  Cicero  uses  the  latter,  a  little  farther  on,  in  this  very 
chapter,  "  nunquam  amicorum  periculis  defuit."  The  meaning 
here  assigned  to  tempus  is  derived  from  another  elegant  usage  in 
Cicero,  by  which  the  word  in  question  is  employed  to  signify  the 
state  or  condition  of  an  individual  at  any  particular  time,  whethei 
favourable  or  unfavourable.  Hence  arises  its  second  meaning  in 
Cicero,  which  is  always  controlled  by  the  context,  denoting  in  the 
present  instance  "  danger,"  while  in  others  it  has  the  force  of 
"  interests,"  "  advantage,"  &c. — Some  editions  have  commodum, 
connecting  it  with  what  follows.  This  seems  quite  inferior. 

20.  Otium  meum.     "  A  regard   for  my  own  leisure,"    i.   e.   the 
wish  to  devote  my   moments  of  leisure  to   literary  relaxation  and 
repose. 

21.  Ad  suas  res  obeundas.     "  For   attending   to  their   private 
affairs." — Ad  festos  dies,  &c.     "  For  celebrating  festal  days,  and 
enjoying   the  public  spectacles   connected   with   them."      Public 
spectacles,  such  as   games,  theatrical   exhibitions,  &c.,  formed  an 
important  part  of  festal  celebrations. 

22.  Tempestivis  conviviis.     "  To   the   revelries  of  the  table." 
By  convivium  tempestivum,  the  Romans  meant  an  entertainment 
which  commenced  before  the  usual  time,  and  was  continued  late 
into  the  night,  or  prolonged  till  morning.     The  ordinary  time  for 
oeginning  the  coena  was  the  ninth   hour  or  three  o'clock  afternoon 
in  summer,  and  the   tenth  hour  in  winter. — In  the  expression  tem- 
pestivum convivium  some  prefer  intempestivum,  as  according  better 
with  the  sense  ;  the  opposite,  however,  is  successfully   maintained 
by  Graevius,  Gronovius,  Cellarius,  Salmasius,  and  other  critics. 

23.  Aleae.     "  To  gaming."     All  games   of  chance  went  under 
the  general  denomination  of  alea,  and  were  forbidden  by  the  Cor- 
nelian, Publician,  and  Titian  laws,  except  at  the  Saturnalia  in  De- 
cember.     These  laws,  however,  were  not  strictly  observed. 

24.  Pilae.     "To ball-playing."      This  was  a   favourite  exercise 
with  the  Romans,  and  their  most  distinguished  men  engaged  in  it. 

25.  Ad  hacc  studio,  recolenda.     "  For  reviewing   these  studies  of 
my  earlier  years."     The  allusion  is  to  literary  studies. 

26.  Quod  ex  his  studiis,  &c.     "  Because  it  is  from  these  same 
studies,  that  this  faculty  of  public  speaking,    which   I   cultivate,  is 
estimated  by  others."     Cicero  means,  that  eloquence  receives  its 
truest  lustre  from  literary  studies,  and  that  the  more  one  is  attached 
to  the  latter,  the  more   completely  will  he  be  regarded  as  having 
attained  to  the  former       Orat'w  et  facnltas  is   here  equivalent  to 


FOKT  ARCH1AS.  259 

Page 

famltas  orationis.     Some  read  crescit  for  cemetur,  but  censetur  is  rjo 
more  elegant. 

27.   Quantacunque  est  in  me.     "  In  whatsoever  degree  it  exists 
in  me." 

1 .  Quae  si  cut  levior,  &c.     "  And  if  this  appears  to  any  one  too  ?J3 
trifling  in  its  nature  to  be  here  alluded  to  by  me,  I  certainly  know 
from  what  fountain-head  to  derive  those  qualifications  that  are  most 
important  in   their  character."     Cicero,   fearing   lest  his  previous 
remark   might   savour  too  much   of  vanity,  subjoins   this   modest 
observation.     If  the  faculty  of  public   speaking   which  I  possess 
appears  to   any,  as  no  doubt  it  does,  of  too  trifling  and  limited  a 
nature  for  me  to  make  any  boast  of  it,  still  I  know  in  what  studies 

to  find  those  aids  to  oratory  which  will  enable  me  to  attain  to  the 
truest  eminence. 

2.  Nam.     Cicero  now  proceeds  to  show,  in  most  beautiful  lan- 
guage, what  are  those  aids,  furnished  by  literary  studies,  which  lead 
to  eminence  in  oratory.     They  are,  according  to  him,  those  princi- 
ples of  true  wisdom,  and  that  love  for  friends  and  country,  which 
never  fail  to  lead  him  who  is  governed  by  them  to  the  fairest  honours 
of  eloquence. 

3.  Midtorum  praeceptis,  &c.     The  term  praeceptis  refers  to  the 
lessons  of  philosophy,  and  litteris  to  the  perusal  of  the  poets,  histo- 
rians, &c. 

4.  Magno   opere  ezpetendum.     "  Deserving  of  being  earnestly 
sought  after." — Honestatem.     "  An  honourable  name." 

5.  In  ea.  autem  persequenda.     "  And  that  in  its  attainment." — 
Parci  esse  ducenda.  "  Are  to  be  regarded  as  comparatively  trifling." 
Farm  is  what  the  grammarians  call  the  genitive  of  price  or  estima- 
tion. 

6.  Dimicationes.     Referring  here,  and  in  what  immediately  fol- 
lows, to  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline. 

7.  Sed  pleni  omnes  sunt  libri,  &c.     "  Full,  however,  are  all  the 
the  books,  full  are  the  words  of  the  wise,  full  is  antiquity  of  great 
examples  ;  examples  that  would  all  lie  hid  in  obscurity,  did  not  the 
light  of  letters  approach  to  illumine  them." — The  love  of  country, 
argues  Cicero,  is  fostered  by  the  love  of  literature,  for  it  is  the  latter 
that  his  rescued  from  oblivion  those  fair  examples  of  devotion  to 
countr »'  and  to  friends,  with  which  all  antiquity  abounds. 

8.  Sapientium  voces.  Analogous  to  our  English  expression,  "  the 
voice  of  the  wise,"  and  referring  to  the  writings  of  the  philosophers. 

9.  ffisi   literarv.m   lumen   accederet.     This  same  idea   is  very 
beautifully  touched  upon  by  Horace,  Ode  4,  8,  13,  seqq. 

10    Quean  rmtlttLS  imaeintf,  &c.     "  How  many  delineations  of 


t>(iO  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Pag«. 

5'3  the  bravest  of  men,  wrought  out  not  only  for  our  contemplatran, 
but  also  for  us  to  imitate,  have  both  the  Greek  and  Latin  writers 
left  behind  them  !"  Imagines  refers  to  the  delineations  of  moral 
character. 

11.  Mil'i  proponens.     "  Placing  before  my  view." — Animum  et 
mentcm  m,'am,  &c.  "  Strove  to  mould  my  feelings  and  my  thoughts, 
by  reflecting  on  the  characters  of  those  illustrious  men." 

12.  Eli  ipsi  summi  viri,  &c.     "  Were  those  great  men  them 
selves,  whose  merits  have  been  handed  down  to  remembrance  by 
the  aid  of  letters,  versed  in  that  learning  which  you  extol  by  youi 
encomiums  1"     Literally,  "  learned  in  that  learning."     The  allusion 
»s  to  liberal  and  polite  acquirements. 

)  3.  Difficile  cat  hoc,  &c.  Cicero  will  not  undertake  to  say,  that 
all  the  eminent  men  alluded  to  by  him  were  trained  up  in  the  paths 
of  literature.  On  the  contrary,  he  acknowledges,  that  many  of  them 
were  self-taught  men,  and  owed  their  success,  in  a  great  degree,  to 

he  unaided  force  of  natural  talents.  Yet  he  is  convinced,  that 
these  native  powers  would  have  produced  still  fairer  results  vindei 

he  fostering  influence  of  liberal  studies. 

14.  Sed  tamen  est  cerium,  &c.     "  And   yet  what  I  am   going 
M   answer  may   be   relied  upon   with   certainty,"    i.    e.    is   mos» 
certain. 

15.  Excellenti  animo  ac  virtute.  "  Of  superior  ability  and  merit." 
— Et  sine  doctrina,  &c.  "  And  that,  without  the  aid  of  learning,  by 
the  almost  divine  influence  of  nature  itself,  they  have  become,  by 
.heir  own  exertions,  discreet  and  influential  men." 

16.  Naturae.     Referring  to  natural  abilities. — Moderates.  Goiii 
pare  the  explanation  of  Doring :  "  Moderates,  h.  e.  tempcrantts, 
continentes,  qui  animum  ad  normam  recti  moderari  et  temperars 


17.  Ad  laudem  atque   virtutern,  &c.     "That   natural   abilities, 
without  the  aid  of  learning,  have  oftener  availed  more  for  the  pur- 
poses of  fame  and  of  virtue,"  i.  e.  for  establishing  a  reputation  for 
•what  is  honourable  and  virtuous. 

18.  Atque  idem  ego  contendo,  &c.    "  And  yet  I  at  the  same  tima 
contend,  that  when  to  natural  abilities  of  an  exalted  and  brilliant 
character  there  are  added  the  directing  influence,  as  it  were,  awl 
moulding  power  of  learning,  then  something  or  other  great  and  ex 
traqrdinary  is  accustomed  to  result." — Ratio  refers  to  the  method 
which  learning  generally  imparts,  and  by  which  our  mental  move- 
ments become  systematized. — Illud  ncscio  quid.     Literally,  "  That 
I  know  not  what."     Something  or  other.     Compare,  as  regards  the 
meaning  of  Cicero  in  this  passage,  the  remarks  in  note  13. 


POET    ARCHIAS.  261 


4U* 

19.  Ex  hoc  esse,  &c.     "  That  of  this  number  was."     Contendo 
extends  its  force  to  this  and  the  succeeding  clauses. 

20.  Africanum.     The  younger    Africanus.     Consult  Historical 
Index,  and  compare  Cic.  de  Off.  1,  32:  "  Hie  idem  Africanus  elo- 
quentia  rumulavit  bellicam  gloriam." 

21.  C.  Laelium.     Well  known  from  Cicero's  treatise  on  Friend- 
ship. —  L.  Furium.     L.  Furius  was  consul  A.  U.  C.  617,  and,  ac- 
cording to  Cicero,  (Brut.  28,)  "  perbene  latine  locutus  est,  et  liter- 
atius  quam  ccteri." 

22.  Moderatissimos   homines,   &c.     "The  most  discreet  and 
continent  of  men."     Consult  note  16. 

23.  Et  illis  temporibus  doclissimum.     "  And  a  very  learned  man 
for  those  times." 

24.  M.    Catonem  ilium  senem.     "  Marcus   Cato,   the   elder." 
More  commonly  known  as  Cato  the  censor,  and  the  great  grand- 
father of  Cato  Uticensis. 

25.  Ad  percipiendam,  &c.     "  As  regarded  the  knowledge  and 
practice  of  virtue."  —  Adjuvarentur.     For  adjuti  fuissent. 

1.  Quod  si,  &c.     "But  even  if  so  great  advantages  as  these 
were  shown  not  to  result."  —  Hanc  animi  adversionem,  &c.    "  You 
would  regard  this  employment  of  the'  mind  as  most  worthy  the  dig- 
nity of  a  thinking  being,  and  most  liberal  in  its  character."     Com- 
pare, as  regards  humanissimam,  note  16,  page  48,  and  also  the  ex- 
planation of  During  :  "  Humanissimam,  h.  e.  homine  dignissimam 
et  honestissimam." 

2.  Nam  ceterae,  &c.     "  For  other  mental  employments  are  not 
suited  either  to  every  period,  or  to  every  age  or  place  ;  these  studies, 
however,  foster  our  earlier  years,  afford   delight  to  our  declining 
ones."  —  The  MSS.  all  agree  in  reading  agunt  for  alunt,  but  we 
have  given  alunt  with  Lambinus,  Manutius,  Orellius,  and  others,  as 
more  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  passage.     Ernesti  has 
agunt,  and  explains  it  by  acuunt,  i.  e.  excitant. 

3.  Delectant  domi,  &c.     "They  impart  gratification  at  home, 
they  embarrass  not  abroad,  they  are  with  us  during  the  vigils  of  the 
night,  they  roam  with  us  in  foreign  lands,  they  are  our  companions 
amid  the  retirement  of  rural  scenes."  —  Non  impediunt  foris.     Lit- 
erary studies  form  no  impediment  to  the  successful  discharge  of 
public  duties,  but  rather  an  aid.  —  Rusticantur.     The  attachment  of 
the  Romans  to  a  country  life,  and  their  resorting  to  their  villas  dur- 
ing the  heats  of  summer,  are  too  well  known  to  need  comment. 

4.  Quod  si  ipsi,  &c.     "  And  even  if  we  could  neitler  ourselvea 
prosecute  them,  nor  taste  the  pleasures  they  afford  by  our  own  per- 
ceptions."    Atlingcre  is  here  used  in  the  sense  of  tractare. 


26'J  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

FiA  5.  Tarn  animo  agresti  ac  durofuit.  "  Was  possessed  of  a  bosom 
so  rude  and  so  devoid  of  all  feeling."  Agresti  is  here  equivalent 
to  inhumano,  i.  e.  if  the  term  be  allowed,  "  unhumanized." 

6.  Roscii.     Roscius,  the  celebrated  actor.     Consult    Historical 
Index. 

7.  Qu,i  cum  esset,  &c.     "  Who,  although  he  died  advanced  in 
years,  yet  seemed,  on  account  of  his  surpassing  skill  and  grace,  to 
have   been  altogether  undeserving  of  death,"  i.  e.  to  have  been 
worthy  of  living  for  ever.      Venustatem  is  here  equivalent  to  "  elc- 
gantem  corporis  agilitatem,  concinnos  corporis  motus." 

8.  Corporis  motu.     "  By  the  mere  movements  of  his  person." — 
Nos  animorum,  &c.     "  Shall  we  treat  with  neglect  the  movements 
of  the  mind,  surpassing  all  belief,  and  the  rapid  play  of  talent  1"  i.  e. 
shall  we  praise  Roscius  for  the  mere  movements  of  his  person,  and 
neglect  Archias  when  so  much  more  conspicuous  for  the  movements 
of  the  mind  1 — Ernesti  thinks  that  we  ought  to  read  has  for  nos. 
But  the  latter  is  far  more  emphatic. 

9.  Utar  enim  vestra  benignitate.     "  For  I  will  avail  myself  a 
little  farther  of  your  indulgence,"  i.  e.  I  will  trespass  a  little  longer 
upon  your  attention. — In  hoc  novo  genere  dicendi.     Compare  note 
2,  page  49. 

10.  Cum  literam  scripsisset   nullam.     "Although  he  had  not 
committed  a  single  character  to  writing,"  i.  e.  without  using  his 
pen. 

11.  Dicere  ex  tempore.     "  Uttering  on  the  spur  of  the  moment." 
Archias,  in  this,  resembled  the  Italian  improvisatori. — Revocatum. 
"  When  requested  to  repeat."     Literally,  "  when  recalled,"  a  met- 
aphor borrowed  from  the  custom  of  theatres,  when  an  actor  is 
recalled  by  the  audience,  and  requested  to  repeat  his  part. 

12.  Cvmmutatis  vcrbis  atque  senlentiis.     "  With  a  total  change 
of  words  and  ideas.'' 

13.  Accurate  cogitateque.     "  With  care  and  on  reflection." — Ut 
ad  veterum,  &c.     "  As  to  have  attained  to  the  praise  bestowed  on 
the  writers  of  old,"  i.  e.  to  have  equalled  the  productions  of  the  best 
days  of  Grecian  literature. 

14.  Atqui  sic  accepimus.     "  Why,  we  have  received  this,"  i.  e. 
have  learnt  this.     Ilgen  reads  atque  on  conjecture.    But  atqni  suits 
better  what  precedes,  and  is  more  spirited. 

15.  Ceterarum  rerum  studia,  &c.    "  That  the  successful  pursuit 
of  other  matters  depends  on  acquirements,  and  precepts,  and  art ; 
that  the  poet,  on  the  contrary,  derives  his  power  from  nature  herself, 
and  is  roused  into  action  by  the  energies  of  the  mind,  and  breathed 
into,  as  it  were,  by  a  kind  of  sacred  influence." 


POET    ARCMIAS.  263 

Page. 

16.  Infiari.     Compare  the  Greek  hQovaiafa,  i/wiia,  &0.,  as  ap-  ZA 
plied  to  poets,  and  also  the  language  of  Ovid,  (Fast.  6,  5) : — 

"  Est  deus  in  nobis,  agitante  calescimus  illo  ; 
Impetus  hie  sacrae  semina  mentis  kabet." 

17.  Suojure.     "  By  a  right  peculiarly  his  own,"  i.  e.  on  account 
of  his  own  eminence  as  a  votary  of  the  muse. 

18.  Sanctos.     "  A  hallowed  race." 

19.  Quod  quasi,  &c.     "  Because   they   seem   to  come   recom 
mended  to  us  in  the  light  as  it  were  of  a  rich   favour  from  the 
gods."       The   Latin   writers,   in  order  to   convey  an  emphatic 
meaning,  frequently  join   two   words,  that  are   exactly   or   nearly 
synonymous,  in  the  compass  of  the  same  sentence,  as,  in  the  present 
instance,  donum  and   munus.       Some  writers,  indeed,  on  Latin 
style,  endeavour  to  draw  a  distinction  between   these  two  terms, 
making  donum  a  pure  gift,  no  obligation  being  implied  on  the  part 
of  the  giver,    and   munus,  a  present   which   usage  or   obligation 
requires.     (Crombie,  Gymnasium,  vol.    1,  p.  97.)     But   no   such 
distinction  operates  in  the  present  case,  and  certainly  none  in  the 
following  passage  of  Ovid,  (A.  A.  3,  653) : — 

"  Munera,  crede  mihi,  capiunt  hommesque  deosque. 

Placatur  donis  Jupiter  ipse  datis." 

In  the  Pandects,  also,  donum  and  munus  are  frequently  joined  with 
each  other,  as,  for  example,  lib.  38,  tit.  1,  leg.  7,  37,  47.  Ulpian, 
however,  insists,  that  donum  is  the  generic  term,  and  munus  the 
special.  (L.  194,  D.  de  verb,  signif.) 

20.  Humanissimos  homines.     "  Men  most  conspicuous  for  the 
culture  of  liberal  knowledge." — Nulla  barbaria.     "  No  barbarous 
nation." 

1.  S&xa.  ef  solitudines,  <kc.     "  Rocks  and  deserts  respond  to  the  £J5 
voice  of  the  bard."     A  beautiful  allusion  to  echo,  as  the  applause  of 
inanimate  nature. — Bestiae  saepe  immanes,  &c.     "  Savage  beasts 

are  often  swayed  by  the  influence  of  song,  and  stop  in  their  career. 
An  allusion  to  the  fable  of  Orpheus.     Compare  Horace,  Od.  3,  11, 
13,  "  TV.  poles  tigres  comitesque  sihas,"  &c. 

2.  Instituti  rebus  optimis.     "  Trained  up  by  the  best  systems 
of  instruction,"  i.  e.  who  have  enjoyed  the  best  educations. 

3.  Colophonii.     "  The  inhabitants  of  Colophon."     One  of  the 
Greek  cities  of  Ionia.     For  this  and  the  other  names  that  occur  in 
the  sentence,  consult  Geographical  Index. 

4.  Chii  suurn  vindicant.      "  The    Chians  claim  him   for  their 
own.'1     The  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Chios,  now  Scio. 

5.  Salaminii  repetunt,  &c.     "  The  people  of  Salamis  demand 
aim  back,  the  Smyrneans,  however,  assure  us   that  he  is  theirs." 


264  ORATION    FOR   THE 

Page. 

gy  The  verb  repeto,  as  here  employed,  is  remarkably  lively  and  stri- 
king.— The  common  line,  respecting  the  cities  that  claimed  the 
honour  of  being  Homer's  natal  place,  is  as  follows  :  "  Smyrna, 
Rhodus,  Colophon,  Salamis,  Chios,  Argos,  Athenac."  There  is 
no  agreement,  however,  among  writers,  as  regards  these  names. 
Some  for  Salamis  substitute  Cumae,  others  for  Salamis  and 
Rhodes  have  Pylos  and  Ithaca.  Antipater  of  Sidon  has  left  tho 
following  epigram  in  the  Anthology  : — 

"  'Enru  TrdXsif  fiaovavTO  troiprtv  fiia  pi^av  'O/^pov, 
Euupva,  Xio?,  KoAo^cjy,  'I0aKi),  IliiAo?,  "Aoyoj,  'A.6fjvrti." 

Leo  Allatius,  himself  a  native  of  Chios,  in  a  work  written  on  tho 
subject  of  Homer's  native  country,  argues  strongly  in  favour  of 
Chios.  One  of  the  main  supports,  however,  of  this  theory,  namely 
the  line  in  the  Hymn  to  Apollo,  where  mention  is  made  of  the 
"  blind  man"  who  "  dwells  in  rocky  Chios,"  is  now  removed,  that 
poem  not  being  Homer's.  Of  all  the  places  referred  to.  Smyrna 
appears  to  have  the  best  claim. 

6.  Dvlubrum  ejus,  &c.     "  They   have   dedicated  a  temple   to 
him."     Literally,  "  a  shrine  of  his."     Consult  the  learned  work  ol 
Gisbert  Cuper,  (Amst.  1683,  4to.)  on  a  marble   which  has  come 
down  to  us,  with  a  representation  on  it  of  Homer's  Apotheosis. 

7.  Contendunt.     Weiske  thinks,   that   de  eo,  or  some   similar 
words,  have  been  dropped  from  this  clause.     This  supposition  seems 
hardly  necessary,  considering  all  that  precedes. 

8.  Alienum.      "  A  mere    stranger."      Referring   to   Homer. — 
Hunc  vivum.     "This  one  while  still  alive."     Alluding  to  Archias. 

9.  Et  voluntate  et  legibus.     "  Both  from  inclination  and  by  the 
laws."     The  laws  of  Rome  respecting  citizenship. — Rcpudiamus. 
"  Are  we  rejecting."     Some  editions  have  repudiabimus,  but  the 
present  is  more  emphatic,  and  is  sanctioned  by  the  greater  numbei 
of  manuscripts. 

10.  Omne  studium  atquc  omne  ingeninm.     "All  his  zeal  and  all 
his  talent." 

11.  Et  Cimbricas  res,    &c.     "  He  both,   when  a  young  man, 
treated  of  the  operations  against  the  Cimbri,"  i.   e.  the  war  with 
that  invading  host. — Attigit.     The  verb  attingo  means,  to    touch 
slightly  upon,  to  engage  in  a  thing  in  part,  and  hence  it   has  been 
supposed  that  Archias  merely  commenced  a  poem  on  the  Cimbric 
war,  especially  as  Cicero,  in  the  llth  chapter  of  this  same  oration, 
uses  attigit  and  inr.lioa.ml  together. 

12.  Ipsi  illi   C.  Mario.      "  To  the   celebrated     Caius  Marius 
himself."     The  conqueror  of  the  Cimbri.     The  pronoun  illc  has 
here  the  force  of  the  Greek  article  when  emphatic. . 


POET    ARCH1AS  26S 

Pa8« 

13.  Qui  durior,  &c.     "  Who  seemed  cast  in  too  rugged  a  mould  55 

o  favour  these  studies,"  i.  e.  to   patronise  or  take  any  interest  in 
literary  men. 

14.  Tarn  aversus  a  Musis.     "  So  averse  to  the   society  of  the 
Muses,"  i.  e.  so  great  a  foe  to  literary  pursuits  ;   possessing  a  mind 
so  uncongenial  to  literary  studies.     Compare  the  Greek  a/iovo-os. 

15.  Qui  non  mandari,  &c.     "  As  not  readily  to  allow  the  eternal 
heralding  of  his  labours  to  be  consigned   to  verse,"  i.  e.  as   not 
readily  to  allow  the  poet  to  consign  his  fame  to  the  immortality  of 
verse. 

16.  Thimistoclem  ilium.      "That  the  well-known    Thermsto- 
cles." 

17.  Quod  acroama.     "What  performer."      Acroama  properly 
denotes  any  thing  agreeable  to  hear,  (from  the  Greek  uxpoaoiizt,)  a 
musical  symphony  of  players,  &c.     It  is  then,  as  in  the  present 
instance,  taken  to  signify  a  musician  or  performer.     Compare  Cic. 
pro  Sext.  c.  54  :  "  Ipse  Me  maximus  ludius,  non  solum   spectator, 
sed  actor  et  acroama."     So   Suetonius,  Aug.  74,    "  Et  aut  acroa- 
mata  aut  histriones  aut   etiam  triviales  ex  circo  ludios  interponc- 
bal."     Ernesti,  in  an  excursus  to  this  latter  passage,  even  goes  so 
far  as  to  assert,  that,  among  Latin  writers,  acroama  is  always  used 
of  persons  and  never   of  things.     This  position,  however,  is   an 
erroneous  one-.     Still  his  explanation  of  the  word  itself  may  not  be 
amiss  in   this  place  :    "  Acroamata,  qui  sive  in  theatris,  sive  in 
convivio,    voluptatis    causa  audiuntur,  musici   omnes    qui    cantu 
nervorum,  tibiarum  et  vocum,  delectavt  aures." 

18.  A  quo  sua  virtus,  &c.     "  By  whom  his  merits  might  be  best 
celebrated."     The   love  of  glory  was  the  ruling  passion   of  this 
illustrious  Athenian.      Compare,    as   regards   the    anecdote    here 
related  of  him,  the  language  of  Valerius  Maximum  :  "  Tkemistocles 
theatrum  petens,  cum  interrogarelur,  cujus  vox  auditu  illifutura 
esset  gratissima,  dixit ;  ejus  a  quo  artes  meae   canentur  optime  " 

8,14,  5.) 

19.  Item  eximie,  &c.    "  Was,  for  a  like  reason,  strongly  attached 
to   Lucius   Plotius."     Ernesti-  regards   Plotius   as  a  poet ;    but 
Weiske,  with  less  probability,  makes  him  a  rhetorician,  and  iden- 
tical with  the  one  named  in  Suetonius,  de  clar.  rket.  c.  2. 

20.  Mithridaticum  vero  lellum,  &c.     "  The  whole  Mithridatic 
war,  however,  a  great  and  a  lifficult   contest,  and  one  carried  on 
with  very  varied  success  by   land  and  sea,  has  been  described  in 
verse  by  this  my  friend."     Tne  particle   vero  is  here  employed  as 
denoting  opposition  to  what  precedes.     The  exploits  just  alluded  to 
were  great  arid  splrndid,  it  is  true,  but  the  muse  of  Archias  selected 

23 


266  ORATION   *OR  THE 

Page. 

^J5  a  still  nobler  theme. — The  Mithridatic  war  was  carried  on  by  the 
Romans,  against  Mithridates  the  7th.  surnamed  Eupator,  king  of 
Pontus.  It  was  an  important  and  difficult  contest,  owing  to  the 
great  talents  and  varied  resources  of  Mithridates.  The  war  was 
entered  upon  by  Sylla,  who  was  followed  by  Lucullus,  and  it  was 
brought  to  a  close  by  Pompey. 

21.  Qui  libri .     "  And  this  poem."      The  term  libri  refers  litei 
ally  to  the  "  books"  of  which  the  poem  in  question  was  composed. 
— Ulustrant.     "  Sheds  lustre  upon." 

22.  Populus  enim  Romanus,  &c.     "  For  the  Roman  people,  with 
Lucullus  for  their  commander,  laid  open  Pontus.  although  hitherto 
strongly  defended  by  both  the  resources  of  its   monarch  and  the 
nature   itself  of  the  country."     Of  the  merits  of  Lucullus,  in  this 
war,  Cicero  treats  at  large  in  the  8th  chapter  of  the  oration  for  the 
Manilian  law. — As   regards   the   force  of  apcruit   in   the  present 
passage,  compare  the  oration  just  referred  to,  (1.  c.)  "  Palefactum- 
que  nostris  Ugionibus  Pontum,  qui  ante  Populo    Romano  ex  omni 
aditu  clausus  esset." 

23.  Non  maxima  manu.     "  With  no  very  large  force."     The 
Roman  infantry,  on  this  occasion,  consisted  of  about  10,000  men 
There  were  also  about  a  thousand  slingers.     The  whole  cavalry 
were  likewise  present,  which  Appian  makes  500  in  number.    (Pint. 
Vit.  Lucull.  c.  27. — Appian.  Bell.  Mithrid.  c.  85.) 

24.  Armeniorum.     The  battle  was  fought  with  Tigranes,  king 
of  Armenia,  and  son-in-law  of  Mithridates.     His  army  is  said  to 
have  been  250,000  infantry,  and  50,000  cavalry.     (Appian.  1.  c.) 
According  to  the  ancient  writers,  Tigranes  ridiculed  the  small  num- 
ber of  the  Roman  troops,  remarking,  "  if  they  come  as  ambassadors, 
there  are  too  many  of  them  ;  if  as  soldiers,  too  few."     (Plut.  Vit. 
Lucull.  1.  c. — Appian.  ubi  supra. — Memnon.  Hist.  c.  57,  p.  85, 
ed.  Orell.) 

25.  Populi  Romani,  &c.     "  To  the  Roman  people  belongs  the 
praise,  that  the  very  friendly  city  of  the  Cyziceni  was  rescued,"  &e., 
i.  e.  the  praise  of  having  rescued.     Compare  the  8th  chapter  of  the 
oration   for   the  Manilian  law ;  and   consult,    for   an   account   of 
Cyzicus,  Geographical  Index. 

26.  Ex  omm  impetu  regio,  &c.     "  From  every  attack  on  the 
part  of  the  monarch  with  whom  we  were  warring,  and  from  the 
devouring  jaws  of  the  whole  war,"  i.  3.  from  the  fury  of  a  formidable 
monarch,  and  from  all  the  disasters  of  a  merciless  war. — The  king 
referred  to  is  Mithridates. — Ore  ac  faitcibus.  A  metaphor  borrowed 
from  the  appearance  presented  by  a  furious  monster  about  to  spring 
upon  us  prey. 


POET    ARCHIAS.  267 

Page. 

87.  Nostra  semper  feretur,  &c.  "  The  fleet  of  the  enemy  sunk  fja 
and  its  leaders  slain,  Luci  is  Lucullus  contending  on  our  side,  and 
that  incredible  naval  conflict  off  Tenedos,  will  always  be  spoken  of 
and  celebrated  as  our  own  peculiar  source  of  praise,"  i.  e.  as  a 
memorab/e  source  of  praise  to  the  Roman  arms.  With  nostra  re- 
peat laus  frim  the  previous  sentence.  We  have  preferred  this  to 
the  very  harsh  construction  of  Ernesti :  "  Nostra  maxime  cum 
pugna  navalis  :  per  <rv£nyiav  cum  classis  jungitur." 

1.  Nostra  sunt  tropaea,   &c.     "  These   are  our  trophies,   our  frQ 
monuments,  our  triumphs,"  i.  e.  peculiarly  our  own  ;   peculiarly 
glorious  to  the  Roman  name. 

2.  Feruntur.     "  Are  spread  abroad."    Equivalent  to  differuntur, 
dissipantur. 

3.  Africa.no  superiori.     "  To  the  elder  Africanus."     Commonly 
called   Africanus   Major,   (sell,   natu.) — Noster  Ennius.     Ennius, 
although  a  native  of  Rudiae  in  Calabria,  yet  obtained  by  his  merits 
the  freedom  of  Rome,  and  became  in  the  strictest  sense,  by  his 
metrical  annals,  the  national  poet  of  the  Roman  people.     Hence  the 
expression  noster,  "  our  own,"  in  the  text. 

4.  Itaque  etiam,  &c.     "  And  hence  he  is  even  thought  to  be 
placed  of  marble  on  the  sepulchre  of  the  Scipios,"  i.  e.  the  marble 
statue,  which  we  see  along  with  others  on  the  tomb  of  the  Scipios,  is 
thought  to  be  that  of  Ennius.    Compare  the  explanation  of  Ernesti : 
"  Quod  simulacrum  marmorcum   est  in  monumento  Africanit  id 
putant  vulgo  esse  Ennii."     For  Africani,  however,  Ernesti  ought 
to  have  written  Scipionum,  as  will  appear  from  the  next  note. 

5.  In  sepulchro  Scipionum.     We  must  not  render  this,  "  in  the 
sepulchre  of  the  Scipios,"  but  "  on  the  sepulchre,"  &c.     Compare 
Livy,  38,  56  :  "  Nam  et  Literni  monumentum  (Africani,)  monumen- 
loque  statua  superimposita  fuit,  quam  tempestate  dejectam  nuper 
vidimus  ipsi.     Et  Romae  extra  portam  Capenam  in  Scipionum 
monumento  tres  statuae  sunt :  quarum  duae  P.  et  L.  Scipionum 
licuntur  esse,  tertia  poetae  Q.  Ennii."  Consult  also  Plin.  H.  N.  7, 
30.  Solin.  c.  7.   Vol.  Max.  8,  14. — Visconti  thought  he  had  discov- 
ered this  tomb,  not  far  from  the  Capenian  gate,  for  the  particulars  of 
which  discovery  Maio  refers  to  the  Antologia  Romana,  vol.  7,  p.  377. 

6.  Ejus.     We  have  adopted  the  very  neat  emendation  of  Ilgen, 
as   referring   to  Ennius.     The  common  text  has  iis,  which  had 
already  before  been  suspected  by  Guilielmus    and  Ernesti,  who 
thought  that  something  had  been  dropped  from  the  text     There  is 
nothing  in  the  previous  sentence  to  which  iis  can  refer. 

7.  Ipsi.     Referring  as  well  to  Africanus,  as  to  the  individuals 
•nentioned  immediately  ifter,  Cato,  the  Maxim  i,  &c.,  all  of  whom 


268  ORATION    FOR    THE 

Page. 

£j{J  were  lauded  in  the  poetry  of  Ennius. — By  "the  Maximi,  Marceni, 
Fulvii,"  are  meant  in  fact  only  three  individuals,  Q.  Fabius  Maxi- 
mum, M.  Claudius  Marcellus,  and  M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  all  of  whom 
distinguished  themselves  in  the  second  Punic  war.  The  plural  form 
is  adopted  for  emphasis. — Consult  Historical  Index. 

8.  Hujus  proavus  Cato.     "  Cato,  the  great-grandfather  of  him 
who  now  hears  me,"  or  "  of  him  wlio  is  here  present."     The  refer- 
ence in  proavus  is   to   Cato  the  censor.     Hujus  refers   to    Cato 
Uticensis,  or,  as  he  is  more  correctly  called,  Cato  the  younger,  who 
was  present  in  court,  and  perhaps  one  of  the  judices. 

9.  Adjungitur.     "  Is  thereby  imparted." 

10.  Ilium.  Referring  to  Ennius. — Rudinum  hominem.  "Although 
a  native  of  Rudiae."    Rudiae,  the  natal  place  of  Ennius,  was  a  city 
of  Calabria,  in  Magna  Graecia.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 

11.  Hunc  Heraclecnsem.     "This    Heraclean."      Referring   to 
Archias. — Cicero  means  to  contrast  the  comparative  insignificance 
of  Rudiae  with  the  splendour  of  Heraclea,  whence  Archias  derived 
his  claim  of  citizenship. 

12.  Multis  cimtatibus.     Rhegium,   Locri,  Neapolis,  Tarentum. 

13.  In  hoc.     "  In  this  one  of  ours." — Legibus.     Referring,  in 
particular,  to  the  law  of  Silvanus  and  Carbo 

14.  Nam  si  quis,  &c.     Cicero  here  meets  an  objection,  if  it 
deserve  the  name,  which  some  might  perhaps  urge,  that  Ennius  was 
honoured  because  he  wrote  in  Latin  verse,  whereas  Archias  com- 
oosed  in  Greek. 

15.  Minor  em  gloriae  f rue  turn  per  dpi.     "  That  a  less  abundant 
i4arvest  of  glory  is  reaped." — Graeca.     "  Grecian  productions." 

16.  Lalina  suis  fcnibus,  &c.     "  Whereas  Latin  works  are  con- 
fined within  their  natural  limits,  and  these  contracted   indeed."    By 
the  natural   limits  of  Latin  works  Cicero  means  the  confines   of 
Latium,  where  the  Latin  language  was  spoken.     In  Upper  Italy 
the  Etruscan  and  Gallic  dialects  prevailed  ;  in  Lower  Italy,  Greek. 
In  a  later  age,  Roman  literature  became  of  course  more  widely 
disseminated. 

17.  Orbis  terrae  regionibus  dcfiniuntur.     "  Are  only  bounded  by 
the  limits  of  the  world,"  i.  e.  have  reached  the  farthest  limits  of 
earth,  have  had  the  whole  world  for  their  theatre. 

18.  Quo  manuum,  &c.     "  That,  whither  the  weapons  wielded 
by  our  hands  have  reached,  thither  also  our  glory  and  our  fame  may 
penetrate." 

19.  Qu-od  cum,  &c.     "  Because,  while  these  things  are  full  of 
glory  for  the  people  themselves,  &c. — Turn  iis  certe,  &c.     "  Sn 
does  all  this  assuredly  form  the  strongest  incitement,"  &c 


POET    ARCHIA9.  269 

Page. 

20.  Quam  mv.ltos  scriptures,  &c.     "  How  many  historians  oi"  his  fj(J 
exploits   is  Alexander  the   Great   said  to  have  had  in  his  train." 
Fabricius  (Bib.   Gr.  3,  18)  gives  a  long  list  of  writers  who  treated 

of  the  history  and  exploits  of  Alexander,  of  whom  only  a  few  have 
come  down  to  us. 

21.  In  Sis'eo.     "  On  the  promontory  of  Sigeum."     Sigeum  and 
Rhoeteum  were  the  two  famous  promontories  of  the  Troad.   Consult 
Geographical  Index. 

22.  Ad  Achillis  tumulum.     According  to  Plutarch,  as  soon  as 
Alexander   landed  at  the  Troad,  he  went  up  to  Ilium,  where  he 
sacrificed  to  Minerva,  and    offered  libations  to  the  heroes.     He 
also  anointed  the  pillar  upon  the  tomb  of  Achilles  with  oil,  and  ran 
round   it  naked  with  his  friends  ;  after  which  he  placed  a  crown 
upon  it,  declaring  "  He  thought  that  hero  extremely  fortunate  in 
having  found  a  faithful  friend  while  he  lived,  and  after  his  death  an 
excellent  herald  to  proclaim  his  praise."     (Fi'i.  Alex.  c.  15.) 

23.  O  fortunate  adolescens,  &c.  "Ah  !  youthful  warrior,  favourite 
of  fortune,  in  having  found  a  Homer  as  the  herald  of  thy  fame." — 
Qui  is  joined  with  the  subjunctive  invcneris,  as  referring  to   the 
reason,  &c.     Literally,  "  since  thou  didst  find."    Compare  note  14, 
page  26. 

24.  Ilias  ilia.     "  That  Iliad."     Ilia  here  takes  the  place  of  the 
article  in  Greek,  and  is  strongly  emphatical. 

25.  Noster  hie  Magnus,  &c.     "  Did  not  our  own  Pompey  the 
Great."     Literally,  "  this  Pompey  the  Great  of  ours." 

26.  Theophanem.     Theophanes  was  a  native  of  Mitylene,  in  the 
island  of  Lesbos.     We  have  only  a  few  epigrams  of  his  remaining. 
He  is  mentioned  in  Or.  pro  Balb.  c.  25,  Ep.  ad  Att.  5,  11,  and 
elsewhere. 

27.  Et  noslri  illi,  &c.     "  And  did  not  those  countrymen  of  ours, 
brave  men  it  is   true,  yet  of  rustic  habits,  and   mere   soldiers^  ani- 
mated by  a  certain  secret   charm  of  glory,  approve  of  that  act  by 
loud  shouts,  as  if  they  were  sharers  of  the  same  praise  with  their 
commander  1"     The  Roman  armies  were  generally  recruited  from 
the  country.     Hence   the   epithet   rustici  here   applied  to   them, 
which  carries  with  it  the  idea  of  something  rude   and  unpolished. 
For  the  more  general  meaning  of  the  term,  consult  Ernesti,  Clav. 
Cic.  s.  v. 

1.  Itaque  credo,  &c.  "Wherefore,  Archias,  I  suppose,  if  he  £J ^ 
had  not  been  a  Roman  citizen,  according  to  our  laws,  v«mld  not 
have  been  able  to  bring  it  to  pass  tl  at  he  should  be  presented  with 
the  rights  of  citizenship  by  some  commander  of  ours  !"  We  have 
changed  potvit,  which  is  the  commonly-received  reading,  to  potu- 
23* 


270  ORATION  FOR  THE 

Tage. 

g1^  isset,  on  the  suggestion  of  Ernesti,  as  repudiasset  follows.     Tho 

MSS.  often  have  poluit  as  a  contraction   for  potuisset,  and  hence 

the  error  may  have  arisen. 

2.  Sulla,  quum  Hispanos,  &c.     "  Sylla,  I  suppose,  when  pre- 
senting natives  of  Spain  and  of  Gaul  with  the  rights  of  citizenship, 
would  have  refused  Archias  seeking  the  same  favour,"  i.  e.  had  he 
sought,  &c.     Schvitz  omits  this  second  credo,  and  places  a  mark  of 
interrogation  after  repudiasset.     The  alteration  is  quite  unneces- 
sary. 

3.  Quern  nos,  &c.     "  That    Sylla  whom  we  once   saw  in  open 
assembly,  when  a  wretched  poet,  from  the  lower  order,  had  pre- 
sented unto  him  a  petition,  craving  some   recompense  for  having 
composed  a  short  poem  in  his  praise,  merely  in  verses   alternately 
long   and  short."      Literally,    "  in   verses   alternately   somewhat 
longer  than  the  previous  one,"  i.  e.  in  the  alternating  hexameter  and 
pentameter.     The  term  epigram-ma  is  here  employed  in  its  ancient 
signification,  (not  in  that  of  our  modern  epigram,}  as   denoting  a 
short  piece  of  poetry,  commonly   in  about   four   lines,  occasionally 
exceeding  that  number,  and  in  alternate  hexameter  and  pentameter 
verse. 

4.  Libellum.     The  term  libellus  properly  means  a  written  appli- 
cation, folded  in  the  form  of  a  small  book,  whence  the  name.    In  the 
present  instance  it  denotes  an  humble  petition    for  some  mark  of 
favour,  and  the  idea  of  humility  on  the  part  of  the  applicant  is  still 
further  expressed  by  the  verb  subjecisset. 

5.  Ex  Us  rebus   quas   tune  vendebat.      Doring  thinks  that  this 
refers  to  the  effects  of  proscribed  persons. 

6.  Qui  sedulitatem,  &c.     "  Would  not  he,  who  thought  the  zeal 
of  a  bad  poet  worthy  nevertheless  of  some  recompense,  have  eagerly 
sought  to  honour  the  genius  of  this  one,  and  his  ability  in  composi- 

ion,  as  well  as  the  rich  stores  of  his  intellect  1" 

7.  Neque  per  Lucullos.      The  two  Luculli  were   cousins    to 
Metellus  Pius.     The  father  of  the  latter,  Metellus  Numidicus,  was 
brother  to  the  mother  of  the  Luculli. 

8.  De  suis  rebus  scribi.     "  Of  having  his  actions  commemmo- 
rated." 

9.  Cordubae.     Corduba,  now   Cordova,  was  a  city  of  Hispania 
Baetica.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 

10.  Pingue  quiddam,  &c.     "  Though  uttering  something  in  dull 
and  barbarous  strain."     Pingue  obtains  its  meaning  of  "  dullness" 
from  the  idea  of  mental  inertness  being  always,  in  some  degree, 
associated    with  that  of  grossness   of  body.      Compare    note    5. 
page  31. 


POET  ARCHIAS.  271 

Page 

1 1 .  tied  prae  noLis  fercnaum.     "  But  must  be  openly  acknow-  Zfi 

lodged."     Equivalent  to  aperte  profitendum. 

12.  Trahimur   omncs,  &c.     "  We   are  all  drawn   onward  by  a 
l.ove  of  praise,  and  the  best  of  us  are  most  powerfully  influenced  by 
j  passion    for  glory."       Optimus   quisque,    literally,    "each    best 
person." 

13.  Jpsi  philosophi.     The  common  text  has  ipsi  illi  philosophi, 
out  we  have  rejected  illi  with  Schu'tz,  as  it   would  sound  ill  before 
tllis   in   the  next  clause,  and   is,  moreover,  not   required   by  the 
sense. 

14  Etiam  illis  libellis,  &c.  "  Even  inscribe  their  names  in  the 
very  treatises  which  they  compose  on  the  contempt  of  glory." 
More  literally,  "  on  glory  as  deserving  of  contempt,"  i.  e.  on  the 
propriety  of  contemning  glory.  The  idea  here  expressed  is  given 
in  almost  the  same  language  in  Tusc.  Disp.  1,  15. — Libellis.  The 
term  libellus  here  denotes  "  a  little  book,"  i.  e.  a  short  work  or 
treatise. 

15.  In  eo  ipso,  &c.     "In  the  very  case  in  which  they  affect  to 
despise  all  praise  and  renown,  they  actually  wish  themselves  to  be 
talked  of  and  mentioned."     We  have  adopted  se  before  nominari, 
with  Weiske,  from  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  (22,  7,)  who  cites  this 
passage  of  Cicero.     The  common  text  has  merely  ac  nominari,. 

16.  Decimus  quidem  Brutus.     This  individual  signalized  himself 
by  his  successes  in  Spain.     Compare  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  5,  and  consult 
Historical  Index. 

17.  Attii,  amicissimi  sui,  &c.     "Adorned  the  approaches  to  the 
temples  and  monuments  which  commemmorated  his  exploits,  with 
the  verses  of  Attius,  his  most  intimate  friend."     AUius,  or,  as  the 
name  is    otherwise  written,   Accius,  was  a  tragic  poet,  of  whose 
productions  only  a  few  fragments  remain.     According  to  Valerius 
Maximus,  (8,  14,  2,)  Brutus  erected  a  temple  with   the  spoils  he 
had  taken  from  the  foe. 

18.  Fulvius.     M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  who  took  the  poet  Ennius 
along  with  him  into  Aetolia.     (Tusc.  Disp.  1,  2.)     Consult  His- 
torical Index  for  both  names. 

19.  Non  dubitavit,  &c.     "Hesitated  not  to  consecrate  to  the 
Muses  the  spoils  of  Mars."     By  manubiae  are  meant  those  of  the 
spoils  which  the  commander   set  apart    to  defray  the   expense   of 
erecting  some  monument  of  the  victory. — The    expression  Marti* 
(for  belli)  is  a  very  elegant  one,  standing  as  it  does  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  Musis.     It  is  not  known  what  act,  on  the  part  of  Fulvius, 
is  here  referred  to,  or  what  memorial  he  erected. 

20.  Prope  armati.      "  Almost   with   arms   in  their   hands." — 


272  ORATION  FOR  THK 

Page. 

57  l'°£ati-     "  Arrayed  in    the   robes  of  peace."     The  logo,  was  tte 
civic  robe  or  gown. 

21.  A  Musarum  honore,  &c.     "  To  be  averse  to  honouring  the 
Muses  and  bestowing  safety  on  their  votaries." 

22.  Jam  me  vobis  indicabo.     "  I  will  now  lay  open  to  you  my 
own  secret  feelings,"    i.  e.  I  will  unbosom  myself  unto  you. — De 
meo  quodam  amore  gloriae.     "  Respecting   a   certain   passion   for 
glory  by  which  I  myself  am  influenced." 

23.  Quas  res.     Referring  to  his  having  crushed  the  conspiracy 
of  Catiline. —  Vobiscum  simul.     The  allusion  here   is  extremely 
adroit. 

58  1-  Attigit  hie  versibus  atque  inchoavit.     "  This  one  has  touched 
upon  and  begun  to  treat  of  in  verse."     Attigit  when  placed,  as  in 
the  present   instance,  in  conjunction  with   inchoavit,  refers   not  to 
any  slight   handling  of  a  subject,  but  rather   to   the   making   of  a 
beginning  merely. 

2.  Hume  ad  perficiendum  horlatus  sum.     "  I  have  exhorted  him 
to  complete  the  poem."     In  many   MSS.,  and   early  editions,  we 
find  hortavi,  at  which  Ernesti  very  justly  expresses   his   surprise. 
The  verb  hortor,  it  is  true,  may  have  been  used  by  the  early  writers 
in  an  active  form,  as  many  of  the  deponents  are,  but  certainly  this 
was  not  the  custom  in  the  age  of  Cicero.     The  ancient  annotator  in 
the  Ambrosian  MS.  reads  adoravi,  and  asserts  that  this  was  used 
in   the   sense  of  hortatus  sum  by  Cicero.     "  Hoc  verbum  adoravi 
significat  cohortatus  sum.  Adoravit  autem  orare  ctpelere  significat." 
This  may  all  very  well  be,  but  it  is,  nevertheless,   not  the  custom 
with  Cicero,  and  we  have  therefore,  preferred  the  reading  in  the  text. 

3.  Quid   est   quod.     "  What  reason  is  there  why."     Literally, 
"  what  is  there  on  account  of  which."     With  quod  supply  propter. 

4.  Si  nihil  animus  pruescntiret  inpostcrum.     "  If  the  mind  had 
no    presentiment    of    the    future." — Regionibus.       "Limits." — 
Terminaret.     "  It  were  to  bound." 

5.  Nee  sefrangeret.     "  It  would  neither  break  down  its  powers." 
Compare  the  remark   of  Doring :      "  Frangi  eleganter    dicuntur 
laboribus,  qui  omnes  vires  in  Us  perferendis  consumunt." 

6.  Nunc  insidel,  &p.     "  On  the  contrary  there  dwells  in  all  the 
noblest  bosoms  a  kind  of  generous  impulse." 

7.  -Non  cum  vilae  tempore,  &c.     "  That  the  remembrance  of  our 
name  is  not  to  be  sent  away  into  oblivion  along  with  the  period  of 
our  mortal  existence,  but  is  to  be  made  equal  with  all  posterity." 
We  have  retained  dimittendam,  the   reading  of  the  common  text. 
Lambinus  conjectures  dimetiendam,  which  Schiitz  violently  alters 
into  rommclicndam. 


POET    ARCHIAS.  273 

Pa?e. 

8.  An  vero  tarn  parvi,  &c.     "  Shall  we,  indeed,  who  are  engaged  g$ 
in  public  affairs,  and  amid  these  perils  of  life,  and  heavy  labours, 
appear  to  be  ail  possessed  of  so  little  elevation  of  spirit,  as,  after 
having  drawn,  even  tt  the  last  period  of  our  lives,  not  one  tranquil 
and  peaceful  breath,  it    imagine  that  every  thing  connected  with  us 

is  destined  to  perish  with  our  frames  1"  i.  c.  as,  after  having  during 
the  whole  of  our  lives  enjoyed  not  one  moment  of  tranquil  repose, 
to  imagine  that  death  is  to  close  the  scene  for  ever,  and  that  no 
recompense  awaits  us  amid  the  praises  of  posterity. 

9.  An   cum  statuas,  &c.     Cicero  appears  here  to   have  bad  in 
view  the  fine   passage   of  Isocrates,   (Euag.   c.   30,)   'Eyu>  3",  & 
xSt/rdtAfif,  fiyov^ai  xa\a  piv  ill/ nt  pvityiaa  xal  raj  r<av    awftoLTuv  ciidras, 
fo\v  fiivroi  Tr\eiotiof  d^ia;  ras  rtoy  irpa^eoje  Kal  riys  fiavoias,  K.  T.  \. 

10.  Consiliorum  relinquerc,  &c.     "  Ought  we  not  to  be  much 
more  desirous  of  leaving  behind  us  a  delineation  of  our  thoughts 
and  our  virtues,  traced  out  and  perfected  by  the  most  eminent  ge- 
niuses of  our  day?' — All  the  editions  before  Ernesti's  have  ncnne 
multo,  for  which  I  e  very  correctly  reads  non  multo,  inasmuch  as  an 
precedes. 

11.  Jam  turn  in  gerendo.     "  At  the  very  time  I  was  performing 
them." 

12.  Haec  vero,  &c.     "  Whether  this  remembrance  indeed,  is  des 
lined,  after  death,  to  be  far  away  from  all  consciousness  on  my  part, 
or  whether,  as  the  wisest  of  men  have   thought,  it  will  continue  to 
exercise  an  influei  ice  on  some  portion  of  my  being,  I  certainly  now, 
indeed,  delight  myself  with  the  reflection  and  the  hope  that  it  may 
be  so." — Haec  refers  to  memoriam  in  the  previous  sentence,  and 
denotes  the   remembrance  of  Cicero  by  his  fellow-men,  and  pos- 
terity. 

13.  Ad  aliqu&m  mei,  &c.     The   common  text  has  animi  after 
aliquam,  which  makes  mei  a   possessive   pronoun.     It  is  omitted, 
however,  in  some  MSS.,  and  rejected  by  Beck,  Schiitz,  and  others. 

14.  Pudore  eo,  &c.     "  Of  that  degree  of  modest  merit,  the 
existence  of  which  you  see  plainly  proved,  as  well  by  the  high  rank 
of  his  friends,  as  bv  the  long  continuance  of  their  intimacy  :  and  of 
a  genius  as  elevated,  as  it  is  right  that  his  should  be  regarded,  from 
your  seeing  him,  ir  consequence,  eagerly  sought  after  by  individuals 
of  the  highest  order  of  talents." — Compare,  as  regards  the  first  part 
of  this  sentence,  the  explanation  of  Doring :  "  quern  quidem  (sc. 
pudorem)  vere  ei  inesse,  argumento  vobis  esse  potest,  quod  vin 
summi  et  gravissini  non  solum  junxerunt  cum  eo  amicitiam,  sea 
tandem  quoquc  per  longos  annos  continuarunt." 

15.  Vetuftale.     Although  nearly  a1!  the  MSS.  have  venustate. 


274  ORATICKY    FOR     THE    POET    ARCHIAS. 

Page. 

gg  still  the  reading  vetustate  is  so  much  superior,  and  so  peculiarly 
adapted  to  the  context,  that  Ernesti  and  the  best  editors  have  not 
hesitated  to  receive  it.  The  advocates  for  venustate  make  it  equiv- 
alent to  morum  eleganlia,  but  Doring  very  justly  asks,  "  quomodo 
morum  elegantia  aliorum  pudorem  cujusdam  comprobare  potest  ?" 
16.  Id.  Supply  suum  ingenium.  "  That  genius  of  his." 

50  1.  Quae  beneficio  Icgis,  &c.  "  Which  is  based  upon  the  privi- 
lege granted  by  an  express  law,"  &c.  He  means  the  privilege  of 
citizenship  as  granted  by  the  law  of  Silvanus  and  Carbo. 

2.  Auctoritate  municipii.     Referring  to  Heraclea. 

3.  Humana.     "  On  the  part  of  men."     The  recommendation  of 
men  arises  from  the  poets  having  celebrated  in  verse  their  fame  and 
achievements. — Divina.     "  On  the  part  of  the  gods."     The  gods 
will  intercede  in  his  behalf,  because  they  inspired  him  with  poetic 
fervour,  and  hence  he  is  under  their  special  protection. 

4.  Domeslicis  periculis.  Occasioned  by  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline. 
— Aeternum  se,  &c.     Referring  to  the   completion  of  his  poem, 
already  commenced,  on  the  subject  of  Cicero's  consulship. 

5.  Est  eo  numero,  qui.     "  Is  of  the  number  of  those,  who,"  &c., 
i.  e.  a  poet. — In  vestramfidem.     "  Under  your  protection." 

6.  Humanitate  vestra.     "  By  your  kindness." — Acerbilate  viola- 
tus.     "  Injured  by  your  rigour." 

7.  DC  causa.     "  In  relation  to  the  merits  of  the  case." — Simpli- 
citerque.     "And  plainly,"  i.   e.  without  any  attempt  at  oratorical 
display. — Probata  esse  omnibus.     "  Have  been  approved  of  by  you 
all." 

8.  Nonfori,  neque  judiciali  consuetudine.     "  In  accordance  with 
the  usage  neither  of  the  bar,  nor  of  public  trials."     He  refers  to  his 
eulogium  on  letters  and  literary  men. 

9.  Et  communiter,  &c.     "And  the  nature  of  his  avocation  in 
general." 

10.  Ab  eo,  qui,  &c.     "  By  him  who  presides  at  this  trial  I  am 
sure  they  have,"  i.  e.  been  taken  in  good  part. — His  brother  Qaintus 
Cicero  presided  as  praetor.     Consult  note  3,  page  49.     It  remains 
but  to  add,  that  the  eloquence  o-f  Cicero  was  successful. 


ORATION  FOR  M.  MARCELLUS. 


Pap*. 

1.  M.  TULLII  CICERONIS,  &c.  "Oration  of  Marcus  Tullius  g/) 
Cicero  in  behalf  of  Marcus  Marccllus." — This  is  not  so  much  a 
speech  in  defence  of  Marcellus,  as  a  panegyric  on  Julius  Caesar,  for 
having  granted  the  pardon  of  the  former  at  the  intercession  of  the 
senate.  Marcellus  had  been  one  of  the  most  violent  opponents  of 
the  views  of  Caesar.  He  had  recommended  in  the  senate,  that  he 
should  be  deprived  of  the  province  of  Gaul  :  he  had  insulted  the 
magistrates  of  one  of  Caesar's  new-founded  colonies,  and  had  been 
present  at  Pharsalia  on  the  side  of  Pompey.  After  that  battle  he 
retired  to  Mitylene,  where  he  was  obliged  to  remain,  being  one  of 
his  adversaries  to  whom  the  conqueror  refused  to  be  reconciled. 
The  senate,  however,  one  day,  when  Caesar  was  present,  with  a 
united  voice,  and  in  an  attitude  of  supplication,  having  implored  his 
clemency  in  favour  of  Marcellus,  and  their  request  having  been 
granted,  Cicero,  though  he  had  resolved  to  preserve  eternal  silence, 
being  moved  by  the  occasion,  delivered,  in  this  oration,  one  of  the 
highest-strained  encomiums  that  has  ever  been  pronounced. 

In  the  first  part  he  extols  the  military  exploits  of  Caesar  ;  but 
shows  that  his  clemency  to  Marcellus  was  more  glorious  than  any 
of  his  other  actions,  as  it  depended  entirely  on  himself,  while  fortune 
and  his  army  had  their  share  in  the  events  of  the  war.  In  the 
second  part,  he  endeavours  to  dispel  the  suspicions  which,  it  appears, 
Caesar  still  entertained  of  the  hostile  intentions  of  Marcellus,  and 
takes  occasion  to  assure  the  dictator  that  his  life  was  most  dear  and 
valuable  to  all,  since  on  it  depended  the  tranquillity  of  the  state 
and  the  hopes  of  the  restoration  of  the  commonwealth.  (Dunlojft 
Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  339,  I*mi.  ed.) 


275 


276  ORATION    FOR 

Page 

(5Q  THIS  oration,  which  Middleton  declares  to  be  superior  to  any 
thing  extant  of  the  kind  in  all  antiquity,  continued  to  be  not  only  or 
undisputed  authenticity,  but  one  of  Cicero's  most  admired  produc 
tions,  till  Wolf,  in  the  preface  and  notes  to  a  new  edition  of  it, 
printed  in  1802,  attempted  to  show,  that  it  was  a  spurious  produc- 
tion, totally  unworthy  of  the  orator  whose  name  it  bears,  and  that 
it  was  written  by  some  declaimcr,  soon  after  the  Augustan  age, 
not  as  an  imposition  on  the  public,  but  as  an  exercise  ;  according  to 
the  practice  of  the  rhetoricians,  who  were  wont  to  choose,  as  a 
theme,  some  subject  on  which  Cicero  had  spoken.  In  his  letters  to 
Atticus,  Cicero  says,  that  he  had  returned  thanks  to  Caesar,  pluri 
bus  verbis.  This  Middleton  translates,  "  a  long  speech ;"  but 
Wolf  alleges,  it  commonly  means  a  few  words,  and  never  can  be  in- 
terpreted to  denote  a  full  oration,  such  as  that  which  we  now  possess, 
for  Marcellus.  That  Cicero  did  not  deliver  a  long  or  formal  speech, 
.'s  evident,  he  contends,  from  the  testimony  of  Plutarch,  who  men- 
tions, in  his  life  of  Cicero,  that,  a  short  time  afterward,  when  the 
orator  was  about  to  plead  for  Ligarius,  Caesar  asked,  how  it  hap- 
pened that  he  had  not  heard  Cicero  speak  for  so  long  a  period ; 
which  would  have  been  absurd,  if  he  had  heard  him,  a  few  months 
Defore,  pleading  for  Marcellus.  Being  an  extemporaneous  effusion, 
called  forth  by  an  unforeseen  occasion,  it  could  not  (he  continues  to 
urge)  have  been  prepared  and  written  beforehand  ;  nor  is  it  at  all 
probable,  that,  like  many  other  orations  of  Cicero,  it  was  revised, 
and  made  public,  after  having  been  delivered.  The  causes  which 
induced  the  Roman  orators  to  write  out  their  speeches  at  leisure,, 
were  the  magnitude  and  importance  of  the  subject,  or  the  wishes  of 
those  in  whose  defence  they  were  made,  and  who  were  anxious  to 
possess  a  sort  of  record  of  their  vindication.  But  none  of  these 
motives  existed  in  the  present  case.  The  matter  was  of  no  import- 
ance or  difficulty  ;  and  we  know  that  Marcellus,  who  was  a  stern 
republican,  was  not  at  all  gratified  by  the  intercession  of  the  sena- 
tors, or  conciliated  by  the  clemency  of  Caesar. 

As  to  internal  evidence,  deduced  from  the  oration,  Wrolf  admits, 
vhat  there  are  interspersed  in  it  some  Ciceronian  sentences  ;  and  how 
otherwise  could  the  learned  have  been  so  egregiousiy  deceived  ? 
tut  the  resemblance  is  more  in  the  varnish  of  the  style,  than  in  the 
substance.  We  have  the  words  rather  than  the  thoughts  of  Cicero  ; 
and  the  rounding  of  his  periods,  without  their  energy  and  argument- 
ative connexion.  He  adduces,  also,  many  instances  of  phrases 
unusual  among  the  classics,  and  of  conceits  which  betray  the 
rhetorician  or  sophist.  His  extolling  the  act  of  that  day  on  which 
Caesar  pardoned  Marcellus,  as  higher  than  all  his  warlike  exploits 


M.    MARCELLUS  277 

Pace. 

would  bit  have  raised  a  smile  on  the  lij-s  of  the  dictator ;  and  the  fi() 
slighting  way  in  which  the  cause  of  the  public   and  Pompey  arc 
mentioned,  is  totally  different  from  the  manner  in  which  Cicero 
expresses  himself  on  these  delicate  topics,  even  in  presence   of 
Caesar,  in  his  authentic  orations  for  Deiotarus  and  Ligarius. 

It  is  evident,  at  first  view,  that  many  of  Wolf's  observations  are 
hypercritical ;  and  that  in  his  argument  concerning  the  encomiums 
or.  Caesar,  and  the  overrated  importance  of  his  clemency  to  Mar- 
cellus,  he  does  not  make  sufficient  allowance  for  Cicero's  habit  of 
exaggeration,  and  the  momentary  enthusiasm  produced  by  one  of 
those  transactions,  "  Quac,  dum  geruntur,  percellunt  ammos.'' 

Accordingly,  in  the  year  following  that  of  Wolfs  edition,  Olaus 
Wormius  published,  at  Copenhagen,  a  vindication  of  the  authen- 
ity  of  this  speech.  To  the  argument  adduced  from  Plutarch,  he 
answers,  that  some  months  had  elapsed  between  the  orations  for 
Marcellus  and  Ligarius,  which  might  readily  be  called  a  long  period 
by  one  accustomed  to  hear  Cicero  harangue  almost  daily  in  the 
senate  or  forum.  Besides,  the  phrase  of  Plutarch,  XtyovTo?,  may 
mean  pleadiiig  for  some  one,  which  was  not  the  nature  of  the 
speech  for  Marcellus.  As  to  the  motive  which  led  to  write  and 
publish  the  oration,  Cicero,  above  all  men,  was  delighted  with  his 
own  productions,  and  nothing  can  be  more  probable,  than  that  he 
should  have  wished  to  preserve  the  remembrance  of  that  memorable 
day,  which  he  calls,  in  his  letters,  "  diem  illam  pulckerrimam."  It 
was  natural  to  send  the  oration  to  Marcellus,  in  order  to  hasten  his 
return  to  Rome,  and  it  must  have  been  an  acceptable  thing  to 
Caesar,  thus  to  record  his  fearlessness  and  benignity.  With  regard 
to  the  manner  in  which  Pompey  and  the  republican  party  are  talked 
of,  it  is  evident,  from  his  letters,  that  Cicero  was  disgusted  with 
t»_e  political  measures  of  that  faction,  that  he  wholly  disapproved  of 
their  plan  of  the  campaign,  and,  foreseeing  a  renewal  of  Sylla's 
proscriptions  in  the  triumph  of  the  aristocratic  power,  he  did  not. 
exaggerate  in-  so  highly  extolling  the  humanity  of  Caesar. 

The  argument"  of  Wormius  were  expanded  and  illustrated  by 
Weiske,  in  a  commentary  on  the  oration  for  Marcellus,  published 
at  Leipsic,  in  1805,  while  on  the  other  hand,  Spalding,  in  a  dispu- 
tation published  in  1808,  supported  the  opinions  of  Wolf. 

The  controversy  was  in  this  state,  and  was  considered  as  involv- 
ed in  much  doubt  and  obscurity,  when  Aug.  Jacob,  in  an  academi- 
cal exercise,  printed  at  Halle  in  1813,  adopted  a  middle  course. 
Finding  such  dissimilarity  in  the  different  passages  of  the  oration, 
some  being  most  powerful,  elegant,  and  beautiful,  while  others 
were  totally  futile  and  frigid  he  was  led  to  believe  that  part  had 
24 


278  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

g0  actually  flowed  from  the  lips  of  Cicero,  but  that  muoh  had  been 
subsequently  interpolated  by  some  rhetorician  or  declaimer.  In  the 
prosecution  of  his  inquiry,  the  author  successively  reviews  the 
opinions  and  judgments  of  his  predecessors,  sometimes  agreeing 
with  Wolf  and  his  followers,  at  other  times,  and  more  frequently, 
with  their  opposers.  He  thinks,  that  the  much  contested  phrase, 
pluribus  verbis,  may  mean  a  long  oration,  as  Cicero  elsewhere  talks 
of  having  pleaded  for  Cluentius,  pluribus  verbis,  though  the  speech 
in  his  defence  consists  of  58  chapters.  Besides,  Cicero  only  says, 
that  he  had  returned  thanks  to  Caesar,  plunbus  verbis.  Now  the 
whole  speech  does  not  consist  of  thanks  to  Caesar,  being  partly 
occupied  in  removing  the  suspicions  which  he  entertained  of  Mar- 
cellus.  With  regard  to  the  encomiums  on  Caesar,  which  Spalding 
has  characterized  as  abject  and  fulsome,  and  totally  different  from 
the  delicate  compliments  addressed  to  him  in  the  oration  for  Deio- 
tarus  or  Ligarius,  Jacob  reminds  his  readers,  that  the  harangues 
could  have  no  resemblance  to  each  other,  the  latter  being  pleaded  in 
behalf  of  the  accused,  and  the  former  a  professed  panegyric.  Nor 
can  any  one  esteem  the  eulogies  on  Caesar  too  extravagant  for 
Cicero,  when  he  remembers  the  terms  in  which  the  orator  had 
formerly  spoken  of  Roscius,  Archias,  and  Pompey. 

Schutz  has  subscribed  to  the  opinions  of  Wolf,  and  has  pub- 
lished the  speech  for  Marcellus,  along  with  the  other  four  doubtful 
harangues  at  the  end  of  the  genuine  orations.  (Dunlop's  Rom. 
Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  340,  seqq.) 

The  discoveries  of  Maio  at  length  threw  new  light  upon  the  ques- 
tion, that  learned  librarian  and  scholar  having  succeeded  in  bringing 
to  light  parts  of  an  ancient  commentary,  a  collection  of  scholia  on 
several  of  the  orations  of  Cicero,  and  among  them  that  for  Marcel- 
lus. This  commentary  appears  to  have  either  been  written  by 
Asconius  Pedianus,  or  selected  from  his  more  extensive  scholia  ; 
and,  as  the  part  relating  to  the  oration  we  are  considering,  although 
brief,  makes  no  mention  of  any  other  author  for  the  speech,  this 
circumstance,  together  with  the  fact  of  the  oration  being  joined  to 
others  of  undoubted  authenticity,  will  form  no  weak  argument  in  its 
behalf.  Indeed,  the  latest  editor  of  Cicero's  works,  Nobbe,  (Lips. 
1827,)  considers  the  question  as  now  conclusively  settled,  remark- 
ing :  "  Sed  ecce  nova  et  paene  insperata  lux  orta  est,  inventis  a 
Maio  veterum  in  hanc  oralionem  scholiorumfragmentis,  Usque  Medi- 
olani  (1817)  editis.  Unde  satis  cerium  Jit,  db  ipso  Cicerone  auctore 
hanc  gra.tia.rum  actionem  profectam  esse." 


M.    MAB'ELI.US.  279 

Pa<re. 

2.  Diuturni  silcntii      "  Cicero   had  avoided  taking  any  active  gQ 
I>art  in  public   affairs,  and  mingling  in   the  debates  of  the  senate, 
since  the  period  of  his  return  to  Rome,  after  having  been  pardoned 

by  Caesar.  The  reason  of  this  silence  he  gives  us  with  more 
openness  in  a  letter  to  Sulpicius,  (Ep.  ad  Fam.  4,  4,)  "  I  had 
resolved  to  observe  a  perpetual  silence,  not  from  any  feeling  of  indo- 
lence, but  from  one  of  regret  at  the  loss  of  my  former  dignity." 

3.  Quo  tram  his   temporibus  usus.     "  In  which  I  had  indulged 
during  these  latter  times." 

4.  Nan  timore  aliquo.     Complimentary  to  Caesar,  and  implying 
that  even  if  Cicero  had  felt  inclined  to  express  his  sentiments  on 
public    affairs,  with  boldness   and   freedom,  he   would  have   been 
allowed  by  Caesar  so  to  do,  without  any  interruption. 

5.  Partirn  dolore.     Grief  for  the  absence  of  his  friend  Marcellus. 
Compare  what  follows  a  little  after  :  "  Dolebam  enim,"  &c. 

6.  Partim  verecundia.     "  Partly  from  a  feeling  of  self-restraint." 
Cicero  means  to  express  by  verecundia  the  awkwardness  he  felt  at 
speaking  in  the  presence  of  one  whom  he  had  opposed  in  the  civil 
contest.     Compare  the  explanation  of  Manutius  :    •"  Contra  quern, 
enim  armis  pugnassem,  eo  praesente  in  senatu  verba  facer e  vere 
cundia  prohibebat." 

7.  Quae  vellem,  &c.     "  Of  giving  utterance,  with  my  former 
wonted  freedom,  to   my  wishes  and  my   sentiments."     Compare 
Manutius  :     "  ut,  pro  meo   scnsit,  quemadmodum  antea  solebam, 
libere  loquar." 

8.  Mansuefudinem.     "  Humanity."     As  displayed  by  Caesar  in 
pardoning  Marcellus.     Compare,  as  regards  the  force  of  matisue- 
tudo,  the  oration  for  the  Manilian  law,  c.  14,  where   Cicero,  speak- 
ing of  Pompey,  remarks  :  "  Humanitas  jam  tanta  est,  ut   difficile 
dictu  sit,  vtrum  hosles  magis  virtutem  ejus  pugnantes  limuerint, 
an  mansueludinem  victi  dilexerint." 

9.  Tantum,  in  summa  potestate,  &c.     "  Such  boundless  moder- 
ation in  the  midst  of  unlimited  power." 

s  10.  Sapientiam.     As  shown  by   its  controlling  the  dictates  of 
private  animosity,  and  restoring  a  useful  citizen  to  his  country. 

11.  Auctoritatem.      Compare   his   words   to  Sulpicius,   already 
referred  to,  (Ep.  ad  Fam.  4,  4,)   "  Statueram,  non  mehercule  iner- 
tia, sed  desiderio  pristinae  dignitatis,  in  perpetuum  lacere."     Cicero 
begins  now  to  perceive  a  restoration  in  some  degree  of  his  former 
"influence,"  in  consequence  of  the  mildness   and  generosity  of 
Caesar  towards  his  friend. 

12.  Dolebam.     "  I  used  to  grieve." — Virum  taltm.     Referring 
to  Marcellus. 


280  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

gQ  13.  In  cadem  causa,  &c.  "  Who  had  been  engaged  in  the 
same  cause  with  myself,"  i.  c  the  party  of  Pompey. — Non  in 
eademesse  forluna.  "  Was  not  enjoying  the  same  good  fortune.'' 
Cicero,  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  accepted  pardon  from  Caesar, 
and  returned  to  Rome  ;  Marcellus,  on  the  other  hand,  too  stubborn 
a  republican  to  acknowledge  a  master,  retired  to  Mitylene  in  the 
island  of  Lesbos,  where  he  was  residing  when  the  news  of  his  par- 
don reached  him. 

14.  Nee  mihi  persuadere  poteram,  &c.     "  Nor   could  I  prevail 
upon  myself,  nor  did  I  deem  it  in  accordance  with  the  hallowed  law 
of  friendship,  that  I  should  engage  in  our  old  career,  when  he,  the 
rival  and  the  imitator  of  my  pursuits  and  labours,  my  associate  and 
companion  as  it  were,  was  torn  from  me."     The  use  of  fas  is  here 
strongly    emphatic,  which  must  -  be    our  apology  for  giving  it   a 
paraphrase  rather  than  a  translation. —  Fat  has  reference  to  the  gods 
and  things  of  a  sacred  nature,  jus  to  what  is  of  human  origin  or 
character.  (Serv.  ad  Virg.  Georg.  1,  269.) 

15.  Nostro    veteri    curricula.      Forensic    pursuits    and    public 
speaking  in  general. — Aemulo  atque  imitator  e>  &c.     Marcellus  w&i 
distinguished    for    his  ability   as   a  speaker      Consult    Historical 
Index. 

16.  Meae  pristinae  vitae,  &c.     "  The  habits  of  my  former  life, 
which  had  been  long  closed  upon  me."    We  have  adopted  the  read- 
ing of  Lambinus,   Wolf,  WTeiske,  &c.     The  common  text  has  el 
mihi  el  meae  pristinae,  &c. 

17.  Et  his  omnibus,  &c.    "  And  have  raised  a  signal,  as  it  were, 
for  all  who  axe  here  present  to  entertain  favourable  hopes  of  the 
state  at  large,"  i.  e.  of  all  that  is  connected  with  the  welfare  of  their 
country. — Signum  aliquod  extulisti.     A  metaphor  borrowed  from 
military  operations. 

18.  Intellectum   esl   enim,  &c.     "  For  it  was  rendered  plainly 
apparent,  to  myself,  indeed,  in   many   instances   before    u-      and 
especially  in  my  own  case,  but,  a  moment  ago,  to  all  who  are  here 
present,  that,  when  you  granted  Marcus  Marcellus  to  the  senate  and 
people  of  Rome,"  &c. 

1.  0/ensionibus.  Marcellus,  when  consul,  had  moved  in  the 
senate,  that  Caesar's  command  in  Gaul  be  abrogated,  when  the 
latter,  after  having  put  an  end  to  the  Gallic  war,  though  his  com- 
mission was  near  expiring,  sought  to  retain  his  command,  pretend- 
ing that  he  could  not  possibly  be  safe,  if  he  parted  with  his  army, 
whi'e  Pompey  held  the  province  of  Spain.  Marcellus  afterward 
endeavoured  to  get  Caesar  proclaimed  an  enemy  to  his  country  ;  in 
a  public  speech  he  called  him  a  robber  ;  and  finally  fought  against 


M.    J1ARCELLC&.  281 

Page 

him  in  the  civil  contest.    These  were  among  his  "  offences"  against  ft  I 
Caesar. 

2.  Tuis  vel  doloribus  vel  svspicionibus.  "  To  your  ovvn  feelings, 
whether  of  resentment  or  suspicion."     Resentment  for  the  past, 
suspicion  with  regard  to  the  future  conduct  of  Marcellus.     Caesar 
feared  lest  Marcellus  might  plot  against  his  life. 

3.  Ille  quidem  fructum,  &c.    "  He,  indeed,  has  this  day  received 
ihe  richest  recompense  for  all  his  past  life,  both  in  the  unanimous 
intercession  of  the  senate,  and  also  in  your  most  solemn  and  gener- 
ous determination."     Cicero  means,  that  this  day  has  fully  repaid 
the  services  which  the  past  life  of  Marcellus  had  bestowed  upon  his 
country.     He  now  obtains  glory  together  with  safety,  because  the 
unanimous  intercession  of  the  senate,  and  Caesar's  generous  con- 
duct, prove  conclusively  that  Marcellus  is  a  truly  virtuous  man. 

4.  Laws.     Supply  tibi. — Gloria.     Supply  illi. 

5.  Est  vero  forlunatus  ille,  &c.     "  Fortunate  in  truth  is  he, 
since  hardly  less  joy  will  accrue  unto  all  from  his  safety,  than  is 
likely  to  be  felt  by  himself."     The  relative,  from  its  assigning  the 
reason,  takes  here  the  subjunctive  mood.  Compare  note  14,  page  26. 

6.  Ventura  sit.     Because  Marcetlus  is  at  a  distance,  and  Cicero 
can  only  surmise  what  his  feelings  will  be  on  the  receipt  of  the 
intelligence. 

7.  Nobilitate.     "  For  birth."     The  line  of  the  Marcelli  was  dis- 
tinguished in  Roman  history. — Optimarum  artium  studio.     "  For 
zealous   attachment   to   the   most    liberal   pursuits." — Innocentia. 
"  Blamelessness  of  life."     Moral  purity. 

8.  Nullius  tantum,  &c.     "  In  no  one  is  there  so  great  a  flow  of 
genius,  in  no  one  so  great  power,  so  great  copiousness,  of  speaking 
or  of  writing,  as  can,  I  will  not  say,  fully  embellish,  but  even  fairly 
recount,  (Jams  Caesar,  your  exploits,"  i.  e.  all  the  creative  power 
of  the  finest  geniuses,  all  the  efforts  of  eloquence  and  history,  will 
be  found  inadequate  even  to  give  a  simple  and  unadorned  narrative 
of  your  achievements. 

9.  Pace  tua.     "  With  your  permission,"  i.  e.  with  all  deference. 
— Ampliorem.     "  More  glorious." — Ea.     We  have  here  adopted 
the  emendation  of  Ernesti.     The  common  text  has  earn. 

10.  Idque  iibcnter,  &c.     "  And  to  make  it  a  theme  of  frequent 
conversations."     Weiske  reads  idemque  for  idque. 

11.  Numero  proeliorum .    Pliny  (H.  N.  7,25)  states,  that  Caesar 
fought  fifty  pitched  battles,  the  nearest  approach  to  which  number 
was  in  the  case  of  Marcellus,  who  fought  thirty-nine.     He  also 
informs  us,  that,  independently  of  the  carnage  of  the  civil  wars,  he 
had   slain    1,192.000   men.      "  Idem   signts   collatis   quinquagie* 

24* 


282  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

fll  dimicavit  •  solus  M.  Ma.rceU.um  transgrcssus,  qui  undequadragtes 
dimicaverat.  Nam  praeter  civiles  victorias,  undecies  centena  ct 
nonaginta  duo  millia  hominum  occisd  praeliis  ab  eo." 

12.  Nee  varietate  regionum.    Caesar  had  carried  on  war  in  Gaul, 
Britain,   Spain,   Germany,  Greece,  Egypt,  Africa,  and  Asia.     He 
overcame    Pompey  at   Pharsalia ;  Ptolemy  in  Egypt ;  Pharnaces, 
son  of  Mithridates,  in  Pontus  ;  and  the  sons  of  Pompey  in  Spain. 

13.  Celeritatc  conficiendi.     This  is  well  illustrated  by  his  famous 
despatch  to  the  Roman  senate,  after  his  victory  over  Pharnaces, 
"  Veni,  vidi,  vici."     The  commentaries  on  the  Gallic  war  are  also 
full  of  examples. 

14.  Nee  dissimilitudine  bellorum.     "  Nor  in  the  unlike  character 
of  the  wars  themselves."     Occasioned  by  the  unlike  characters  of 
the  nations  with  whom,  and   the  countries   in   which,  they  were 


15.  Nee  vero,  &c.  "And  that,  in  truth,  lands  the  most  widely 
remote  from  each  other  could  not  have  been  travelled  over  with 
more  rapidity  by  the  footsteps  of  any  one,  than  they  have  been 
traversed,  I  will  not  say  by  your  marches,  but  by  your  victories." 
A  somewhat  similar  measure  of  praise  had  already  been  poured  out 
by  Cicero  upon  Pompey,  in  the  oration  for  the  Manilran  war,  (c.  10,) 
"  Qui  saepius  cum  hoste  conflixit,  quam  quisquam  cum  inimico 
concertavit :  plura  bella  gessit,  quam  ceteri  legerunt :  plures  pro- 
vimcias  confecit,  quam  ceteri  concupierunt." 

16-.'  Lustratae  sint.  Compare  the  remark  of  Manutius  :  "  IMS- 
trare  plus  est  quam  peragrare :  nam  qui  peragrat  transit ;  qui 
lustrat  ambit :  quo  plus  temporis  requiritur." 

1 7.  Quae  quidem  ego,  &c.     "  Now,  were  I  not  to  confess  that 
these  things  are  so  extraordinary,"  &c. — Amens  sim.     "  I  would 
be  a  madman,"  i.  e.  it  were  madness  not  to  confess,  &c. 

18.  Alia  majora.     Alluding  to  the  glory  he  has  acquired  by  his 
generous  conduct  in  pardoning  Marcellus. 

19.  Extenuare  verbis.     "  To  depreciate  by  their  remarks." — 
Communicare   cum  mullis.     "  To  share  it  with  the  many,"  i.  e. 
with  the  great  body  of  the  soldiery. — Propriae  imperatorum.  "  Tho 
exclusive  property  of  commanders." 

20.  In  armis.     "  In  military  operations." — Locorum  opportuni- 
tas.     "  The  advantage  of  situation." — Auxilia  sociorum.     "  The 
aid  of  allies." 

21.  Commeatus.  "  Convoys,"  i.  e.  supplies  of  military  stores,  &c. 

22.  Quasi  suo  jure.    "  As  if  by  a  right  peculiarly  hers." — Paene 
omne  suum.     "  As  almost  entirely  her  own."    Compare,  as  regards 
the  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed  by  the  whole  passage,  the  language 


H.    HAKCELLU8.  283 

Page 

Of  IsOcrates,  (Tlapayp.  irpeij  KaAAt/<.  C.  12,)  Tail/  pin    TOtovrwv  cpyuoi',  Q  1 
6aa  ficra  KivSvvwv   iriirpaKTau,  rd  vXeTarov  aV  rij  ptpos  fy  rf^i?  /JETO^OI'I;, 
«.  r.  A. 

1.  Hujus  gloriae.     The  glory  of  pardoning  a  violent  political  fjo 
enemy. 

2    Quantumcunque  est,  &c.     "  How  great  soever  it  is,  (and  it 
certainly  is  most  great,)"  i.  e.  and  nothing  certainly  can  be  greater. 

3.  Nihil  sibi,  &e.     "  No  centurion,   no  prefect,  no  cohort,  no 
troop,  take  unto  themselves  any  portion  of  this  praise  of  thine,"  i.  e. 
no  commander  of  infantry  or  cavalry,  no  body  of  foot  or  horse. 
Centurio  properly  means  a  commander  of  one  hundred  infantry. 
Praefectus  denotes  a  leader  of  cavalry.     Both  terms  are  used  here, 
however,  in  a  general  sense.     So  again,  cohors  arid  turma  are  em- 
ployed, in  this  sentence,  with  a  general  reference  to  any  body  of 
foot  or  horse.     In  strictness,  cohors  means  a  band  of  600  foot-sol- 
diers ;  and  turma,  a  troop  of  30  horse. 

4.  Decerpit.     The  peculiar  force  of  this  verb  is   best  expressed 
by  a  paraphrase  :  "  Pluck  for  themselves  a  single  leaf  from  thy 
garland." 

5.  Qwn  etiam,  dec.     "  Nay,  even  fortune,  that  very  mistress  of 
human  affairs,  presents  not  herself  for  any  share  of  this  thy  glory," 
>.  e.  lays  claim  to  no  share  in  this  thy  latest  and  most  glorious  act. 

6.  Tuam  esse  totam  et  propriam.     "  That  it  is  all  and  peculiarly 
thine  own." 

7.  Nee  ad  consilium,   &c.     "Nor  is  chance  admitted  to  the 
counsels  of  prudence,"  i.  e.  nor  do  thy  plans  ever  look  to  chance  to 
aid  them  in  their  fulfilment.     If,  therefore,  fortune  contributes  no- 
thing to  the  success  of  thy  plans,  in  general,  but  if  they  all  owe  their 
completion  to  thy  sagacity  and  prudence,  she  must  surely  be  ex- 
cluded also  from  this  last  act  of  thine,  in  which  wisdom  and  foresight 
are  so  happily  blended. 

8.  Immanitate  barbaras.     "  Fiercely  barbarous."     The   Gauls, 
Germans,  Britons,  &c.     With  respect  to  the  Germans  and  Britons, 
however,  it  was  a  mere  idle  boast. 

9.  Locis  infinitas.  "  Spread  over  an  infinite  variety  of  regions." 
—  -Omni  copiarum  genere.     "  In  all  kinds  of  resources." 

10.  Quae  naturam  et  conditionem,  &c.     "Which  possessed  the 
nature  and  condition  of  being  able  to  be  overcome,"  i.  e.  which  by 
their  very  nature,  and  the  condition  connected  with  them,  were  capa- 
ble of  being  overcome. — The  common  text  has  vinci  vi,  but  the 
latter  word  is  omitted  by  Lambinus,  Graeviua,  Wolf,  and  others. 

H.  Animum  vincere.     "To  conquer  one's  feelings,  however." 
- Victoriam  temperare.     "  To  make  a  moderate  use  of  victory." 


iitii  ORATION   FOR 

Pape. 

gJ2  12.  Adeeisanum  non  modo  extollere  jacentem.  "Not  only  r« 
raise  a  fallen  foe."  Jacentem,  literally,  "  lying  prostrate.'  — Am- 
plificare  cjus  pristinam  dignitatem.  "  To  enlarge  his  former  dig- 
nity," i  e.  to  elevate  him  to  a  still  higher  rank  than  he  previously 
enjoyed  ;  to  heighten  and  increase  his  personal  consideration. 

13.  Simillimum  Deo  judico.     This  sounds  to  modern  ears  as  the 
grossest  flattery.     Middleton,  however,  undertakes  Cicero's  defence 
against  the  charge  of  insincerity.     "  It  must  be  remembered,"  re- 
marks he,  "  that  the  orator  was  delivering  a  speech  of  thanks,  not 
only  for  himself,  but  in  the  name  and  at  the  desire  of  the  senate, 
where  his  subject  naturally  required  all  the  embellishments  of  elo- 
quence ;  and  that  all  his  compliments  are  grounded  on  a  supposi- 
tion,  that  Caesar   intended  to  restore  the  republic,  of  which   he 
entertained  no  small  hopes  at  tliis  time,  as  he  signifies  in  a  letter  to 
one  of  Caesar's  principal  friends.     (Ep.  ad  Fam.  13,  68.)     This, 
therefore,  he  recommends,  enforces,  and  requires  from  him  in  his 
speech,  with  the  spirit  of  an  old  Roman  ;  and  no  reasonable  man 
will  think  it  strange,  that  so  free  an  address  to  a  conqueror,  in  the 
height  of  all  his  power,  should  want  to  be  tempered  with  some  few 
strokes  of  flattery."     (Life  of  Cicero,  sect.  8.— vol.  2,  p.  259.) 

14.  Bellicae    tuae    laudes    illae.     "  Those  warlike   praises    of 
thine." — Literis  atque  linguis.     "  In  the  literature  and  languages." 

15.  Ejusmodi  res.     The  praises  attendant  upon  warlike  achiev- 
ments. — Obslrepi  clamors   militumt  &c      "Seem    to  be  drowned 
amid  the  shouts  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  blast  of  the  trumpets. " 

16.  Iracundia  praesertim,  quae  est  inimica  consilio.     Compare 
the  language  of  Horace,  Ep.  1,  2,  62,  "  Ira  Juror  brevis  est." 

17.  Non  modo  in  gestis  rebus,  &c.     "  Not  only  in  the  case  of 
real  occurrences,  but  even  in  those  of  a  fictitious  nature." 

18.  Cujus  menlem,  &c.     "  Whose  sentiments  and  feelings  we 
see  plainly  to  be  of  such  a  nature,  that,"  &c.     The  common    text 
has  cujus  menlem  sensusque  et   os  cernimus.     For  et   os   ("  and 
whose  very  look,")   we  have  adopted   the   elegant  emendation   oi 
Faernus,  eos,  in  the  sense  of  tales,  and  which  has  the   additional 
advantage   of  rendering    the   connexion  of  tit  more   apparent. — 
Weiske  makes  the  same  change. 

19.  Salvum.     "  Secured  to  her."      Compare   Middleton's  re 
marks,  under  note  13. 

20.  Quibus  studiis,  &c.     "  With  what  demonstrations  of  zeal 
shall  we  honour  ;  with  what  grateful  feelings  shall  we  clasp  to  our 
bosoms  1  I  do  assure  you,  the    very  walls  of  this  eeHate-house  are 
desirous,  as  they  seem  to  me,  of  returning  thanks  to  you,  because 
the  authority  of  this  body  is  soon  about  to  be  re-established  in  these 


>l.   MARCELLUS.  285 

Page. 

their  fathers'  seats  as  well  as  their  own."  We  have  given  the  fJJ2 
latter  part  of  this  passage  according  to  the  common  text,  although 
Manutius  and  others  suspect  some  corruption.  Our  interpretation 
is  that  of  Ernesti,  who  remarks  :  "  Sensus  est,  quod  ilia  pristina 
auctoritas  senatus  max  rursiis  habitatura  sit  in  hoc  curia,  in  qua 
et  apud  majores  et  nuper  senatores  plurimum  auctoritate  valu- 
issent." 

21.  Me  dius  Julius.  The  term  dius  is  the  same  as  deus  or 
divus,  andfidius  is  an  adjective  formed  from  fides.  Hence,  dius 
fidius,  "  the  god  of  honour,"  or  "  good  faith,"  will  be  the  same 
as  the  ZEWJ  iriorioj  of  the  Greeks  ;  and,  if  we  follow  the  authority  of 
Varro,  (L.  L.  4,  10,)  identical  with  the  Sabine  Sancus,  and  Ro- 
man Hercules  ;  so  that  me  dius  fidius  is  nothing  more  than  me 
deus  fidei  (i.  e.  Hercules)  adjunct,  or,  in  other  words,  mehercule. 

1.  Caii  Alarcelli.     Caius  Marcellus  was  the  brother  of  Marcus  AJJ 
Marcellus. — This  appears  to  be   the  proper  place   for   introducing 
Cicero's  account,  in  his  letter  to  Sulpicius,  (Ep.  ad  Fam.  4,  4,)  of 
what  took  place  on  this  occasion  :  "  Caesar,  after  having  complain- 
ed of  the  moroseness  of  Marcellus,  for  so  he  called  it,  and  praised, 

in  the  strongest  terms,  the  equity  and  prudence  of  your  conduct, 
presently  declared,  beyond  all  our  hopes,  that,  whatever  offence  he 
had  received  from  the  man,  he  could  reluse  nothing  to  the  inter- 
cession of  the  senate.  What  the  senate  did  was  this ;  upon  the 
mention  of  Marcellus  by  Piso,  his  brother  Caius  having  thrown 
himself  at  Caesar's  feet,  they  all  rose,  and  went  forward,  in  a  sup- 
plicating manner,  towards  Caesar.  In  short,  the  proceeding  of  this 
day  appeared  to  me  so  fair  and  becoming,  that  I  could  not  help 
fancying  I  saw  the  image  of  the  old  republic  reviving  as  it  were. 
When  all,  therefore,  who  were  asked  their  opinions  before  me,  had 
returned  thanks  to  Caesar,  except  Volcatius,  (for  he  declared  that 
he  would  not  have  done  it,  though  he  had  been  in  Marcellus'  place,) 
I.  as  soon  as  I  was  called  upon,  changed  my  mind  ;  for  I  had  resolv- 
ed with  myself  to  observe  an  eternal  silence,  not  from  any  feelings 
of  indolence,  but  from  regret  for  the  loss  of  my  former  dignity  ; 
Caesar's  greatness  of  mind,  however,  and  the  laudable  zeal  of  the 
sonate,  got  the  better  of  my  resolution.  I  gave  thanks,  therefore, 
to  Caesar,  in  a  long  speech,  and  have  deprived  myself  by  it,  I  fear, 
on  other  occasions,  of  that  honest  quiet  which  was  my  only  comfort 
in  these  unhappy  times,"  &c. 

2.  Et   commemorabili,  &c.      "  And   possessed  of  a  degree  of 
fraternal  affection  that  is  deserving  of  all  mention."     Compare,  aa 
regards  pietas,  note  9,  page  50. 

3    Pectus  obfudit.     "  Came  gushing  over  me.'1     The  common 


286  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

fJQ  text  has  effodit,  which  is  far  inferior.     The  greater  number  of  MSS. 
give  the  latter,  but  the  better  class  the  former  reading. 

4.  Nobilissimamque  familiam.     Cicero  uses  the  term  familia  to 
denote  the  individual  family  of  the  Marcelli.     They  formed  a  branch 
of  the  gens  Claudia,  or  Claudian  house. 

5.  Tuis  maximis,  &c.      "  To  the  greatest  of  your  countless 
felicitations,"  i.  e.  to  the  greatest  of  those  many  victories,  on  which 
you  have  been  felicitated  by  others.     Some  commentators  confound 
gratulatio  here  with  the  same  term  when  denoting  a  thanksgiving 
to  the  gods.     It  refers,  on  the  contrary,  merely  to  the  private  feel- 
ings of  Caesar,  and  the  felicitations  offered  him  by  friends  for  his 
numerous  and  eminent  successes.     For  Cicero  to  have  said,  that 
Caesar  would  regard  this  day  as  a  source  of  higher  pleasure  than  the 
greatest  of  the  many  thanksgivings  which  had  been  decreed  in  his 
name,  would  have  shocked  the  religious  feelings  of  his  auditors. 

6.  Est  propria  Caesaris.     "  Is  the  act  of  Caesar  alone."     Lat- 
erally, "  is  peculiar  to  Caesar." 

7.  Duce  te  gestae  quidem,  &c.      We  have  rejected,  on  the  sug- 
gestion of  Ernesti,  the  words  magnae  illae,  which  appear  in   the 
common  text  between  gestae  and  quidem. 

8.  Hujus  autem  rei.     "  In  the  present  affair,  however,"  i.  e  in 
the  act  of  this  day,  the  pardoning  of  Marcellus. 

9.  Quae    quidem  tanta  est.     "  And  so   great   indeed  is  it." — 
Tropacis  monumcntisque  tuts.     "  To  your  other  trophies  and  mon- 
uments." 

10.  Opere  ant  manu.     "  By  the  labour  or  the  hand  of  man." — 
Vetustas.     "  Length  of  days." 

11.  Justitia  et  lenitas  animi.     The  term  justitia  has  reference 
nere  to  the  rank  and  merits  of  Marcellus.     It  would  have  been 
unjust  in  Caesar  to  have  kept  such  a  man  any  longer  away  from  his 
country. — Lenitas  animi,  and  not  dementia,  is  employed,  in  order 
that  Caesar  may  not  appear  to  have   been  sparing  a  foe,  and  the 
remembrance  of  former  enmities  be  in  this  way  renewed. 

12.  Ut  quantum,  &c.     "  That  as  much  as  length  of  time  shall 
take  from  your  monuments,  so  much  will   it  add  to  your  glory." 
Operibus  refers  back  to  tropaeis  monumentisque. 

13.  Victores  bellorum  civilium.      "  Victors  in  our   civil  wars." 
Alluding  to  Sylla,  Marius,  Cinna,  &c. 

14.  Vereor  ne.     We  have  adopted  the  emendation  of  Ernesti. 
The  common  text  has  vereor  ut,  but    this  can   only  be   allowed  if 
non  be  thrown  out  before  perinde.     Consult  note  8,  page  43. 

15.  Non  perinde,  &c.     "  May  not  be  understood,  on  the  mere 
hearing  of  it  to  the  same  degree  that  I,  reflecting  upon  it,  feel  it 


M.    MAIiCELLUS.  287 

Page. 

m  miiid  to  be,"  i.  e.  lest  what  I  say  may  fall  far  short  of  what  I  feel.  g^J 
Pcrinde  is  here  equivalent  to  aeque.  Compare  Tursellinus,  de  Part. 
Lat.  c.  176. 

16.  Qu&e  ilia  adepta  erat.     "  Which  it  had  obtained  for  you," 
i.  e.  the  absolute  power  which  it  gave  him  over  his  political  oppo- 
rfents,  and  the  means  which  it  afforded  him  of  gratifying  private 
animosity. 

17.  Omnes  vieti  occldissemus .     "  All  of  us  the  vanquished  might 
have  fallen,"  i.  e.  been  cut  off  by  the  sword.     Cicero  means,  that 
this  would  have  been  the  case  if  Caesar  had  followed  the  usual 
course,  and  taken  Marius  or  Sylla  for  his  models. 

18.  Clementine  tuae  judicio.     "By  the  decision  of  your  clem- 
ency," i.  e.  by  your  merciful  determination,      dementia,  is  now  em- 
ployed because  occidissemus  precedes,  and  more  besides  Marcellus 
are  meant.     Consult  note  11. 

19.  Atque  hoc   C.  Caesaris,  &c.     "  And  mark,  Conscript  Fa- 
thers, how  widely  this  determination  on  the  part  of  Caius  Caesar 
extends  in  its  influence,"  i.  e.  Marcellus  alone  is  not  the  only  one 
benefited  by  this  generous  conduct  of  Caesar. 

20.  Qui  ad  ilia  arma,  &c.  "  Who  were  driven  by  some  wretched 
and  lamentable  fatality  or  other,  on  die  part  of  the  republic,  to  take 
up  arms  in  that  contest."     The  contest  referred  to  is  the  civil  war, 
and  the  opposition  made  to  Caesar,  by  his  political  antagonists,  is 
flatteringly  ascribed  by  the  speaker  to  mere  blind  fatality  ;  implying, 
of  course,  that,  had  they  exercised  any  judgment  or  reflection,  they 
would  never  have  resisted  him. 

21.  Nescio  quo.     Equivalent  to  quo  fato  id  faclum  fuerit  nescw. 
In  translating,  however,  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  analogous  merely  to 
OUT  phrases,  "  or  other,"  "  I  know  not  what,"  &c. — Nescio  quis, 
and  its  other  forms,  nescio  quid,  nescio  quern,  nescio  quo,  &c.,  are 
employed  to  denote  something  more  or  less  obscure,  or  over  which 
we  wish  to  pass  by  considering  it  as  such.     It  is  used  also,  espe- 
cially in  the  case  of  persons,  to  indicate  contempt.     The  ellipsis  is 
worth  noting.  Thus,  nescio  quis  fecit  is  put  for,  aliquis  fecit,  nescio 
quis  sit ;  and  again  nescio  quern  nidi  is  equivalent  to,  aliquem  vidi, 
nescio  quern  viderim,"  &c.     Consult  Scheller,  Praecept.  Slyl.  vol 
l,p.  329. 

22.  Etsi  aliqua  culpa,  &c.     "  Although  we  are  in  some  degree 
liable  to  the  imputation  of  human  infirmity,"  i.  e.  blindness  in  not 
perceiving  the  true  course  which  we  ought  to  have  pursued. 

23.  A   seelere   certe  liberati  sumus.     "  Have,  by  this  act  of 
Caesar's,  been  evidently  acquitted  of  any  wicked  intentions,"  i.  e. 
m  pardoning  Marcellus,  Caesar  has  clearly  shown,  that  he  acquits 


2S8  ORATION    J'Oll 

Page. 

go  not  only  that  individual,  but  all  of  us  who  followed  the  standard  of 
Pompey,  of  any  evil  feelings  towards  himself,  and  only  considers  us 
to  have  been  actuated  by  an  honest  though  mistaken  love  of  country. 

24.  Et  ilerum.     "  And  once  more."     The   earlier  reading   ia 
et  item,   for   which    Graevius  first  substituted  et   iterum,  on  the 
authority  of  a  MS.     He  is  followed  by  Erncsti  and  others. 

25.  Reliquos  amplissimos  viros.     "  Those  other  very  illustrious 
men."     Referring  to  ;ho  other  individuals  of  the  old  Pompeian 
party,  who,  like  himself,  had  been  pardoned  by  Caesar,  and  restored 
to  their  rank  and  privileges  as  senators. 

Q4  1.  Non  ille  hastes,  &c.  "  He  has  brought  no  enemies  into  the 
senate,"  i.  e.  the  individuals,  whom  he  has  thus  restored,  he  has 
acquitted  of  all  hostile  feelings  towards  himself.  Had  he  thought 
that  they  cherished  such  feelings,  he  would  never  have  re-admitted 
them.  All  which  is  clearly  shown,  if  it  need  additional  confirma 
tion,  by  the  pardon  of  Marcellus. 

2.  Judicavit.     "  He  concluded." — Ignoralione,  &c.     "  From  an 
ignorance  rather  of  his  real  intentions,  and  from  a  false  and  ground- 
less fear."     The  flattery  here  begins  to  be  very  apparent.     Just  as 
if  Caesar's  real  intentions  were  for  the  good  of  his  country,  and  as 
if  the  fears  of  all  good  patriots  for  the  safety  of  the  republic  were 
visionary  and  groundless ! 

3.  Quam  cupiditale.    "  Than  from  any  feelings  of  cupidity,"  i.  e. 
any  desire  of  gratifying  a  rapacious  spirit,  and  seizing  upon  the  prop- 
erty of  others. 

4.  Crudelitate.  "  A  spirit  of  revenge."  A  feeling  of  cruel  hatred. 

5.  Semper  de  pace,  &c.     "  I  always  was  of  opinion  that  propo- 
sals of  peace   ought  to   be  listened   to."     Cicero   had   done  every 
thing,  in  the  beginning  of  the  civil  troubles,  to   prevent   a   rupture 
between  Caesar  and  Pompey.     He  was  convinced  that  an  intestine 
war  would  inevitably  end  in  the  establishment  of  absolute  power. 
His  letters,  which  make  us  acquainted  with  his   secret  thoughts, 
fully  substantiate  this  :     "Pace   opuscst;  ex  victoria  quum  multa 
mala,  turn  certe  tyrannis  exsistet."  (Ep.  ad  Alt.  7,  5.)     So  again  : 
"  Equidem  ad  pacem  hortari  non  desino,  quae,  vel  injusta,  utilior 
est  quam  justissimum  bellum."     (Ad.  Alt.  7,  14.)     He  foresaw  all 
that  happened,  and  it  is  with  this  view  before  him,  that  he  writes  to 
Atticus  and  his  other  friends.     Caesar,  who  affected  great  modera- 
tion, made  some  very  plausible  proposals  of  peace,  and  Cicero  was 
desirous  that  they  should  be   listened   to,  but  Pompey   absolutely 
refused.     When  the  latter  had  been  compelled  to  quit  Ro.ne  as  a 
fugitive,  Cicero,  after  some  delay,  followed  him  from  attachment 
and  gratitude,  but  still  full  of  gloomy  forebodings,  and  foreseeing 


M.  MARCELLUS.  289 

Page. 

nought  but  lamentable  results,  since  on  one  side  was  all  the  right  fiA 
and  on  the  other  all  the  power  :  "  Valuit  apud  me  plus  pudor 
meus,  quam  timor.  Veritus  sum  deesse  Pompeii  salutt.  Itaqv.* 
vcl  qfficio,  vel  fama  bonorum,  vel  pudore  victus,  ut  in  fabulia 
Amphio.ro.us,  sic  ego,prudens  et  sciens,  ad  pestem  ante  oculos  posi- 
lam  sum  profectus,"  (Ep.  ad  Fam.  6,  6.) 

6.  Oratimem  etiam  civium,  &c.     "  That  even  the  entreaties  of 
those  citizens  who  earnestly  begged  for  peace,  were  totally  reject- 
ed," i.  e.  by  Pompey.     Consult  preceding  note. 

7.  Neque  enim  ego  ilia,  &c.     "  For  I  never  took  an  active  part 
either  in  these  or  any  other  civil  commotions. 

8.  Socta.     "  Allied  to,"  i.  e.   in  favour  of. — Compare  the  En- 
glish form  of  expression,  "  went  hand  in  hand  with." 

9.  Hominem  sum  secutus,  &c.     "  I  followed  a  certain  individual 
from  a  sense  of  private,  not  of  public,  duty."     The  allusion  is  to 
Pompey,  who  is  mentioned  in  guarded  terms,   not  from  any  fear 
>{  the   consequences   in   case   he   had   called  him  by  name,  but 
rom  a  becoming  sense  of  propriety.     Cicero   means    to  convey 
he  idea,   that  he   followed   Pompey   rather   as   a  friend   than   a 

"leader. 

10.  Tantumque  apud  me,  &c.     "  And  so  powerful  an  influence 
did  the  faithful  remembrance  of  a  grateful  mind  exercise  over  me," 
i.  e.  so  strongly  was  I  influenced  by  gratitude  for  the  various  favours 
I  had  received  from  him. 

11.  Ut  nulla,  &c.     "  That  not  only  without  any  desire  of  per- 
sonal  advancement,  but   even   without  any   hope,    although   fully 
aware  of  my  situation  and  well  knowing  what  was  about  to  happen 
I  rushed  on  as  it  were  to  voluntary  ruin." 

12.  Quod  quidem  meum  consilium.     "  And  these  views  of  mine 
indeed." — Integra  re.     "  Before  hostilities  broke  out."     Laterally, 
"  the  affair  being  as  yet  entire,"  i.  e.  no  part  having  as  yet   been 
acted  upon,  no  hostile  steps  having  as  yet  been  taken.     The  primi- 
tive meaning  of  integer  is  "  untouched,"  from  in  and  tago,  the  old 
form  of  tango. 

13.  Eadem  sensi.      "I  entertained   the   same  sentiments." — 
Etiam  cum  capitis  periculo.     When  Cato  the  younger,  who  had 
been  left  at  Dyracchium,  by  Pompey,  to  guard  the  arms  and  treas- 
ures deposited  there,  had,  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  passed  over 
into  Corcyra,  where  the  fleet  was  stationed,  he  there  offered  Cicero 
the  command  of  the  force  which  he  had  brought  with  him,  consist- 
ing  of  fifteen   cohorts.     Cicero,  however,  declined  it ;    which  so 
iiasperated  the  younger  Pompey,  that  he  was  about  to  lay  violent 
hands  upon  the  orator,  when  Cato  interfered  and   saved  his   life. 

25 


290  ORATION  FOR 

Page. 

QA  (Pint.  Vit.  Cat.  Min.  c.  55.)     It  is  to  this  circumstance  very  prob- 
ably that  Cicero  alludes  in  the  text. 

14.  Ex  quo.     "  And  hence." — Tarn  mjustus  rerum  cxistima-tvr. 
"  So  unfair  a  judge  of  passing  events,"  i.  e.  so  unfair  and  biassed 
in  the  conclusions  which   he   draws  from   events. — Graevius  first 
gave  existimatm;  from  MSS.,  in  place  of  aestimator,  the  reading  of 
the  common  text.     It  is  adopted  by  Ernesti  and  others. 

15.  Pads    auctores.      "The    advisers    of    peace." — Stalim. 
"  From  the  very  first,"  i.  e.  from  the  very  commencement  of  hos- 
tilities ;  in  the  very  beginning  of  the  civil  war. 

16.  Caeteris  fuerit  iratior.     "  But  displayed  increased  resent- 
ment towards  the  rest."     The  object  of  the  whole  argument  is 
to  show,  that  Caesar's  wishes  were  always  in  favour  of  peace,  and 
that,  in  consequence  of  this,  he  was  always  well  disposed  towards 
those  of  the  opposite  party  who  endeavoured  to  bring  about  a  recon- 
ciliation, while  he  displayed  encreased  resentment  against  those  who 
were  bent  on  continuing  hostilities.     This,  of  course,  is  the  mere 
language  of  flattery. 

17.  Victor.     "  When  victorious,"  i.  e.  as  Caesar  now  is. — Pacts 
auctores.     Alluding  to  himself,  among  others,  and  to  the  kind  treat 
ment  he  had  received  from  Caesar. 

1 8.  Se  maluisse,  &c.     "  That  he   would   rather  not  have  con- 
tended at  all,  than  have  come  off  victorious,"  i.  e.  that  great  as  the 
glory  of  the  victory  had  been,  he  would   rather  have   had   no  civil 
contest  at  all,  as  his  feelings  had  always  been  in  favour  of  peace.     It 
is  needless  to  comment  on  the  insincerity  of  Cicero  in  making  this 
assertion  of  Caesar. 

19.  Atque  hujus  quidem  rei,  &c.     "  And  on  this  particular  point 
I  am  evidence  in  favour  of  Marcus  Marcellus."     The  point  referred 
to  is  the  wish  for  peace  during  the  civil  contest,  which  Cicero 
asserts  Marcellus  felt  in  common  with  himself. 

20.  Nostri  enim  sensus,  &c.     "  For  our  sentirrents,  as  they 
always  had  in  the  season  of  peace,  so  then  also  coincided  during 
the  war,"  i.  e.  our  sentiments,  namely  mine  and  those  of  Marcellus 
were  always  in  unison  during  both  the  civil  contest  and  the  times 
which  immediately  preceded  it. 

21.  Certorum  hominum.     "  Of  certain  individuals  among  us." 
Certus  mr  is  generally  used  to   denote  "  a  sure,"  or  "  trusty  per- 
son "      Here,  however,  certus  has   the  force   of  quidam.     Com- 
pare note  9,  page   31. — The  individuals  alluded  to  are  thought,  by 
Manutius,  to  have  been,  m  particular,  L.  Lentulus  and  L.  Domitius 
Ahenobarbus.     Compare  Ep.  ad  Fam.  6,  21. 

22.  Victoriae  feroalatem.      "The   cruel  excesses   of   victory 


M.  MARCELLUS.  291 


itself,"  i.  e.  the  ferocious  spirit  that  would,  in  all  probability,  char-  fiA 
acterize  the  party  of  Pompey,  if  success  were  to  crown  their  efforts. 
Had  Pompey  proved  victorious,  the  proscriptions  of  Marius  and 
Sylla  would  inevitably  have  been  renewed.  Compare  the  language 
of  Cicero's  letter  to  Marcellus,  (Ep.  ad  Finn.  4,  9)  :  "  An  tu  mm 
videbas  mecum  simul,  quam  ilia  crudelis  esset  futura  victoria  ?" 

23.  Tua  liberalitas.     "  Your  generosity,"  i.  e.  your  generous 
conduct  towards  your  former  foes.  —  Ula.     Alluding  to  the  insolent 
conduct  and  the  menaces  of  Pompcy's  followers. 

24.  No-n  enim  jam  causaef  &c.     "  For  the  two  causes  are  no 
longer  to  be  compared,  but  the  consequences  of  victory  on  either 
side."     Cicero  means  to  say,  that  he  will  be  silent  now  respecting 
the  merits  of  the  two  causes,  namely  that  of  Caesar   and   that   of 
Pompey.     The  time  for  discussing  this  point  has  passed  away.     He 
will  merely  institute  a  comparison  between  the  very  different  modes 
in  which  either  party  would  have  made  use  of  victory.     He  then 
proceeds  to  show,  how  Caesar  has  acted  since  his  success,  and  then 
briefly  sketches  what  would  have  been  the  results  of  victory  on  the 
side  of  Pompey. 

25.  Martis  vis  perculit.     "  The  violence  of  war  smote  down."  — 
Ira  victoriae.     "  The  angry  feelings  generally  attendant  upon  vic- 
tory."    Cicero  means,  that  whoever  fell  in  that  conflict,  fell  with 
arms  in  their  hands.     No  one  was  put  to  death,  after  the  victory,  by 
any  mandate  or  proscription. 

26.  Ex  cadem  acie.     "  From  that  same  army,"  i.  e  the  army  of 
Pompey. 

27.  -Altering  vero  partis.     "  As  regards  the  opposite  party,  how- 
ever."    The  genitive  is  here  used  in  imitation  of  the  Greek  idiom. 
The  Greek  rule  is  as  follows  :  "  To  words  of  all  kinds  other  words 
are  added  in  the  genitive,  which   show  the  respect   in   which  the 
sense  of  those  words  must   be  taken,  in  which   case  the  genitive 
properly  signifies  '  as  regards,'   or  '  with  regard  to.'  "      (Matthiae 
G.  G.  vol.  2,  p.  555,  Kenrick's  transl.) 

1.  Nimis  iracundam,  &c.     "That  victory  would  have  been  ac-  Q^ 
companied  by   too  much  of  angry  feeling,"  i.  e.  that  they  would 
have  made  an  angry  and  cruel  use  of  victory. 

2.  Armatis.     "  Those  who  were  actually  in  arms."     Referring 
to  the  followers  of  Caesar.     Compare  Manutius  :  "  Armatis,  h.  e. 
Caesarianu. 

3.  Otiosis.     "  Those  who  took  no  part  in  the  conflict,"  i.  e.  who 
wished  to  remain  neutral.     Compare  the  language  of  Cicero's  letter 
to  Varro,  (Ep.  ad  Fam.  9,6):   "  Crudditer  otiosis  minabantur  : 
eratque  Us  et  tua  invis.i  voluntas  et  mea  oralio."     And  again,  Ep. 


292  ORATION    10R 

Page. 

grj  ad  Alt.   11,  6  :  "  Omnes,  qm  in  Italia  manserant  hoslium  nume.it 
habebantur." 

4.'  Quid  quisquc  sensisset,  &c.  "  What  sentiments  each  had 
entertained,  but  where  he  had  been  during  the  contest,"  i.  e.  whethei 
with  the  army,  and  taking  an  active  part  against  the  foe,  or  remain- 
ing inactive  and  neutral  at  home. 

5.  Etiamsi  poenas,  &c.     •'  Even  though  they  may  have  sought 
a  heavy  atonement  from  the  Roman  people,  on  account  of  some 
offence,  by  their  having  raised  so  great  and  so  mournful  a  civil  war," 
i.  e.  even  though  they  may  have  raised  this  destructive  and  mourn- 
ful war  to  punish  the  Roman  people  for  some  aggravated  offence. — 
We  have  given  expetiverint,  with  Ernesti,  in  place  of  expetiverunt, 
the  reading  of  the  common  text.     The  relative  qui,  it  will  be  per- 
ceived, takes  the  subjunctive  excitaverint,  because  equivalent  here 
to  "  since  they,"  or  "  inasmuch  as  they." 

6.  Omnem  spem  salutis,  &c.    "  To  have  referred  our  every  hope 
of  safety  to  the  clemency  and  wisdom  of  the  conqueror,"  i.  e.  to 
have  made  all  our  safety  depend  upon,  &c. 

7.  Quare  gaude,  &c.     "  Rejoice  then  in  this  so  exalted  a  privi- 
lege," i.  e.  the  privilege  of  having  the  safety  of  the  whole  Roman 
people  dependant  on  thy  clemency  and  wisdom 

8.  Fortuna.     "Your  good  fortune." — Nalura  et  moribus  tuis. 
"  Your  kind  disposition  and  noble  character." — Ex  quo  quidem,  &c. 
"  From  all  which  a  wise  man  derives  his  highest  recompense  and 
pleasure." 

9.  Caetera.    "  The  other  actions  of  your  life." — Virtuti.  "Upon 
vour  valour." — Congralulabere.     "  You  will  have  occasion  to  feli- 
citate yourself.''     Some  read  gratuldbere,  which  is  much  inferior. 

10.  De  maximis  tuis  beneficiis.     "  Of  the  boundless  favours  you 
have  bestowed  upon  us." 

11.  Quae  non  modo,  &c.     "Virtues  which,  I  will  venture  to 
affirm,  constitute  not  only  our  highest,  but  in  fact  our  only  true 
source  of  gratification."     Literally,  "  which,  I  will  venture  to  say. 
are  not  only  the  greatest,  but  in  fact  even  the  only  goods." 

12.  In   laude   vera.      "  In    well-merited    applause." — Donata. 
"  Bestowed,"  for  a  lasting  possession  ;  commodata,  "  lent,"  only  for 
a  season. 

13.'  Lapsis.  "Who  have  been  led  astray."  Literally,  "who 
have  slipped." — Aut  pravitate  aliqua.  "  Or  by  any  corript  motive." 

14.  Sed  opinione,  &c.  "  But  by  an  idea  of  duty,  foolish  perhaps, 
certainly  not  criminal,  and  by  what  appeared  to  be  the  public  good." 
More  literally,  "  by  a  certain  appearance  of  public  benefit.  Compare 
the  language  of  Cicero's  letter  to  Torquatus,  (Ep.  ad  Fam.  6,  1 


M.    MAR  CELL  US.  293 

Page. 

"  Quuddam  ncbis  officmm  tustum,  et  pium,  et  debitum  reipublicae  gjj 
nostraeque  dignitati  tideoamur  sequi." 

15.  No:i  enim  tua,  &c.     "  For  it  is  no  fault  of  thine."     Because 
they  have  mistaken  thy  character.     The  fault  is  theirs  for  not  know  • 
ing  thee  better. — Senserunt.     "Have  felt,"  i.  e.  after  having  beeu 
conquered  by  thee. 

16.  Nunc  tero  vemo,  &c.    "  But  now  I  come  to  that  most  heavy 
complaint  and  horrid  suspicion  of  thine."     Caesar  had  complained 
before  the  senate  of  the  hostile  feelings  and  moroseness  (acerbitas) 
of  Marcellus,  and  had  expressed  his  suspicions  that  the  latter  still 
harboured  evil  designs  against  his  personal  safety. 

17.  Quae  non  tibi  ipsi,  &c.  "  A  suspicion,  the  realizing  of  which 
ought  to  be  guarded  against  not  more  by  your  own  self,"  &c.  Com 
pare  Manutius  :  *'  Providenda  est,  ne  ve.ro,  sit :  providenda,  autem 
cur  is,  consiliisque  nostris." 

18.  Nunquam   lamen  verbis   extenuabo.     Cicero's   meaning  is 
this  :  Although  I  trust  that  your  suspicion  is  a  groundless  one,  still  I 
will  not  seek  to  "  lessen"  it  by  any  tiling  that  I  can  say.     For  were 
I  to  lessen  it,  I  would  at  the  same  time  be  throwing  you  more  off 
your  guard,  \\hereas  we  all  wish  you  to  be  careful  about  your  own 
safety,  since  ours  is  closely  connected,  and  in  fact  identified,  with  it. 

19.  Ut  si  in  alterutro  peccandum  sil.     "  So  that  if  I  must  err  in 
one  or  the  other  extreme,"  i.  e.  of  too  much  or  too  little  precaution. 
— Parum  prudens.     "  Not  sufficiently  prudent."    Or  simply  "  im- 
prudent." 

20.  Sed  quisnam  est  isle,  &c.     "  But  who  is  that  one  so  lost  to 
all  judgment  1"  i.  e.  who  is  the  infatuated  man  whom  you  suspect 
of  harbouring  this  design  against  you. — The  student  will  mark  the 
force  of  isle.     Compare  note  4,  page  1 . 

21.  De  tuisne  1  "  Is  he  one  of  your  own  1"  i.  e.  one  of  your  own 
friends. — Qui  magis  sunt  tui  1     "  Who  are  more  your  own  1" 

1.  Qui  una  tecum  fuenint.     "  Who  were  with  you  in  the  war."  flfi 
Referring  to  his  followers  generally. 

2.  Tantus  furor.  "  So  great  madness." — Omnia  summa  "  Every 
thing  that  was  most  desirable,"  i.   e.  the  full  completion  of  bis 
wishes. 

3.  Cavendum  est.     "  You  must  take  care,  I  suppose." — Qui  ? 
"  Who  are  they  1"  i.  e.  where  are  they  now  to  be  found  ] 

4.  Supersunt.     We  have  adopted  here  the  conjecture  of  Lambi- 
nus,  which  is  approved  of  by  Ernesti.  The  common  text  has  super 
fuerunt. 

5.  Tantae  latebrae,  &c.     "  Lurking  places  so  deep,  and  recesses 
»o  hidden  in  their  nature." — Diligenliam    "  Your  circumspection  " 

25* 


294  ORATION  FOR 

Page. 

QQ      6.   7am  ignarus  rerum,  &c.     "  So  ignorant  of  the  course  of 

events,  so  total  a  stranger  to  the  state  of  public  affairs." 

7.  Ex  unius  tua  vita.     "  On  your  individual  existence."     Liter- 
ally, "on  the  life  of  thee  alone."     The  genitive  unius  is  put  in 
opposition  with  the  genitive  implied  in  the  possessive  tua. — Omnium. 
Supply  vitas. 

8.  Ut  debeo.     "  As  I  ought  to  do,"  i.  e.  as  I  am  in  duty  bound, 
considering  the  many  favours  you  have  hitherto  bestowed  upon  me 

9.  Casus  duntaxat  humanos,  &c.    "  I  dread  merely  the  common 
accidents  of  life,  and  the  uncertain  issues  of  health,"  &c. 

10.  Doteoque  cum  respublica,  &c.  The  republic,  remarks  Cicero, 
ought  to  be  immortal ;  but  it  depends  entirely  on  your  existence  . 
vou,  therefore,  ought  to  be  as  immortal  as  the  republic  ought  to  be. 
But  you  are  a  mortal,  and  I  mourn,  therefore,  as  well  on  account 
of  its  destinies  as  the  shortness  and  limitation  of  your  own  career. — 
The  language  of  flattery  can  hardly  go  farther. 

11.  Sceleris  insidiarumque  consensio.     "The   conspiring  force 
of  guilt  and  treachery." 

12.  Excitanda.     "  Are  to  be  raised  to  their  former  state."     An 
adroit  exhortation  unto  Caesar  to  restore  the  former  state  of  things, 
and  one,  too,  so  managed  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  him  to  take 
offence. — Jaccre.     "  Lie    prostrate." — Belli    ipsius    impetu,   &c. 
"  Struck  down  and  laid  low,  as  was  of  necessity  to  be  expected, 
by  the  very  shock  of  the  war." 

13.  Conftiluenda  judicia.     "Justice  is  to  be   re-established. " 
Literally,  "  trials,"  i.  e.  the  dispensing  of  justice  must   be  placed 
upon  a  sure  basis  as  formerly. — Revocanda fides.     "  Public  credit 
is  to  be  re-instated."     Literally,  "  is  to  be  recalled,"  i.  e.  to  the 
position  it  formerly  occupied  in  the  opinions  of  all. 

14.  Comprimendae    Hbidines.      "  Licentiousness  must  be  re- 
pressed," i.  e.  the  license  attendant  upon  a  state  of  warfare. 

15.  Propaganda  soboles.    "  Population  be  increased."    Literally, 
"  offspring  be  propagated,"  i.  e.  an  increase  of  population  encour- 
aged, to  repair  the  losses  occasioned  by  the  carnage  of  the  civil  wars. 
Compare  Dio   Cassius,  (43,  25,)  iireitifj   re  Seivfi  dXiyavBponria,  Sia  rd 

TcSv  dTroAuXtfrwy  Tt\rj6os, Tro\maiSia;  a0Xo  eircdriKSV.   So 

also  Augustus,  at  the  close  of  the  civil  contest  between  himself  and 
Antony,  caused  the  famous  Lex  Julia,  de  maritandis  ordinibus,  to 
be  enacted.     Consult  Legal  Index. 

16.  Omnia  quae  dilapsa,  &c.     "All  those  things,  ,-iyhich  have 
fallen  away  and  are  now  going  fast   to  ruin,  are  to  be  bound  firmly 
in  their  former  places  by  rigorous  laws.''     A  metaphor  taken  from 
the  component  parts  of  a  thing  becoming  disunited,  and  t>  c  whole 


M.  MARCELLUS  295 

Page 

falling  to  ruins.     Such,  according  to  the  orator,  has  been  the  influ-  QQ 
ence  of  civil  war  on  the  institutions  of  Rome,  an  evil  which  Caesar 
is  entreated  to  remedy  by  vigorous  and  salutary  ordinances. 

17.  Non  fuit  recusandum  quin.     "  It  was  not  to  be  denied  but 
that." — Ardore.     "  Excitement." — Quassata  respublica.      "  The 
shattered  republic." — Praesidia  stabilitatis  suae.     "  The  supports 
of  its  stability,"  i.  e.  its  stable  supports. 

18.  Armatus.     "  When   in  arms." — Togatus.     "  If  arrayed  in 
the  robe  of  peace,"  i.  e.  if  acting  in  a  civil  capacity  and  if  no  intes- 
tine war  had  been  raging.     Compare  note  15,  page  30. 

19.  Quibus  praeler  te,  &c.     "For  no  one  can  heal  them  save 
you,"  i.  e.  the  power,  which  you  now  enjoy  in  the  state,  makes  you 
the  fittest  person  to  restore  peace  and  happiness  to  your  country. 

20.  Itaque  illam  tuam,  &c.     "  And  hence  it  was  with  a  feeling 
of  concern   I  heard  that  very  remarkable  and  philosophic  saying  of 
yours,  '  I  have  lived  long  enough  for  the  purposes  either  of  nature 
or  of  glory.'  "     The  remark  here  alluded  to  formed  part  of  Caesar" 
observations  in  the  senate,  when  the  affaiz  of  Marcellus  was  brought 
before  them.     After  having  complained  of  the  undiminished  hostil- 
ity of  that  individual  towards  him,  and  stated  his  own  suspicions  of 
secret  treachery  from  Marcellus  in  case  he  were  pardoned,  he  went 
on  to  remark,  that,  after  all,  this  last  was  a  matter  of  little  moment 
to  himself,  since  he  had  already  lived  long  enough   and   enjoyed 
sufficient  of  glory.     When  he  made  this  remark  he  was  in  the  54th 
year  of  his  age. 

1.  P atria,  certe  parum.     "  Not  long  enough  certainly  for  your  g1^ 
country."     His  country  still  wants  the  presence  of  Caesar  to  give 
her  tranquillity  and  a  settled  order  of  things. 

2.  Quare  omitte,  &c.      "  Discard  then  that  pretended   wrisdom 
shown  by  some  philosophers  in  contemning  death  ;  do  not  wish  to 
be  wise  at  our  risk,"  i.  e.  leave  to  its  authors  that  stoical  indiffer- 
ence which  would  inculcate  the  contempt  of  death  ;  such  pretended 
wisdom  would  be  fraught  with  the  most  ruinous  consequences  to 
ourselves,  whose  lives  depend  on  yours. — Islam  here  denotes  con- 
tempt, and,  in  accordance  with  this  idea,  we  have  rendered  it  by  the 
words  "  that  pretended." 

3.  Doctorum  hominwm.     Literally,   "  61  the  learned."     Docti 
homines  is  here,  however,  only  a  periphrasis  for  philosophi,  and  the 
stoic  sect  are  particularly  meant.     The   followers   of  this   school 
taught  that  life  and  death   are  among  those  things  which  are  in 
their  nature  indifferent.      (Enfield's  Philosophy,   vol.    1,  p.  350, 
seqq.) 

4.  Nimis  crebro  dicei-e,  &c. ,    Suetonius  informs  us,  that  Caesar 


296  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

^"J"  had,  m  fact,  led  some  of  his  fnends  to  entertain  the  opinion,  that 
he  did  not  wish  to  live  any  longer,  and  did  not  regret  the  feeble 
health  under  which  he  was  then  labouring  :  "  Suspicionem  Caesar 
quibusdam  suorum  reliquit,  neque  voluisse  se  diutius  vivere,  neque 
curasse  quod  valetudine  minus  prospera  uteretur."  (Suet.  Vit. 
Jul.  c.  86.) 

5.  Tili.     "  For  yourself,"  i.  e.  for  all  that  you  care  to  live  for  , 
for  all  that  your  own  feelings  told  you  was  worth  enjoying  in  life. 

6.  Credo.     "  I  believe  it,"    i.  e.  I  have  no  doubt  that  such  is  the 
state  of  your  present  feelings,  and  that  you   frequently  indulge  in 
such  remarks  as  these. 

7.  Si  till  soli  viveres.     "  If  you  were  living  for  yourself  alone," 
i.  e.  for  yourself  alone  and  not  for  your  country  also. 

8.  Nunc.      "  But  now."     Equivalent   to   sed.      Compare  pio 
Arch.  c.  11  :    "  Nunc  insidet  quaedam  in  optima  quoque  virtus," 
&c. 

9.  Res  litae  gestae  complexae  sint.     "  Your  actions   have  em- 
braced," i   e.  have  been  and  continue  to  be  closely  identified  with. 
Faernus  rejects  gestae,  of  which  emendation  Ernesti  approves,  on 
the  ground  that  res  tuae  gestae  ought  to  be  at  least  res  a  te  gestae. 
He  retains,  however,  the  common  reading  res  tuae  gestae,  because 
the  same  form  occurs  again  in  the  9th  chapter. 

10.  Tantum  abes  a,  &c.     "You  are  so  far  from  the  completion 
of  your  greatest  works,  that  you  have  not  yet  laid  the  very  founda- 
tions which  you  think  you  have."     Quae  cogitas  may  also  be  ren- 
dered more  freely,  "as  you  think  you  have."     So  again  the  phra- 
seology tantum  abes ut,  may  be  also  translated,  "you  not 

only  have  not  completed,  &c.  but  have  not  even  laid,"  &c.     Com- 
pare, as  regards  this  form  of  expression,  the   remarks   of  Scheller, 
Praec.ept.  Sty  I.  vol.  1,  p.  65. 

11.  Hie  to.  rn.od.nm.  tuae  vitae,  &c.     "  Will  you  here  hound  your 
existence  not  by  the  safety  of  the  state,  but  by  the  moderation  of 
your    own    feelings."      Compare   the    explanation  of    Budaeus  : 
"  Putasne  te  propterea  satis  vixisse,  quod  aequo  animo  et  ci'ra 
indignation  em  mori  poles,  et  antios  praeteritos  non  rcquiris  ?" 

12.  Istud.     "  That  portion  of  existence  which  you  have  thus  far 
enjoyed."     With  istud  we  may  supply  vitae.     Literally,   "  that  ol 
life  which  is  yours." 

13.  Parumne  igitur,  &c.     "  WiJl   we  then,  you  will  ask,  leave 
behind  us,  at  the  present  moment,  no  great  degree  of  glory  ?"  i.  e. 
will  I,  if  my  existence  now  terminate,  leave  behind  me  no  great 
degree  of  fame  for  posterity. 

14.  Aliis,  quamms  muitis,  &c.     "  Enough  for  others,  howsoeyer 


M.   MARCELI.US.  297 

Page. 

numerous  they  may  be  ;  for  yourself  alone  not  enough,"  i.  e.  the  g'J 
glory  you  have  thus  far  acquired   might  suffice   for  any  other  but 
Caesar.-     His  destinies,  interwoven  as   they  are  with   those  of  his 
country,  demand  a  larger  share. 

15.  Quidquid   enim  est,  &c.      "  For  whatever  there   is,  huw 
extensive  soever  it  may  be,  this  certainly  is  but  small,  when  there 
is  any  thing  still  more  extensive  than  itself,"  i.  e.  your  glory,  Cae- 
sar, is  now  undoubtedly  great,  but   still  it  sinks  into  comparative 
insignificance  when  compared  with  that  higher  glory  to  which  you 
have  it  in  your  power  to  attain. 

16.  Rerum  tuarum  immortalium.     "  Of  thy  immortal  achieve- 
ments." 

17.  Vide,  quatso,  &c.     "  Beware  lest  your  divine  virtues  be 
likely  to  enjoy  more  of  admiration  than  of  glory,"  i.  e.  be  likely  to 
excite  the  admiration  of  others,  rather  than  add  to  your  own  glory. 

18.  Siquidem  gloria  est,  &c.     "  Since  glory  is  the  brilliant  and 
wide-spread   renown  arising   from  many  and   important   services, 
either  to  one's  friends,  or  country,  or  the  whole  human  race." — 
Some  MSS.  have  vel  in  suos  cives,  but  this  would  be  pleonastic  as 
m  patriam  follows. 

19.  Haec  igitur  tibi  reliqua  pars  est.     "  This  character,  there- 
fore, yet  remains  for  you  to  sustain."     A  metaphor  borrowed  from 
the  language  of  the  stage.     Compare  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  :  "  Pars 
in  scena  est  persona  quam  quis  suscepit  agendam."     Hence  the 
expressions  in  the  Latin  writers  :  "  adores  primarum  partium," 
"  adores  secundarum  partium,"  &c.,  i.  e.  first-rate  actors,  second- 
rate,"  &c. 

20.  Hie  restat  actus.     "  This  act  remains  to  be  performed,"  i.  c 
this  act  in  the  drama  of  your  glory. 

21.  In  hoc  elaborandum  est,  &c.     "For  the  attainment  of  this 
end  must  you  exert  your  best  endeavours,  that  you  may  place  our 
republic  on  a  firm  basis,  and  may  be  among  the  first  to  enjoy  it,  in 
its  settled  state,  amid  perfect  tranquillity  and  retirement."    In  some 
good  MSS.  the  word  composita  does  not  appear,  and  hence  Faernus, 
Lambinus,  and  Graevius  have  expunged  it  from  the  text.     It  i? 
retained,  however,  by  Ernesti,  who   thinks  composita  too  good  a 
term  to  have  owed  its  origin  to  a  mere  gloss. 

22.  Cum  summa  tranquillitate  ct  otio.     Of  which  Caesar  had 
thus  far  enjoyed  so  little.     Compare  Manutius :  "  Nam  adhuc  tran- 
quillitate Caesar  et  otio  caruerat,  perpetuis  bellis,  Pharsalico,  Alex- 
andrine, Africano  vexatus." 

23.  Et   naturam  tpsam  expleveris,  &c.     "  And  shall  have  satis- 
fied Nature  herself  with  a  sufficient  term  of  existence,"  i.  e.  when 


298  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

g^  Nature  herself  is  sated  with  living ;  when  you  shall  have  reached  a 
good  old  age. 

24.  Quid  est  enim,  &c.    "  For,  after  all,  what  is  this  same  liviny 
long,  in  which  there  is  always  something  that  closes  the  scene,  and, 
when  this  has  arrived,  all  past  pleasure  goes  for  nothing,  because 
there  is  none  to  be  thereafter  1"     Cicero's  argument  is  this.    What 
is  a  jjng  life,  considered  merely  as  such  1     It  is  only  a  space  of 
time  which  eventually  is  to  have  an  end,  and,  when  this  end  arrives, 
all  that  went  before  passes  for  a  mere  blank,  because  a  mere  blank 
comes  after.     How  much  better  is  it  to  lead  a  glorious  life,  which 
knows  no  limits,  but  will  be  perpetuated  amid  the  praises  of  pos- 
terity.    Say  not  then,  Caesar,  that  you  have  now  lived  for  a  suffi- 
cient period,  but  rather  turn  your  view  to  the  career  of  glory  which 
awaits  you.     When  you  have  completed  this,  then  say  that  you 
have  lived  long  enough,  for  then  your  fame  will  be  immortal. 

25.  Quanquam  iste,  &c.     Cicero  here  corrects  himself,  in  order 
that  Caesar  may  not  take  offence  at  what  precedes. 

26.  His  angustiis,  &c.  "  With  these  narrow  limits  which  nature 
has  prescribed  unto  us  for  the  mere  purposes  of  existence,"  i.  e 
with  the  narrow  limits  of  life  which  nature  has  prescribed. 

gg  1.  Nee  vero  haec  lua  vita,  &c.  "  Nor,  in  truth,  can  this  be  re- 
garded as  your  life  which  is  bounded  by  the  body  and  the  soul,'1  i.  e. 
by  the  union  of  the  soul  with  the  body. — Some  MSS.  have  dicenda 
est  in  place  of  ducenda  est,  and  it  is  adopted  also  by  Lambinus,  Wolf, 
Schutz,  and  others. 

2.  Vita  est  tua.     "  Is  your  true  existence." — Saeculorum  omni- 
um.    "  Of  all  coming  ages." — Alet.     "  Shall  cherish." — Tuebitur. 
"  Shall  guard  as  its  own,"  i.  e.  shall  preserve.     Equivalent  to  con- 
servabit  or  sustinebit. 

3.  Huic  tu  inservias,  &c.     "  It  is  for  this  existence  that  it  be- 
hooves you  now  to  labour,  for  this  to  show  forth  your  glory  to  the 
world  :  an  existence,  which  has  long  since  possessed  many  things 
at  which  to  wonder,  which  now  looks  for  those  that  it  may  praise," 
i.  e.  an  existence  which  already  possesses  many  claims  to  our  won- 
der, which  now  looks  for  claims  to  our  applause. 

4.  Imperia,  provincias.    "  Your  commands,  your  provinces,"  i.  e. 
the  variety  of  important  military  commands  which  you  have  filled, 
the  numerous  countries  which  have  been  the  theatres  of  those  com- 
mands. 

5.  Rhenum.     Referring  to  Caesar's  victories  over  the  Gauls  and 
Germans. — Oceanum.  Alluding  to  his  invasion  of  Britain. — Nilum. 
His  operations  in  Egypt. 

6.  Monumenta   tnnumcra.     "  The   countless    monuments    that 


M.    MARCELLTJK.  299 

Page. 

perpetuate  those  victories.'      We  have  adopted  innumern,  the  read-  (1Q 
mg  of  several  good  MSS.  and  early  editions,  in  place  of  the  common 
lection,  -monumenta,  munera.     The  term  munera,  as  referring  to 
mere  gladiatorial  shows,  and  public  exhibitions,  seems  out  of  place 
here,  the  more  especially  as  triumphos  follows. 

7.  Stabilita  tuis  consiliis,  &c.     "  Shall  be  placed  on  a  sure  basis 
by  your  counsels  and  laws." 

8.  Magna  dissensio.     "  A  great  difference  of  opinion." 

9.  Alii  fortasse  cdiquid  requirent.     "While  others,  perhaps,  will 
miss  the  presence  of  something  else."     Literally,  "will  seek  for," 
i.  e.  will  seek  but  find  not. — This  "  something"  is  explained  imme- 
diately after.     It  is  the  extinguishing  of  the  flames  of  civil  war,  by 
giving  peace  and  safety  to  his  country ;  or,  in  other  words,  the  re- 
moving of  every  trace  of  former  dissension,  and  the  introduction  of 
good  order  and  public  prosperity.     In  order  to  bring  about  these 
desirable  results,  the  presence  of  Caesar  is  necessary,  and  he  has, 
therefore,  not  yet  lived  long  enough.     If  he  stop  now,  there  is  a 
chance  lest  posterity  may  assign  his  successes  to  the  mere  operation 
of  the  decrees  of  destiny.     He  must  do  something  still,  which  shall 
render  his  wisdom  and  sound  policy  conspicuous  to  after-ages. 

10.  Salute  patriae.     "  By  the   safety  of  your  country,"  i.  e.  by 
placing  on  a  firm  basis  the  safety  and  happiness  of  the  Roman  state. 

11.  Utittud,&,c.     "  That  the  former  may  appear  to  have  been 
the  work  of  fate,  the  latter  of  wisdom."     Illud  refers  to  Caesar's 
previous  achievments,  hoc  to  what  Cicero  and    posterity  expect 
from  him,  in  securing  the  repose  of  his  country. 

12.  Serei  igitur,  &c.     "  Have  regard  then  for  the  opinions  of 
those  judges,  who,  many  ages  after  this,  will  decide  concerning  thee, 
and  perhaps,  indeed,  more  impartially  than  we  ourselves."     Sereire 
is  here  equivalent  to  rationem  habere,  and  carries  with  it  the  idea  of 
labouring  strenuously  to  secure  some  advantage,  or  to  gain  the  good 
opinion   of  another.     (Compare  Schutz,  Index.  Lat.  s.  v.) — The 
judges  to  whom  Cicero  alludes  are  posterity,  and  their  tribunal  will 
be  any  but  a  partial  one. 

13.  Hand  scio  an.     Consult  note  22,  page  40. — Et  sine  amore 
et  sine  cupiditate,  &c.     "  Unbiassed  by  both  affection  and  a  love  of 
self,  and  free  on  the  other  hand  from  hatred  and  envy."    Cupiditaa 
refers  here  to  schemes  of  personal  advancement,  which  may  be 
furthered  by  flattering  the  feelings  of  the  powerful. 

14.  Id  autem   etiam,  &c.     "  And  even  if  this  shall,  (as  some 
falsely  imagine,)  in  no  respect  concern  you  then ;  it  certainly  con- 
cerns you  now,"  &.c.,  i  e.  and  even  if  the  praises  of  posterity  shall 
in  no  respect  affect  you,  (supposing  that  erroneous  doctrine  to  be 


300  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

Qft  true  which  teaches  that  there  is  no  existence  beyond  the  grave,) 
still,  &c. — The  expression  ut  quidam  falso  putant  expresses 
Cicero's  disbelief  in  the  doctrine  of  materialism  which  was  then 
prevalent  at  Rome  among  the  upper  classes.  The  remark  comes  in 
here  with  great  beauty,  and  still  greater  force,  since  Caesar  himself 
was  a  believer  in  the  non-existence  of  a  future  state,  and  had  openiv 
avowed  this  opinion,  on  a  former  occasion,  during  the  debate  in  the 
senate  respecting  the  punishment  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline. 
The  future  glory  of  Caesar,  as  far  as  he  himself  shall  be  sensible  of 
it,  is  here  placed  in  full  opposition  to  his  own  dark  and  chilling 
belief. 

15.  Diversae  voluntates,  &c.     "  The  inclinations  of  the  citizens 
were  various,  and  their  opinions  wholly  divided."     Alluding  to  the 
period  of  the  civil  contest. 

16.  Consiliis  et  studiis.     "  In  sentiments  and  wishes."     Com- 
pare Manutius  :  "  consiliis  ad  senterilias  refertur,  studiis  ad  volun- 
tates." 

17.  Erat  autem  obscuritas  quaedam.     "  There  was  also  an  air 
of  obscurity  thrown,  as  it  were,  over  the  whole  affair,"  i.  e.  the 
merits  of  the  cause  were  dubious,  and  it  was  hard  to  say,  on  which 
side  the  justice  of  the  contest  lay. — An  adroit  extenuation,  on  the 
part  of  Cicero,  of  his  own  error  and  that  of  his  friends  m  espousing 
the  cause  of  Pompey. 

18.  Inter  clarissimos  duces.     "  Between  two  most  illustrious 
leaders,"  i.  e.  Caesar  and  Pompey. 

19.  Multi  dubitabant,  &c.     "  Many  were  in  doubt,  what  one  of 
the  two  causes  might  be  the  most  just ;  many,  what  might  be  mos 
expedient  for  themselves  ;  many,  what  might  be  becoming  in  their 
case  ;  some  even,  what  it  might  be  permitted  them  to  do."     Cicero 
here  gives  us  four  distinct  classes  of  persons,  all  engaging  more  or 
less  in  the  civil  contest,  and  all  actuated  by  different    sentiments. 
In  the  first  class  are  the  true  patriots  and   lovers  of  their  country, 
whose  only  object  is  to  ascertain  what  may  be  most  conducive  to 
her  welfare.     In  the  second  class  are  the  pretended  patriots,  who 
have  a  single  eye  to  their  own  interests.     The   third  class  consists 
of  those  who  are  under  personal  obligations  to  one  or  other  of  the 
two  leaders,  and  who,  in  selecting  a  side,  are  to  be  governed  in  a 
great  measure  by  the  claims  of  previous  attachment,  or,  in  other 
words,  by  what  is  becoming  in  their  case.     The  last  class  are  the 
plunderers  of  party,  whose  only  object  is  to  ascertain  how  far  they 
may  go  with  impunity. 

20.  Perfuncta  est.     "  Has  at  last  gone  through  with,"  i.  e   is  at 
last  iiw>A  from.     Arcordinar  *f>  f-be  rale  of  the  ancient  sn-amrnarians. 


M.   MARCEI.I.US.  301 

Page 

defungor  is  generally  said  of  what  is  bad,  and  perfungor  of  what  is  fJS 
good.     We  have  here,  however,  an  exception  to  the  remark.     Com 
pare  Har.  Resp.  8,  and  ad  Fam.  5,  13. 

21.  Qm  -non  fortuna,  &c.  "  Who  would  not  inflame  his  resent- 
ment by  success,"  i.  e.  who  would  not  act  as  victors  are  accus- 
tomed- to  act,  and  make  victory  the  occasion  and  means  for  indul- 
ging in  fiercer  resentment  than  ever  against  his  political  foes. — 
Sed  bonitate  Icniret,  "  But  would  soften  it  down  by  clemency," 
i.  e.  would  make  a  mild  and  merciful  use  of  it. 

1 .  Morte.     Caesar,  after  proving  victorious,  is  said  to  have  put  gQ 
none  to  death  except  Faustus  Sylla,  Afranius,  and  L.  Caesar.   (Sue- 
ton,  Vit.  Jul.  c.  75.) 

2.  Arma  ab  aliis,  &c.     "  Their  arms  were  laid  down  by  some, 
were  forced  from  others."     Graevius  condemns  the  use  of  ab  in  this 
sentence  as  violating  correct   Latinity :  but  it   is   employed  in  a 
similar  way  by  the  best  writers,  and  by  Cicero  himself  in  the  fol- 
lowing instances  :  in  Verr.  3,  48,  in'  Vatin.  12,  5.     Compare  Er- 
nesti,  ad  Ice.  and  Duker,  ad  Liv.  41,  14. 

3.  Armorum  periculo  liberates,  &c.      "  After  having  been  freed 
from  the  danger  of  war,  retains  a  spirit  of  warfare,"  i.  e.  who  after 
having  been  forgiven,  still  cherishes  hostile  feelings. 

4.  Ut  etiam  ille  sit  melior.     "  So  that  even  he  is  more  worthy 
of  excuse." — In  causa.     "In  defence  of  the  cause  which  he  has 
espoused. 

5.  Sed  jam  oiunis,  &c.     "  Now,  however,  all  civil  disunion  has 
been  completely  overcome  by  arms."     Compare  Manutius  •  "  Frac- 
ta,  h.  e.  sublata,  spoliata  viribus." 

6.  Unum  velint.     "  Unite  in  their  wishes." — Nisi.     "  For  un- 
less."— Qua  usus  es.     "  Which  you  have  expressed." 

7.  Ut  vilue,  &c.     Because  on  Caesar's  safety,  and  on  the  con- 
tinuance of  his  life,  depend  the  lives  and  safety  of  all. 

8.  De  me.     "As  far  as  regards  myself." 

9.  Subesse  aliquid.     "  That  something  lies  concealed."    Subcsse 
is  here  equivalent  to  latere.     Compare  Ep.  ad  Fam.  10, 18  :    "  Non 
possum  non  ezhorresccre,  si  quid  intra  cutem  subest  -vulneris,  quod 
prius  iiocere  potest,  quam  sciri  curarique  possit." 

10.  Laterum  noslrorum  oppositus,  &c.     "The   intervention  of 
our  sides  and  of  our  bodies,"  i.  e.  we  are  willing  to  present  our  own 
bodies  as  a  rampart  between  you  and  your  foes. 

11.  Sed  unde  est  orsa,  &c.     "  But  let  my  remarks  terminate  as 
they  began."      Literally,  "  let  my  speech   be   ended  in  the  same 
place  whence  i;  began,"  i.  e.  let  me  end  as  I  began  with  an  expres 
sion  of  thanks. 

sc 


302  ORATION  FOR 

Page. 

QQ  12.  Majores  etiam  habemus.  "  We  have  still  greater  ones,  which 
language  cannot  express."  Compare  Manutius  :  "  Plus  enim 
ammus  comprchendit,  quam  quod  exsequi  verbis  liceat." 

13.  Stantibus.     When  any  senator  spoke  he  stood  up,  except 
when  he  merely  assented  to  another.     Cicero  means,  therefore,  that 
it  is  not  necessary  for  all  the  assembled  senators  to  address  Caesar 
"  standing,"  i.  e.  personally  or  individually.       Some   of  the   early 
editions  have  astantibus,  which  appears  in  a  few  MSS. 

14.  Dicere.     "  To  give  utterance  to  those  feelings  in  words." — 
A  me  certe  did  volunt.     "  They  wish  them  to  be  expressed  by  mo 
at  least." — Et  quod.     "  Both  because." 

15.  Praecipue  id,  &c.     Ernesti  rejects  praecipue  id  a  me  fieri, 
and  changes  debere  to  deberi.     But  this  is  too  bold,  although  resting 
in  some  degree  on  MS.  authority. 

16.  Non  ut.     "  Not  as  it  were." 

17.  Quod  autem  summae,  &c.     "  What  constitutes,  moreover, 
a  proof  of  the  most  intimate  friendship,  (such  as  mine  towards  him 
was  known  by  all  on  every  occasion  to  have  been,  so  that  I  scarcely 
yielded  to    Caius  Marcellus,  his   most  excellent   and   affectionate 
brother,  except  him,  indeed,  to  no  one,)  this,  after  having  displayed 
it  as  long  as  there  was  any  doubt  about  his  personal  safety,  by  my 
solicitude,  my  care,  my  exertions  in  his  behalf,  I  certainly  ought  to 
exhibit  on  the  present  occasion,  freed  as  I  now  am   from  anxieties, 
troubles,  sorrows  of  no  ordinary  magnitude." — In  the  regular  gram- 
matical construction  of  this  sentence  the  antecedent  id,  understood 
before  quod,  is  governed  by  praestare.     We  have  preferred,  how- 
ever, in  order  to  render  the  whole  more  intelligible,  to  consider 
quod  as  elliptical  for  quod  attinet  ad  id  quod,  and  to  understand 
another  id  before  praestare. 

18  Itaque  Cai  Caesar,  &c.  The  elegance  of  the  idiom  sic 
•  •  •  •  ut,  in  this  passage,  is  worthy  of  particular  notice.  It  is 
the  same,  in  effect,  as  ob  hoc,  quod.  "  Wherefore,  Caius  Caesar, 
I  return  you  my  thanks  for  this,  because,  after  having  been  not 
only  restored  by  you  in  all  respects  to  a  state  of  safety,  but  even 
graced  with  honours,  a  crowning  favour  has  nevertheless  been 
added,  by  your  conduct  on  this  occasion,  to  your  countless  acts  of 
kindness  already  conferred  upon  me  individually,  a  circumstance 
which  I  thought  no  longer  able  to  be  brought  about." 


It  remains  but  to  add  a  few  words  relative  to  Marcellus.  The  story  of 
his  fate  is  a  singular  one.  After  being  pardoned  by  Caesar,  he  left 
Mitylene,  and  had  come  as  far  as  the  Piraeus,  or  harbour  of  Athens,  or 


M.    MARCELLUS.  303 

his  way  to  Rome.  Here  he  spent  a  day  with  his  old  friend  and  col- 
league, Servius  Sulpicius,  intending  to  pursue  his  journey  the  following 
day  by  sea.  But  in  the  night,  after  Sulpicius  had  taken  leave  of  him, 
the  23d  of  May,  he  was  killed  by  his  friend  and  client  Magius,  who 
stabbed  himself  instantly  with  the  same  poinard.  Sulpicius  sent  an 
account  of  the  whole  affair,  to  Cicero,  (Ep.  ad  Fain.  4,  12,)  of  which  the 
following  is  an  extract : — 

"  On  the  22d  of  May,  I  came  by  sea  from  Epidaurus  to  the  Piraeus,  to 
meet  my  colleague  Marcellus,  and,  for  the  sake  of  his  company,  spent 
that  day  with  him  there.  The  next  day,  when  I  took  my  leave  of  him 
with  the  intention  of  going  from  Athens  into  Boeotia,  to  finish  the 
remaining  part  of  my  jurisdiction,  he,  as  he  told  me,  intended  to  set  sail, 
at  the  same  time,  for  Italy.  The  day  following,  about  four  in  the  .morn- 
ing, when  I  was  preparing  to  set  out  for  Athens,  his  friend  P.  Postu- 
mius  came  to  let  me  know  that  Marcellus  was  stabbed  by  his  companion, 
P.  Magius  Cilo,  after  supper,  and  had  received  two  wounds,  the  one  in 
his  stomach,  the  other  in  his  head  near  the  ear ;  but  he  was  in  hopes  still 
that  he  might  live  ;  that  Magius  presently  killed  himself  ;  and  that  Mar- 
cellus sent  him  to  inform  me  of  the  case,  and  to  desire  that  I  would  bring 
some  physicians  to  him.  I  got  some  together  immediately,  and  went 
away  with  them  before  break  of  day.  But  when  I  was  come  near  the 
Piraeus,  Acidinus'  boy  met  me  with  a  note  from  his  master,  in  which 
it  was  signified,  that  Marcellus  died  a  little  before  day." 

Magius,  who  killed  him,  was  of  a  family  which  had  borne  some  of  the 
public  offices,  and  had  himself  been  quaestor.  Having  attached  himsell 
to  the  fortunes  of  Marcellus,  and  followed  him  through  the  wars  and  his 
exile,  he  was  now  returning  with  him  to  Italy.  Sulpicius  gives  no  hint  of 
any  cause  that  induced  him  to  commit  this  horrid  act,  which,  by  the 
immediate  death  of  Magius,  could  never  be  clearly  known.  Cicero's 
conjecture  was,  that  Magius,  oppressed  with  debts,  and  apprehending 
some  trouble,  on  that  score,  upon  his  return,  had  been  urging  Marcellus, 
who  was  his  surety  for  some  part  of  them,  to  furnish  him  with  money  to 
pay  the  whole,  and,  on  receiving  a  denial,  was  provoked  to  the  madness 
of  killing  his  patron.  (Ep.  ad.  All.  13,  10.)  According  to  others, 
however,  he  was  prompted  to  the  deed,  bv  seeing  other  friends  more 
favoured  by  Marcellus  than  himself.  (Val  Max.  9,  11.) 


ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF  THE  MANILIAN  LAW 


t'age. 

iy-1  1.  M.  TULLII  CICERONIS,  &c.  "The  Oration  of  Marcus  Tul- 
lius  Cicero  in  favour  of  the  Manilian  law." — This  oration,  which  is 
accounted  one  of  the  most  splendid  of  his  productions,  was  the  first 
in  which  Cicero  addressed  the  whole  people  from  the  rostra.  It 
was  pronounced  in  favour  of  a  law  proposed  by  Manilius,  a  tribune 
of  the  commons,  (A.  U.  C.  687,)  for  constituting  Pompey  sole 
general,  with  extraordinary  powers,  in  the  war  against  Mithridates 
and  Tigranes,  in  which  Lucullus  had  previously  commanded.  The 
Mithridatic  war  had  now  continued  for  the  space  of  twenty-three 
years,  with  some  intermission,  and  with  great  alternations  of  fortune 
on  both  sides. 

The  chiefs  of  the  senate  regarded  the  law  in  question  as  a  dan- 
gerous precedent  in  the  republic  ;  and  all  the  authority  of  Catulns, 
and  eloquence  of  Hortensius,  were  directed  against  it.  Cicero,  in 
advocating  its  passage,  divides  his  discourse  into  two  parts, — show- 
ing, first,  that  the  importance  and  imminent  dangers  of  the  contest, 
in  which  the  state  was  engaged,  required  the  unusual  remedy  pro- 
posed, and — secondly,  that  Pompey  was  the  fittest  person  to  be 
entrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the  war.  This  leads  to  a  splendid 
panegyric  on  that  commander,  in  which,  while  he  does  justice  to 
the  merits  of  Lucullus,  he  enlarges  on  the  military  skill,  valour, 
authority,  and  good  fortune  of  his  favourite  chief,  with  all  the  force 
and  beauty  which  language  can  afford.  By  dwelling  on  these 
topics,  and  by  adducing  examples  from  all  antiquity,  of  the  state's 
having  been  benefited,  or  saved,  by  entrusting  unlimited  power 
to  a  single  person,  he  allays  all  fears  of  the  dangers,  which,  it  was 
apprehended,  might  result  to  the  constitution  from  such  extensive 
authority  being  vested  in  one  individual. 
304 


THE  MAMLIAN  LAW.  305 

Page. 

The  Mauilian  law  was  passed,  and  the  success  of  Pompey  was  •y  1 
orilliant  aYid  decisive,  without  any  of  those  evil  effects  resulting  to 
the  state  which  the  foes  of  the  measure  had  predicted. 


2.  Quamqiiam  mihi,  &c.     "  Although,  Romans,  the   sight  of 
your  crowded  assemblies  has  always  appeared  to  me  by  far  the  most 
pleasing  of  spectacles,  and  this  place,  moreover,  the  most  dignified 
for  treating  with  you,  the  most  honourable  for  haranguing." 

3.  Hie  autem   locus.     Alluding   to  the  rostra,  where  he   was 
standing  at  the  time.  The  rostra  (more  commonly,  but  less  correctly 
called  rostrum)  was  a  pulpit  or  tribunal,  in  the  Roman  forum,  where 
those  who  addressed  the  people  stood.     It  was  so  called,  because 
adorned  with  the  beaks  of  the  vessels  said  to  have  been  taken  from 
the  Antiates.     (Liv.  8,  14. — Varro,  L.  L.  4,  32.)     There  were  at 
Rome  the  old  and  new  rostra,  (cetera  et  nova,)  the  former,  which  are 
here  meant,  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  forum,  (Appian,  B.  C.  1, 
94,)  the  latter  at  the  base  of  the  Palatine,  in  the  southern  angle  of 
the  forum.     This  last  was  erected  by  Caesar.     (Nardini,  R.  V.  5, 
3. — Rasche  Lex.  rei  num.  vol.  7,  col.  1286.) 

4.  Ad  agendum.     The  phrase  agere  cum  populo  signifies,  "  to 
treat  with  the  people,"  i.  e.  to  address  them,  soliciting  their  votes 
for  or  against  a  particular  measure.     Thus  Aulus  Gellius  remarks, 
(13,  15) :   "  Cum  populo  agere  est  rogare  quid  populum  quod  suf~ 
fragiis  suis  out  jubeat  aut  vetet." 

5.  Amplissimus.    This  epithet  is  here  applied  to  the  rostra,  from 
the  circumstance  of  magistrates  alone,  or  those  whom  they  per- 
mitted, being  allowed  to  address  the  people  from  this  place.     So 
also,  the  expression  ad  dicendum  ornatissimus  indicates  how  hon- 
ourable it  was  considered  to  harangue  the  people  from  the  rostra. 
Compare  the  explanation  of  Hotomannus  :  "  Ad  agendum  amplissi- 
mum  appellat,  quod  nullis  nisi  amplitudine  praeditis  viris  agere 
cum  populo  liceret ;  ad  dicendum  ornatigsimum  autem,  quod  orna- 
mento  esset  iis  qui  concionabantur."* 

6.  Hoc  aditu  laudis,  &c.     "  From  this  avenue  to  praise,  wnich 
has  always  lain  freely  open  to  each  most  meritorious  individual." 
.More  literally,  "  which  has  always  lain  open  in  particular,"  &c.    By 
optima  cuique  are  meant  the  wise  and  good. — With  a«  magistrate's 
permission,  private  persons  were  allowed   to  address  the  people 
from  the  rostra. 

7.  Mea  voluntas.     "  My  own  inclinations." 

8.  Mcae  vitae  rationes,  &c.     "  The  rules  of  conduct  formed  by 
me  from  the  very  commencement  of  my  career."     More  literally, 

26* 


306  ORATION    IN    FAVOUR    OF 

Page. 

•y  J  "  my  way  of  life,"  &c.  Cicero  here  refers  to  the  rule,  which  he  had 
laid  down  for  himself,  of  attending  to  the  private  concerns  and  cases 
of  his  friends,  until  age  and  experience  should  qualify  him  for  ap- 
pearing in  public  and  addressing  the  people  from  the  rostra. — By 
aetate  in  this  sentence  is  meant,  not  boyhood,  but  the  period  of 
Cicero's  entering  on  active  and  professional  pursuits. 

9.  Per  aetatem.     Cicero  had  already  held  the  offices  of  quaestor 
and  aedile  before  he  addressed  the  people  on  this  occasion.     He 
was  now  in  his  41st  year. 

10.  Hujus  auctoritatem  loci  attingere.     "To  have  aught  to  do 
with  the  authority  of  this  place,"  i.  e.  to  aspire,  in  the  slightest 
degree,  to  the  honour  of  addressing  you  from  such  a  place  as  this, 
where  none  but  the  most  eminent  individuals  ought  to  be  heard. — 
Attingere  properly  means,  "  to  touch  gently,"  "  to  come  in  slight  con- 
tact with,"  and  is,  therefore,  the  very  term  to  employ  in  the  present 
case.     It  is  sanctioned  by  the  authority  of  many  MSS.,  and  is 
adopted  by  Graevius,  Ernesti,  and  others.     The  common  reading 
contingere  is  too  strong,  implying,  "  to  come  in  full  contact  with," 
"  to  reach,"  &c. 

11.  Nisi  perfectum  ingenio,  &c.    "  But  what  had  been  perfected 
by  maturity  of  talent,  carefully  wrought  out  by  assiduous  applica- 
tion."    Cicero  assigns  three  reasons  for  his  not  ascending  the  rostra 
at  an  earlier  period :  first,  the  rule  of  conduct  which  he  had  pre- 
scribed to  himself,  in  devoting  his  chief  attention,  at  first,  to  the 
private  cases  of  his  friends  :  secondly,  the  modesty  and  diffidence 
arising  from  his  consciousness  of  the  want  of  experience  ;  and  thirdly, 
the  conviction,  that  no  one  ought  to  address  the  people  from  the 
place  where  he  then  stood,  except  after  his  abilities  had  become 
matured  by  age,  and  sharpened  by  application  and  extensive  expe- 
rience. 

12.  Omne  meum  tempus,  &c.     "  I  thought  that  all  my  time 
ought  to  be  devoted  to  the  concerns  of  my  friends,"  i.  e.  to  my 
friends  standing  in  need  of  mv  assistance  and  advice.     As  regards 
the  peculiar  force  of  temporibus,  in  this  passage,  consult  note  19, 
page  52. — Transmittendum.     More  literally,   "  ought  to  be  trans- 
ferred." 

13.  Vestram  causam.     "  Your  interests."    Compare  the  remark 
of  Manutius":  "  Rostra  enim  nemo  nisi  pro  papula  diclurus  as- 
ccndit." 

14.  Et  meus  labor,  &c.  "  And  my  exertions,  fairly  and  faithfully 
employed  amid  the  dangers  of  private  individuals,  have  reaped  from 
your  suffrages  a  most  ample  reward,"  i.  e.  employed  by  me  in  ward- 
ing off  the  dangers  which  threatened  my  clients.     Some  commenta- 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  307 

Page. 

tors  consider  the  expressions  caste  integreque  as  having  reference  ^  J 
to  the  Cincian  law,  by  which  advocates  were  not  allowed  to  take 
any  fees  or  presents  from  their  clients,   (vid.  Legal  Index.)     The 
allusion,  however,  seems  rather  to  be  a  general  one,  to  professional 
fidelity  and  care. 

15.  Proplcr  dilationem  comitiorum.  •'  On  account  of  the  adjourn- 
ment of  the  comitia."     The  comitia  were  adjourned,  i.  e.  stopped, 
and  put  off  to  another  day,  for  various  reasons.     Any  magistrate  of 
equal  or  greater  authority  than  the  one  who  presided,  might,  as  well 
as  the  latter,  take  the  auspices  before  the  meeting  was  held,  espe- 
cially if  he  wished  to  hinder  an  election,  or  prevent  a  law  from 
being  passed.     If  such  magistrate,  therefore,  declared  that  he  had 
heard  thunder  or  seen  lightning,  the  comitia  were  broken  off,  and 
deferred  to  another  day.     The  same  result  was  produced  if  any 
person,  while  they  were  holding,  was  seized  with  epilepsy,  if  a  tem- 
pest arose,  if  a  tribune  of  the  commons  interposed  his  veto,  &c. 

16.  Ter  praetor  primus,  &c.     "  I  was  thrice  declared  first  prae- 
tor by  all  the  centuries,"  if.  e.  twice  at  the    two   comitia  that  were 
broken  off,  and  where  the  people  had  already  manifested  their  good 
wishes  towards  him,  and  the  third  time  when  he  was  actually  elected. 
The  number  of  praetors   at  this   time   was   eight.     He  was  called 
praetor  pimus,  or  first  praetor,  who  had  the  largest  number  of  votes, 
and  the  result  of  the  election  was  always  proclaimed  by  the  voice 
of  a  herald,  who  was  said  renunciare,  "  to  declare"   the  result,  just 
as  the  successful  candidates  were    said  renunciari. — Plutarch  in 
forms  us,  that,  on  this  occasion,  Cicero  had  many  persons  of  dis 
tinction   for  competitors,  and  yet   he   was  returned  first.      (Vit 
Cic.  c.  9.) 

17.  Centuriis  cunctis.     The  praetors  were  chosen  at  the  Com 
itia   centuriata,   as    were  also   the   consuls,    censors,    &c.     The 
inferior  magistrates,  such  as  the   aediles,  tribunes,   quaestors,  &c 
were  elected  at  the  comitia  tributa.     At  the  latter  of  these  comitia, 
the  vote  of  each  citizen  counted,  whereas  at  the  centuriata  the 
centuries  of  the  different  classes  voted  as  such.     Thus,  there  were 
193  centuries,  forming  six  classes,  and  of  these  the  first  and  richest 
class  consisted  of  ninety  seven  centuries.     If  the  centuries  of  the 
first  class  agreed,  the  affair  was  decided.     This  arrangement,  which 
dated  back  as  far  as  the  time  of  Servius  Tullius,  was  intended  to 
place  all  the  power  in  the  hands  of  the  upper  classes. 

18.  Et  quid  aliis  praescriberctis.     "  And  what  course  of  conduct 
t-)u  prescribed  to  others,"  i.  e.  in  case  they  wish  to  attain  to  your 
favour  in  as  signal  a  manner  as  I  had.     The  course  prescribed  was 
the  one  which  Cicero  had  pursued,  namely  to  devote   their  earlier 


,108  ORATION   IN   FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

•J1!   efforts  to  the  concerns  of  friends   and  clients,  until  the  experience 

which  this  brought  along  with  it  entitled  them  to  come  forward  with 

strong  claims  on  the  favour  of  the  people. 

19.  Quantum  vos  konoribus,  &c.     "As  you  have  willed  there 
should  be  in  the  circumstance  of  your  conferring  honours  upon  me," 
i.  e.  as  you  have  willed  should  be  annexed  to  the  offices  which  you 
have  bestowed  upon  me. — Honoribus  mandandis.     Literally,  "  in 
assigning    honours."      Compare   the    explanation   of    Fabricius : 
"  dum  konores  mihi  mandatis."     The  common  text  has  mandan- 
dum,  for  which  we  have  given  mandandis  with  Fabricius,  Ernesti, 
and  others,  on  the  authority  of  several  MSS. 

20.  Et  ad  agendum,  &c.     "  And  as  much  fitness  for  addressing 
you,  as  the  almost  daily  exercise  of  speaking  has  been  able  to  bring 
with  it  to  a  man  of  industrious  habits,  from   the  practice  of  the 
bar,"  i.  e.  to  one  who  has  thus  far  been  merely   a  pleader  at  the 
bar. — Ad  agendum.     Literally,  "for  treating  with  you."     Compare 
note  4,  page  71. 

21.  Ea  apud  eos  utar,  &c.     "  I  will  exert  it  with   those,"  &c. 
i.  e.  "in  the  presence  of,"  or,  " before \hose,"     The  allusion  is  to 
the  Roman  people  assembled  in  comitia. 

22.  Dicendo.     This  serves  to  explain  ad  agendum,  in  the  previ- 
ous part  of  the  sentence,  with  which  it  is  synonymous. 

Y2  !•  Qu*  fi  quoque  rei,  &c.  "Who  have  thought  that  some 
recompense  for  this  also  should  be  awarded  me  by  their  suffrages." 
By  the  expression  ei  rei,  Cicero  means,  not  so  much  the  mere  habit 
of  speaking  at  the  bar,  considered  in  itself,  as  the  fact  of  his  having 
always  exerted  himself  there  in  defending  the  welfare  and  interests 
of  his  friends  and  clients. — Fructum.  The  recompense  alluded  to 
was  the  praetorship,  which  he  had  obtained  that  very  year.  A.  U 
C.  687. 

2.  Atque  illud,  &c.     "  And   I  see  that   the   following  circum- 
stance, in  particular,  ought  with  good  reason  to  afford  me  a  ground 
of  rejoicing,"  i.  e.  that  I  ought,  with  good  reason,  to  congratulate 
myself  on  the  following  account. 

3.  In  hoc  insolifa  mihi,  &c.     "  In   this,  to   me   unusual,  mode 
of  speaking  from   the  place   where  I   now  stand,"  i.  e.  unaccus- 
tomed as  I  am   to  harangue  in  this  manner,  and  from   this   place. 
The  pronoun  hoc,  with  loco,  indicates  the  gesture  of  the  orator. 

4.  Oratio.     "  An  eloquent  appeal."     Literally,  "  an  oration,"  01 
'  harangue." 

5.  Dijficilius  est  exitum,  &c.     On  account,  namely,  of  the  rich 
abundance  of  materials,  with  which  the  merits  of  Pompey  cannot 
fail  to  supply  the  speaker.     Cicero's  harangue  here  will  remind  the 


THE  MAML1AN   LAW.  309 

Page. 

student  of  tne  exordium  of  Lysms,  in  the  speech  against  Eratos-  *Jr*> 

thenes  :    Oix  ap^aadai  ^01  SOKCI  avopov  tlnft,    cj  avSpes  iiKOUrral 

d/XAu  TtavtraaOtii  XtyovTt, 

6.  Copia.       "  An    abundant    supply    of   materials." — Modus. 
"  some  limit." 

7.  Unde  ha-ec  omnis  causa  ducitur.     "  Whence  the  whole  of  the 
affair   now  under  consideration   is  derived."     We   have   adopted 
ducitur,  the  reading  of  the  best  editions,  in  place  of  dicitur,  which 
is  exhibited  by  the  common  text. 

8.  Vestris  vectigalibus  atque  sociis.     ''Against  your  tributaries 
and  allies."     The  vectigales  were  they  who  paid  taxes   or  tribute 
in  the  produce  of  their  lands  ;  the  stipendiarii,  on  the  contrary,  in 
money.     The  former  were  in  a  better  condition   than   the  latter, 
since  the  proportion  of  produce  paid  by  them  depended  always  on 
the  nature  of  the  crop,  being  less  in  years  of  scarcity  than  in  those 
when  the  harvests   were   abundant ;  whereas,  in   the  case   of  the 
stipendiarii,  the  amount  was  always  the  same  one  year  with  another. 
Consult  Ernestj,   Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  stipendiarius,  and  the  authorities 
there  cited. 

9.  Mithridate   et  Tigrane.     The   former,  king   of  Pontus,    the 
latter  of  Armenia.     Tigranes  was  son-in-law  to  Mithridates.     Con- 
sult Historical  Index. 

10.  Quoi-um  alter  relictus.     "  The  one  of  whom  being  left  unmo 
lested  after  defeat,"  i.  e.  not  being  pushed  after  defeat ;  the  victory  on 
the  part  of  the  Romans  not  being  followed  up.     The  allusion  is  to 
Mithridates,  who,  after  being  repeatedly  overcome  by  Lucullus,  had 
again  become  powerful,  the  Roman  general  not  being  able  to  follow 
up  his  successes,  in   consequence   of  the   mutinous   spirit  of  hia 
troops.     Part  of  his  army  had  been   discharged  and  disembodied, 
ihe  remainder  transferred  to  Glabrio.     Compare  the  end  of  chapter 
9  :  "  Hie  in  ipso  illo  malo,"  &c. 

11.  Alter  lacessitus.     "  The  other  provoked  by  your  arms,"  i.  e 
roused  to  action  by  the  movements  of  Lucullus.     This  is  a  mere 
piece  of  oratorical  exaggeration.     The  truth  was,  Mithridates  and 
Tigranes  were  on  the  point  of  entering  Lycaonia  and  Cilicia  with 
their  whole  force,  when   Lucullus  marched  into  Armenia.     (Plut. 
Vit.  Lucull.  c.  24,  seq.) 

12.  Asiam.     The  Roman  province  of  Asia  is  here  meant,  com- 
prehending Mysia,  Lydia,  Caria,  and  Phrygia.     Consult  Geograph- 
ical Index. — The  revenues  of  this  province  were  extremely  rich,  aid 
hence  the  tempting  nature  of  the  prize.      Compare  the  remark  of 
Manutius  :  "  Asiam,  cujus  certissima  et  magna  vectigalia." 

13.  Equittbus   Romanis      The   Roman    knights,    or    equuea, 


S10  ORATION   IN   FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

•y^  farmed  the  public  revenues  from  the  censors. — Honestissimis  mn». 
"  A  very  honourable  class  of  men."  Cicero,  himself  of  equestrian 
origin,  always  uses  this  and  similar  language  in  speaking  of  the 
equites. 

14.  Quorum  magnae  res  aguntur,  &c.     "  Large  sums  belonging 
to  whom  are  now  at  stake   there,  being  laid   out   by   them   in  the 
farming  of  your  revenues."     The  equites,  or,  as   they  were  more 
commonly  called,  publicani,  had  purchased  the   revenues  of  the 
province  of  Asia  from  the  censors,  for  a  large  amount,  and  were  to 
look  to  the  actual  collection  of  those  revenues  for   reimbursement 
and  profit.     The  large  sums  of  money,  thus  advanced  by  them  to 
the  state,  were  endangered  by  the  prospect   of  war,  since  success 
on  the  part  of  the  foe,  and  the  consequent  ravaging  of  the  fields, 
would  impair  of  course   the   productiveness  of  the   province,   and 
lessen  materially  the  chances  of  repayment. 

15.  Occupatae.     Equivalent  here   to  collocatae.     Compare  pro 
Place  21:  "  Pecuniam  adolescentulo,  grandi  fenore,  fiducia,  tamen 
accepta,  occupavisti :"  and  also,  in  Verr.  1,  36  :  ".Pecwwm*  occu- 
parat  apud  populos,  et  syngraphas  fecerat." 

16.  Qui.      "  These." — Pro   necessitudine,  &c.      "  On  account 
of  the  intimate  connexion  which  exists  between  me  and  that  order." 
Cicero,  as  we   have   already  remarked,  was  himself  of  equestrian 
family.     Compare  pro  Rob.  6  :  "  Vos  equites  Romani  videte  :  scitis 
me  ortum  a  volis." 

17.  Periculaque  rerum  suarum.     "  And  the   dangers  to  which 
their  own  private  fortunes  are  exposed." 

18.  Bithyniae.     Consult  Geographical  Index. — Quae  nunc  vestra 
provincia  est.     "  Which  is  now  a  province  of  yours."     Nicomedes, 
the  last  sovereign  of  Bithynia,  had,  by  his  will,  made  the   Roman 
people  his  heirs.     The  ostensible  cause  of  this  bequest  was  grati- 
tude to  the  Romans,  for  having  been  restored  to  his  dominions  by 
Sylla  after  having  been  driven  out  by  Mithridates.     (Eutrop.  6,  6. 
— Appian.  B.  M.  7.) 

19.  Regnum    Ariobarzanis.       Cappadocia,    Ariobarzanes   was 
thrice  driven  from  his  throne  by  Mithridates.     The  first  and  second 
time  he   was  restored  by  Lucullus,  the   third  by  Pompey.     The 
period,  alluded  to  in  the  text,  is  that  which  intervened  between  his 
second  expulsion  and  final  restoration,  and  during  which  Mithridates 
had  again  become  powerful  in  consequence  of  the  recall  of  Lucullus. 
(Appian,  B.  S.  48.— Id.  B.  M.  10  seqq.) 

20.  Abeolcllo   discedere.     It  was  now   about  eight  years  since 
Lucullus  was  sent  to  the   Mithridatic   war,  and  he  had  during  this 
period,  by  a  series  of  brilliant  successes,  acquired  for  himself  a  high 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  311 

Page. 

military  reputation.  He  had  driven  Mithridates  out  of  his  kingdom  ^2 
of  Pontus,  and  gained  several  memorable  victories  over  him  and  his 
son-in-law  Tigranes.  His  suet  -ss,  however,  occasioned  envious 
feelings  at  Rome,  and  it  was  a  leged  against  him,  that  he  had  not 
pushed  the  war  with  vigour  against  either  Mithridates  or  Tigranes, 
that  he  might  furnish  a  pretext  for  his  being  still  continued  in  com- 
mand. His  army,  besides,  had  become  restless  and  mutinous,  from 
the  perpetual  fatigues  to  which  they  were  exposed,  but  principally 
from  the  factious  arts  of  Clodius,  brother-in-law  to  Lucullus,  who 
was  an  officer  in  the  army,  and  conceived  himself  neglected  by  the 
commander.  The  disaffection  of  the  troops  was  still  farther 
increased  by  an  unlucky  defeat  of  Triarius,  one  of  the  lieutenants 
of  Lucullus,  who,  in  a  rash  engagement  with  Mithridates,  was 
destroyed,  with  the  loss  of  his  camp  and  the  best  of  his  troops. 
As  soon,  therefore,  as  they  heard  that  Glabrio,  the  consul  of  the 
previous  year,  was  appointed  to  succeed  him,  and  had  actually 
arrived  in  Asia,  they  broke  out  into  open  mutiny,  and  refused  to  fol- 
low Lucullus  any  longer,  declaring  that  they  had  ceased  to  be  his 
soldiers. 

21.  Huic  qui  successerit,  &c.     "That  the  individual  who  has 
succeeded  him  is  but  ill  prepared  for  the  management  of  so  impor- 
tant a  war."     The  allusion  is  to  Glabrio,  who  was  appointed  to 
succeed  Lucullus.     The  words  nan  satis  esse  paratum  ostensibly 
refer  to  the  inadequate  state  of  his  resources  ;  but  they  contain  also 
a  covert  allusion  to  his  mental  incapacity.     Cicero  (Brut.  68)  de- 
scribes  Glabrio,  as  "  Socors  ipsius  nalura,  negligensque." — The 
student  will  mark  the  force  of  the  subjunctive  mood  in  successerit. 
The  speaker  gives  merely  the  language  of  rumour,  and  does  not 
state,  as  a  fact  within  his  own  knowledge,  that  Glabrio  has,  by  this 
time,  actually   assumed   the   command.     So  that  qui  successerit 
means  in  truth,  "  who  is  said,  by  this  time,  to  have  succeeded  him." 
— In  place  of  successerit  some  read  succurrerit,  which  last  Hoto- 
tnann  endeavours  to  defend,  as  expressing  the  eagerness  with  which 
Glabrio  seized  the  command,  when   superseding  Lucullus.     But 
successerit  is  every  way  preferable. 

22.  Unum.     "  That  one  individual."     Alluding  to  Pompey. — 
Eundem  hunc  unum,  &c.  "  That  this  same  one  individual  is  feared 
by  the  enemy,  no  one  besides." 

23.  Causa  quae  sit.     "  What  is  the  nature  of  the  affair  before 
you,"  i.  e.  what  is  the  nature  of  the  discussion  which  now  claims 
four  attention. 

24.  De  genere  belli.     "  Of  the  character  of  the  war." 

85    Ad  studium  pcrsejuendi.     "To  the  desire  of  inflicting  a 


312  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

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"72  severe  retaliation."  These  words  are  omitted  m  the  common  text, 
but  supplied  by  Graevius  and  Ernesti  from  MSS. 

26.  In  quo  agitur,  &c.  "  For  in  it  the  glory  of  the  Roman  peopl* 
is  at  stake."    In  quo,  beginning  the  clause,  is  equivalent  to  nam  in  eo 

"73  1-  Certissima  vectigalia  et  maxima.  "  The  surest  and  most 
important  revenues."  We  have  here  another  specimen  of  oratorical 
exaggeration,  since  elsewhere  (de  leg.  agr.  2,  29)  Cicero  speaks  of 
the  Campanian  vectigalia  as  the  surest  and  best :  "  An  ignoratis, 
cetera  ilia  magnifica  populi  Romani  vectigalia,  perlevi  saepe  mo- 
menta fortunae,  inclinatione  temporis  penderel  Quid  nos  Asiae 
portus,  quid  Syriae  rura,  quid  omnia  transmarina  vectigalia  juva- 
bunt,  tenuissima  suspicione  praedonum  aut  hostium  injecta  1  At 
vero  hoc  agri  Campani  vectigal  cum  ejusmodi  est,  ut  domi  sit,  et 
omnibus  praesidiis  opjridorum  tegatur :  turn,  neque  bellis  infestum, 
nee  fructibus  varium,  nee  coelo  ac  loco  calamitosum  esse  solet." 

2.  Et  pjicis  ornamenta,  &c.     "  You  will  have  to  seek  anew  for 
both  the  ornaments  of  peace,  and  the  sinews  of  war,"  i.  e.  you  will 
miss,  you  will  feel  the  want  of  what  constitute  the  ornaments  of 
peace,  &c.     The   same  idea  is  expressed  in  the  second  oration 
against  the  agrarian  law  of  Rullus,  (c.  29,)  already  referred  to  in  the 
previous  note  :  "  Pads  ornamentum,  subsidium  belli,  fundamentum 
vectigalium."     Compare  chapter  6,  of  the  present  speech  :  "  Si  et 
belli  utilitatem  et  pads  dignitatem  sustinere  vultis." 

3.  A  vobis  et  ipsorum,  &c.     In  the  early  editions,  and  in  most 
MSS.,  we  find  a  vobis  et  imperatoribus  reipublicae  consulendum 
Lambinus  obtained  the  reading  in  the  text  from  three  MS.S.,  and  it 
has  been  adopted  by  Graevius,  Ernesti,  and  others.     Ernesti  re- 
marks :  "  Ego  vero  nullam  causam  idoneam  video  quare  hie  impera 
tores  populi  Romani  commemorentur,  cum  de  uno  deligendo  agatur, 
et  quidem  per  populum  Romanum. 

4.  Delenda  vobis,  &c.     "  That  stain,  contracted  in  the  previous 
Mithridatic  war,   must  be  effaced  by  you,  which  has  now  sunk 
deeply  in,  and  become  identified  by  lapse  of  time  with  the  name 
of  the  Roman  people."     Inveterasco,  which  we  have  here  rather 
paraphrased  than  translated,  means  literally,  "  to  grow  old  in,"  "  to 
gather  strength  by  age  or  time,"  "  to  become  deeply  rooted,"  &c. 

5.  Quod  is,  &c.     "  That  he,"  &c.     Referring  to  Mithridates, 
and  his  indiscriminate  slaughter  of  the  Romans  in  Asia.     This 
monarch  sent  secret  orders  to  all  the  governors  of  his  Asiatic  prov- 
inces, enjoining  on  them  to  massacre,  on  the  thirtieth  day  after  the 
receipt  of  these  instructions,  all  the  Romans  and  Italians  in  their 
several  districts,  without  regard  to  age  or  sex,  and  to  leave  their 
bodies  without  the  rites  of  burial.     (Appian.  B.  M.  22.)     Plutarch 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  313 

Page. 

maites  the  number  slain  on  this  occasion  to  have  been  150,000.  ^f*^ 
(  Vit.  Syll.  c.  24.)     Valerius  Maximus  (9,  2,  3)  gives  it  as  80,000, 
which  is  probably  nearer  the  truth.     This   event  occurred  in  the 
consulship  of  Sylla  and  Q.  Pompeius  Rufus,  A.  U.  C.  666,  B.  C.  88. 

6.  Una  die.     The  massacre  took  place  on  the  same  day  through- 
out the  cities  of  Asia.     The  interval  of  thirty  days  was  prescribed, 
in  order  that  the  secret  intelligence  might  be  communicated  in  time 
to  the  more  distant  cities.     The  messenger  would  have  time  to  visit 
all  in  thirty  days,  and  all  would  then  be  prepared  to  act  in  concert. 

7.  Tot  in  civitatibus.     Appian  (B.  M.  23)  enumerates  several 
of  the  Greek  cities  of  Asia  which  obeyed  the  cruel  directions  of 
Mithridates,  and  mentions  also  the  different  ways  in  which  the  order 
was  executed.     Temples  and  altars  afforded  no  refuge.     The  only 
two  states  that  remained  faithful  to  the  Romans,'  amid  the  general 
defection  which  followed  this  disaster,  were  Magnesia  and  Rhodes. 

8.  Atque  una  literarum  significations .     "  And   by  the   import 
of  a  single  letter."     The  confidential  messenger  had  a  letter,  or 
general  circular,  which  he  showed  to  each  of  the  governors  of  the 
cities. 

9.  Gives  Romanos,   &c.     "  Marked   out    Roman   citizens   for 
butchery  and  death."     We  have  altered,  in  translating,  the  position 
of  trucidandos  and  necandos,  in  order  to  adapt  the  meaning  more  to 
the  English  idiom.     Trucido  is  to  put  to  death  with  circumstances 
of  cruelty,  to  butcher,  &c. 

10.  Sed  ab  illo  tempore,  &c.     "  But  is  now  reigning  for  the 
twenty-third  year  from  that  period."     This  oration  was  delivered 
A.  U.  C.  687.     The  massacre  took  place  A.  U.  C.  666. 

11.  Neque  Cappadociae  latelris.     "  Nor  in  the  lurking  places  of 
Cappadocia."     The  term  latebrae  refers  to  the  inland  situation  of 
this  country,   compared  with  the  other  regions  that  border  upor 
Pontus.     Compare  the  remark  of  Manutius  :  "  Quia  gentium  uni- 
versarum,  quae  Pontum  accolunt,  una  maxime  introrsus  recedit :" 
and  also  Cicero,  (Agr.  2,  21,)  "  In  Paphlagoniae  tenebris,  atquein 
Cappadociae  solitudine." 

12.  E  patrio  regno.     Pontus.     Mithridates    was  the   seventh 
monarch  of  the  name  that  ruled  over  this  country. — Atque  in  vestris 
vectigalibus,  &c.     "  And  to  carry  on  his  operations  in  the  midst  of 
your  tributaries,  that  is,  under  the  very  eyes  of  Asia."     The  force 
of  luce,  in  this  clause,  is  apparent  from  its  being  contrasted  with 
latelris  occultare.     Compare  Ep.  ad  Quint,  fratr.  1,1,2:  "  Istam 
nirlutem  non  latere  in  tenebris,  neque  esse  abditam,  sed  in  luce 
Asiae,  in  oculis  darissimae  provinciae,  atque  in  auribus  omnium 
gentium  esse  positam." 


314  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

^J  13.  Insignia  victor lae.  "  The  badges  of  victory,"  i.  e.  standards 
and  other  emblems  of  success.  Some  commentators  consider  the 
allusion  to  be  to  triumphs,  but  erroneously. — Non  victoriam.  "  Not 
victory  itself." 

14.  L.  Murena.  L.  Licinms  Murena  was  the  lieutenant  of  Sylla. 
Consult  Historical  Index. 

15.  Pulsus    superatusque    regnaret.     "  Though  repulsed    and 
vanquished  still  reigned." 

16.  Quod  egerunt.     "  For  what  they  did,"  i.  e.  proptcr  id  quod 
egerunt. — Quod  reliquerunt.     "  For  what  they  left  undone."    Mat 
thiae  considers  quod  a  conjunction  here,  and  after  reliquerunt  under- 
stands Mithridatem.     The  construction  we  have  adopted  is  much 
simpler.     If  quod.be  a  conjunction  with  reliquerunt,  it  must  also  be 
a  conjunction  with  egerunt,  than  which  nothing  can  be  more  awk- 
ward. 

17.  Respublica.     "  The  state  of  public  affairs  at  home."     The 
successes  of  the  Marian  faction  at  home  induced  Syila  to  return  to 
Italy.     He  made  one   treaty  with  Mithridates  ;  and  Murena,  his 
lieutenant,  when  recalled  by  him,  made  another.     Hence,  in  strict- 
ness, the  present  was  the  third  Mithridatic  war. 

18.  Murenam  -Sulla  revocavit.     Sylla   had   pressing   occasion, 
very  probably,  for  all  these  troops  in  Italy.     According  to  Plutarch, 
(who  obtains  his  information  from  the  commentaries  of  Sylla,)  he 
had  to  encounter  on  his  return  home,  upon  this  occasion,  fifteen 
generals,  who  had  under  them  not  less  than  twenty-five  legions. 
(Vit.  Sull.  c.  27.) 

19.  Omne  reliquum  tempus.     Referring  to  the  interval  between 
the  departure  of  Murena  and  the  renewal  of  hostilities  by  the  Ro- 
mans.— Ad  comparalionem  novi.  "  To  preparations  for  a  new  one." 

20.  Qui  posteaquam,  &c.  "  For  after  he  had  built  and  equipped," 
&c.     Qui  beginning  a  clause  is  here  equivalent  to  ille. 

21.  Bosporanis.     "  Against  the  inhabitants  of  the   Bosporus." 
The  people  of  the  'Thracian  Bosporus  (straits  of  Constantinople') 
are  meant,  who  had  revolted  from  him  to  the  Romans 

22.  Legates.     L.   Magius  and  L.  Fannius,  expatriated  citizens 
of  Rome,  and  belonging  to  the  Marian  faction,  who  had  fled  to 
Mithridates,  and  had  persuaded  him  to  send  them  as  ambassadors  to 
Sertorius,  the  head  of  the  Marian  party,  who  was  now  very  power- 
ful in  Spain.     (Appian.  B.  M.  68.)     Asconius,  in  his  comments  on 
the  first  oration  against  Verres,  (c.  34,)  remarks  as  follows  :  "  Hi 
transfugae  facti,  a  Mariano  exercitu,  apud  Milhridatem  agentes, 
ab  eodem.  rege  ad  Sertorium  missi  crant  de  paciscenda,  societate  belli 
adversus  Romanes :  quos  in  Italia  jam  positos,  et  ad  Serlonum 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW  315 

Page. 

festinantes,   et    hastes    judicaverat,   et    tnquircndos   mandate  rat  ^^ 
»e  natus." 

23.  Ac  literas.     "  And  letters,"  i.  e.  proposals  or  despatches. 
The  MSS.  vary  considerably  here.     Some  have  Ecbalanis,  which 
is  the  reading  adopted  in  the  common  text,  others  Electanis,  Elec- 
tariis,  e  Lebetanis,  ac  literas.  This  latter  reading  has  been  adopted 
by  Matthiae,  Orellius,  and  others.     It  is  certainly  far  preferable  to 
Ecbatams,  since  Ecbatana,  in  Media,  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
visited  by  Mithridates,  or  even  Tigranes. 

24.  Ad  eos  duccs.     Referring  to  Sertorius  and  his  followers. 
This  commander  had  formed  a  senate,  composed  of  the  senators 
proscribed  by  Sylla,  as  well  as  others  of  his  own  choosing,  and 
endeavoured,  in  every  possible  respect,  to  imitate  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment at  home.     The  leaders  referred  to  were,  besides  himself, 
his  Lieutenants  and  other  officers. — Duobus  in  locis.     Pontus  and 
Spain. 

25.  Uno  ccmsilio.     "  In  accordance  with  one  common  plan  of 
operations." — A  binis  hostium  copiis.     The  distributive  numerals 
are  used  with  words  which  have  no  singular,  or  whose  singular,  as 
in  the  present  instance,  has  a  different  signification  from  the  plural. 
(Zumpt,  L.  G.  p.  72.)     This  rule  is  of  use  in  translating:  thus, 
duae  literae,  "  two  letters  of  the  alphabet,"  but  binae  literae,  "  two 
epistles."     Tria  vestimenta,  "  three  pieces  of  clothing,"  but  terna 
vestimenta,  "  three  suits  of  clothing."     Quatuor  castra,  "  four  for- 
tresses," or  "  castles,"  but  quaterna  castra,  "  four  camps,"  &c. 

1.  Vos,  ancipiti  contentiqpe  districti,  &c.     "You,  embarrassed  ^A 
by  a  contest  pressing  you  on  both  sides,  might  have  to  contend  for 
empire  itself,"  i.  e.  for  the  very  existence  of  your  empire.    Distncti 

is  here  equivalent  to  in  angustias  redacti.     Some  read  destricti, 
others  distracti,  but  both  are  inferior. 

2.  Sed  tamen   alterius  partis,    &c.     "The   danger,  however, 
which  threatened  on  one  side,  from  Sertorius  and  Spam."  Manutius 
suspects  the  words  Sertorianae  atque  Hispaniensis  of  being  a  mere 
gloss 

3.  Firmamcnti  ac  robons.     "  Of  enduring  strength."     Literally, 
"  of  stability  and  strength."     Owing,  namely,  to  the  military  talents 
s(  Sertorius. 

4.  Cn.  Pompeii  divino  consilio,  &LC.     "  Was  warded  off  by  the 
godlike  wisdom  and  unequalled  valour  of  Cneius  Pompeius."  This 
is  the  language  of  gross  adulation.     Sertorius  was  incomparably 
the  better  general  of  the  two,  and,  had  he  not  lost  his  life  by  the 
treachery  of  some  of  his  followers,  would  most  certainly  have  proved 
superior  in  the  contest. — Cicero  had  the  consulship  in  view,  and  hiu 


316  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page 

"J1^  object,  therefore,  was  to  gain  the  good  will  of  the  people  by  extolling 

their  favourite,  and  secure  also  by  this  means  the  friendship  of 

Pompey. 

5.  In  altera  parte.     "  In  the  opposite  quarter."     Referring  to 
Asia. — Ita.  res  a  L.  Lucullo,  &c.     Cicero's  object  is  to  depreciate 
Lucullus,  in  proportion  as  he  seeks  to  elevate  the  character  of 
Pompey.     He  manages  this,  however,  with  great  adroitness,  foi  ae 
apparently  allows  great  praise  to  Lucullus,  but  then  there  is  always 
something  added  which  diminishes  its  force.  Whereas,  in  Pompey's 
case,  his  commendations  are  unbounded,  and  even  fulsome.    Lucul- 
lus, like  Sertorius,  was  far  superior  to  Pompey  in  military  talents. 

6.  Initia  gestariim  rcrum.     "  Beginnings  of  exploits."   Alluding 
to  the  earlier  movements  of  Lucullus  in  the  Mithridatic  war. 

7.  Haec   autem   extrema.     "These   latter  reverses,  however?' 
Mithridates  had,  on  the  departure  of  Lucullus,  not  only  regained 
possession  of  Pontus,  but  had  even  made  an  inroad  into  the  Roman 
province  of  Asia.   He  had  defeated  also  the  lieutenants  of  Lucullus, 
and  made  himself  master  of  a  large  part  of  Asia  Minor.     Compare 
chapter  9. 

8.  Non  culpae,  sed  fortunae.     "Not  to  any  fault  of  his,  but  to 
his  ill-fortune."     This,  though  apparently  fair,  is  in  fact  very  invidi- 
ously uttered.     Cicero  afterward,  in  enumerating  the  qualifications 
of  an  able  general,  gives  good  fortune  a  very  conspicuous  place, 
and  finds,  of  course,  a  very  great  abundance  of  it  in  his  favourite 
Pompey. 

9.  Alio  loco.     He  returns  to  Luculb^s  in  the  8th  chapter. — Cha 
hone  noslra.     "  By  any  remarks  of  mine." 

10.  Afficta  esse.     "  To  be  bestowed  upon  him."    Affingere  liter- 
ally means,  to  add   by  framing,  devising,  or  inventing.     Compare 
•fro  CLuent,  c.  4 :  "  Faciam  ut  intdligatis          •    quid  error  affinxe- 
rit,  quid  invidia  conflarit." 

11.  Exorsus.  "  The  true  beginning." — Quern  vobis,  &c.  "What 
feelings  you  are  to  think  ought  to  be  entertained  by  you." 

12.  Mercatoribus  ac  naviculariis,  &c.     "  Because  their  traders 
and  proprietors  of  vessels  were  treated  in  too  wrongful  a  manner." 
The  mercatores,  among  the  Romans,  remained  a  very  short  time  in 
a  place,  visited  many  countries,  and  were  almost  constantly  occu- 
pied with  exporting  and  importing  articles  of  merchandise.     The 
negotiator 'es,  on  the  other  hand,  remained  for  some  consideraole 
time  in  a  particular  spot. — Naviculariis.     This  is  the  reading  of 
Lambinus,  and  is  adopted  also  by  Graevius,  Ernesti,  and  others. 
It  is  found  in  good  MSS.     The  early  editions  have  naviculatoribus, 
which  occurs  nowhere  else  in  the  ancient  writejs. 


THE   AIAN1LIA.K  LAW.  317 

Page. 

13.  Tot  millibus.  Plutarch,  as  we  have  already  remarked,  makes  ^£ 
the.  number  150,000,  but  Valerius  Maximus  80,000. 

14.  Legati   quod,   erant   appellati    superbius.     "  Because   their 
ambassadors  were  addressed  in  too  haughty  a  manner."     Cicero 
purposely  lessens  the  nature  of  the  offence,  that  it  may  be  contrasted 
the  more  forcibly  with  the  conduct  of  Mithridates.     He  makes  it  to 
have  been  merely  an  employment  of  haughty  language  on  the  part  of 
the  Corinthians.     What  the  insult  really  was  is  differently  repre- 
sented by  the  ancient  writers,  and  nowhere  clearly  appears.  Strabo 
(8,  p.  381,  Casaub.)  says,  that  filth  was  thrown  upon  the  Roman 
ambasssadors  from  one  of  the  houses  of  the  city,  as  they  were  pas- 
sing by  :    riffs  icai  -rwv  TTpcaSc'jiv,  -napiovTWV  ritv  olniav  avrSiv,  iQappricrav 

KaravrXijirai  (!6p/3opov.  'Livy,  on  the  other  hand,  (Epit.  lib.  52,)  states, 
thaP  personal  violence  was  offered  them  :  "  Corinthum  ex  senatus- 
consulto  diruitt  quod  Hi  legati  Romani  violafi  erant." 

15.  Exstinctum.     Referring  grammatically  to  lumen.  Some  read 
exstinctam,  agreeing  with  Corinthum.     Corinth  was  destroyed  by 
Mummius,  the  Roman  consul,  and  with  it  fell  the   Achaean  league. 
Consult  Geographical  Index. 

16.  Legatum  populi  Romani,  &c.     The  allusion  is  to  Manius 
Aquilius,  who  had  defeated  the  slaves  in  Sicily.     He  was  sent  at 
the  head  of  the  Roman  commissioners  to  restore  to  their  kingdoms 
Nicomedes  and  Ariobarzanes,  who  had  been  driven  out  by  Mithri- 
dates.    His  haughty  demeanour  soon  brought  matters  to  an  open 
rupture  with  that  monarch,  who  defeated  and  took  him  prisoner. 
The  conqueror  led  him  about  the  country  on  an  ass,  and  obliged 
him  by  blows  and  scourging  to  proclaim,  from  time  to  time,  to  the 
assembled  spectators,  that  he  was  Manius  Aquilius.     At  length  he 
brought  him  to  Pergamus,  where  he  caused  melted  gold  to  be  poured 
down  his  throat,  as  a  sarcasm  upon  the  cupidity  of  the  Romans 
(Appian.  B.  M.  2l.—Plin.  H.  N.  33,  14.) 

17.  Eli  libertatem  civium,  &c.     "  They  brooked  not  even  an 
infringement  of  the  personal  privileges  of  Roman  citizens." 

18.  Verbo.     "  Only  by  word."     Compare  the  language   of  the 
•peaker  just  above :  "  Legati  quod  erant  appellati  superbius." — 
Illi  pcrsecuti  sunt.     "  They  avenged." 

19.  Vos  legatum,  &c.     "  "Will  you  leave  unnoticed  an  ambassa- 
dor put  to  death  by  every  species  of  torture  T'     Before  relinquetis 
some  editions  have  inultum  expressed,  but  it  arose  probably  from  a 
marginal  gloss.     Relinquetis  is  far  better  without  the  presence  of 
inultum,  and  is  elegantly  opposed  to  persecuti  sunt. 

20.  Quid,  quod  salus  sociorum,  &c.     "  What  shall  I  say  of  this, 
that  the  safety  of  your  allies  is  involved  in  the  most  imminent  dan- 

27* 


31  b  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

74  S"1'"  The  terms  penculum  and  discnmen  ("  dangei"  and  "  hazard") 
being  nearly  synonymous,  are  employed  by  Cicero,  according  to  the 
custom  of  the  Latin  writers,  to  indicate  a  high  degree  of  danger, 
and  we  have  rendered  them,  accordingly,  as  one  word. — The  ellipsis 
in  quid,  quod,  is  to  be  supplied  as  follows  :  Quid  dicam  de  hoc, 
quod. 

21.  Duo  reges.     Mithndates  and  his  son-m-law  Tigranes. 

22.  Cuncta  Asia  atque  Graecia.     Weiske  considers  Asia  and 
Graecia  as  ablatives,  "  throughout   all  Asia  and  Greece."     The 
nominative,  however,  appears  neater,  "  the  whole  of  Asia  and  of 
Greece." 

23.  Imperatorem  cerium.  "  A  particular  commander."    Pompey. 
— Alium.     Glabrio,  the  consul  of  the  previous  year,  now,  of  course, 
proconsul. 

'J'f-J  I.  Summo  sine  pcriculo.  The  risk  alluded  to  is  that  of  offending 
the  commander  actually  appointed. 

2.  Unum  virum.     Pompey. — In  quo  summa  sint  omnia.     "  In 
whom  the  highest  qualities  centre,"  i.  e.  the  highest  qualifications 
for  the  successful  management  of  the  war. 

3.  Prope.     Pompey  had  just  brought  the  war  with  the  pirates  to 
a  successful  issue,  settling  many  of  them  in  the  little  towns  of  Cili- 
cia.     He  was  now  employed  in  visiting  some  of  the  cities  of  the 
east. 

4.  Quo  etiam  carent  aegrius.     "  On  which  account  they  even 
feel  the  want  of  him  the  more  sensibly."     Literally,  "  they  want 
him  the  more  painfully." 

5.  Maritimum  bellum.     "  The  war  with  the   Cilician  pirates." 
The  power  of  the  pirates,  as  Plutarch  remarks,  (  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  24)  had 
its  foundation  in  Cilicia.     Their  progress  was  the  more  dangerous, 
because  at  first  it  was  little  noticed.     In  the  Mithridatic  war  they 
assumed  new  confidence  and  courage,  on  account  of  some  services 
which   they  had   rendered   the  king.     Afterward,  in  the   interval 
between  the  first  and  second  Mithridatic  wars,  the  Romans  being 
engaged  in  civil  contests  at  the  very  gates  of  their  capital,  the  sea 
was  left  unguarded,  and  the  pirates  by  degrees  attempted  higher 
things  ;  not  only  attacking  ships,  but  islands,  and  maritime  towns. 
They  had,  in  various  places,  arsenals,  ports,  and  watch-towers,  all 
strongly  fortified.     The   number   of  their  galleys  amounted   to  a 
thousand,  and  the  cities  taken  to  four  hundred.     They  not  only 
insulted  the  Romans  frequently,  but  also  intercepted  their  convoys, 
and  made  prisoners  of  their  generals.     Nay,  they  not  only  attacked 
the  Romans  at  sea,  but  infested  the  great  roads,  and  plundered  the 
villas  near  (ho  coast      Two  praetors,  Sextilius  and  Bellinus,  were 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  319 

Page. 

rarried  off  with  all  their  servants  and  lictors  ;  and  the  daughter  of  "^5 
Anton  ius,  a  man  who  had  been  honoured  with  a  triumph,  was  seized 
by  them  as  she  was  going  to  her  country-house  near  Misenum,  and 
the  father  was  forced  to  pay  a  large  ransom  for  her  release.  At 
length,  by  the  Gabinien  law,  Pompey  was  sent  against  them,  and 
speedily  reduced  them  to  subjection  and  broke  up  their  haunts. 

6.  Impetus  hostium.     Referring  to  the  forces  of  Mithridates, 
whose  movements,  according  to  Cicero,  were  "  checked  and  re- 
tarded" by  the  mere  knowledge  that  Pompey  was  in  Asia,  though 
in  a  different  part  of  the  country. 

7.  Quoniam  libere  loqui  non  licet.     Through  fear,  namely  of 
offending  the  Roman  commander  who  then  had  charge  of  the  Mith- 
ridatic  war. 

8.  Quorum  salutem  tah  mro  commendetis.     "  Of  having  their 
safety  entrusted  by  you  to  such  an  individual."     Literally,  "  whose 
safety  you  may  entrust,  &c. 

9.  Atque  hoc  etiam  magis  quam  ceteros.     "  And  on  this  account 
even  more  than  the  rest,"  i.  e.  atque  ut  existimetis  se  hoc  etiam 
magis  dignos  quam  ceteros  socios,  &c. 

10.  Cum  imperio.     "  With  military  command." — Ipsorum  ad- 
ventus,  &c.     "  The  entrance  of  these  same  individuals  into  the 
cities  of  our  allies  differs."  &c.     Literally,  "the  entrances."  &c 
Adventus  being  the  nominative  plural.     Among  the  Latin  writers, 
abstract  and  verbal  nouns  are  often  put  in  the  plural,  to  mark  that 
the  action  designated  takes  place  at  various  times,  where  in  English 
we  only  use  the  singular. 

11.  Hunc  audiebant  antea.     Alluding  to  his  previous  operations 
in  Italy,  Africa,  Spain,  &c.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

12.  Tanta  temperantia.    "  Of  so  much  self-control."  This  virtue 
is  here  purposely  named  first,  that  it  may  be  contrasted  in  a  more 
marked  degree  with  the  rapacity  that  characterized  the  other  Roman 
commanders. 

13.  Cum  Antiocho.     The  order  of  time  is  not  observed.     The 
war   with  the   Carthaginians   should,  strictly  speaking,  have  been 
named  first.     It  broke  out  A.  U.  C.  489,  and  the  ostensible  cause 
was  the  lending  of  aid,  on  the  part  of  the  Romans,  to  the  Mamer- 
tines,  in  Messana,  who  had  entreated  their  aid  against  the  forces  of 
Carthage.  The  true  motive  to  the  war  was  the  spirit  of  rivalry  between 
Rome  and  Carthage.     It  is  called  in  history  the  First  Punic  War. — 
Next  in  order  was  the  contest  with   Philip,  king  of  Macedonia. 
He  was  the  third  of  that  name,  and  must  not  be  confounded  with 
£he  father  of  Alexander,  who  lived  long  before.    The  Romans  made 
war  upon  him  because  he  had  attacked  the  Athenians,  the  allies  of 


320  ORATION   IN  FA  FOUR  OF 

Page 

•^fj  the  republic.  This  occurred  A.  U.  C.  553. — The  collision  with 
Antiochus  the  Great,  took  place  A.  U.  C.  562,  and  the  contest  was 
terminated  by  his  defeat  and  submission  the  ensuing  year.  It  was 
connected  with  the  war  against  the  Aetolians,  who  had  raised  com- 
motions in  Greece  against  the  allies  of  Rome,  and  had  invited  An- 
tiochus, monarch  of  Syria,  to  their  aid. 

14.  Injuriis  provocatos.     "  Irritated  by  a  series  of  personal  inju- 
ries," i.  e.  injuries  offered,  not  to  your  allies,  but  to  yourselves. 

15.  Praesertim   cum,   &c.     "  Especially  when  your  most  im- 
portant revenues  are  at  stake."  ; 

16.  Tanta  sunt.     ""Are   so   inconsiderable."     Tanta  is   here 
equivalent  to  tu.nt.illa,  or,  more  correctly  speaking,  its  literal  mean- 
ing in  this  passage  is,  "  so  great,  and  no  greater."     Hence  arises 
the  idea  of  scantiness  and  diminution.     Instances  of  a  similar  usage 
occur  in  Caesar,  B.  G.  6,  34  :  Praesidii  tantum  est  ("  there  is  so 
small  a  garrison")  wt  ne  murus  quidem  cingi  potest,"  and  Cic.  Ep. 
ad  Fam.  8,  10  :  "  Si  bdlum  tantum  erit  ("  so  unimportant")  ut.  vcs 
aut  successores  sustinyre  possint." 

17.  Asia.    Referring  to  the  Roman  province  of  that  name.  Con 
suit  note  12,  page  72. 

18.  Ut  et  ubertate  agrorum,  &c.     Cicero  here  enumerates  the 
ordinary  sources  of  Roman  revenue,  the  productions  of  the  earth, 
the  pasture-grounds,  and  the  exports  generally. 

19.  Et  belli  utilitatem,  &c.     "  To  uphold  both  the  means  ot 
usefulness  in  war,  and  of  dignity  in  neace."     We  have  retained  the 
common  reading  with  Ernesti  and  many  others.     Graevius  gives 
ad  belli,  &c.,  instead  of  et  belli,  from  one  of  his  MSS.,  and  make 
sustinere  refer  to  earn  understood.     The  common  lection  is  more 
Ciceronian. 

20.  Cum     venit    calamitas.        "When  calamity   has   actually 
come." — In  'vectigalibus.     "  In  the  case  of  your    revenues." — • 
Affcrt  calamitatcm.      "  Brings  ruinous  consequences  along  with 
it." 

21.  Pecora  relinguuntur.     "The  flocks  are  abandoned."     Ser- 
vius,  in  his  commentary,  (ad  Virg.  Ge.org.  3,  64,)  cites  this  passage 
apparently,  and  reads  pecua,  from  pccu.     But  pecua  does  not  occur 
in  any  of  the  MSS. 

22.  Mercatorum  namgatio  conquiescit.      "  The  trading  of  the 
merchants  begins  to  subside."     More   freely,    "  commerce   stag- 
nates," 

"yg  1.  Itaque  ncque  exportu,  &c.  Cicero  here  enumerates  the  three 
principal  sources  of  the  revenue  obtained  from  the  Roman  provin- 
ces : — 1.  Ex  porlu.  "From  the  harbour,"  i.  e  from  duties  im« 


THE  MAMLIAN  LAW.  32) 

Page. 

posed  on  exports  and  imports. — 2.  Ex  decumis,  "  from  tithes."  *fQ 
The  decumae  were  a  tenth  part  of  corn,  and  a  fifth  of  other  produce, 
paid  by  those  who  tilled  the  public  lands. — Ex  scriptura  "  From 
the  public  woods  and  pastures."  Scriptura  was  the  tax  paid  from 
public  woods  and  pastures,  and  was  so  called,  because  those,  who 
wished  to  feed  their  cattle  there,  subscribed  (scnbebant)  their  names 
before  the  farmer  of  this  branch  of  revenue,  and  paid  a  certain  sum 
for  each  beast. 

2.  Vectigal  conservari  potest.     "  Can  any  imposts  tie  obtained." 
— Totius  annifructus.     "  The  revenue  of  an  entire  year. 

3.  Qui  vectigalia  nobis  pcnsitant.      "  Who  pay   duties   unto 
us." — Qui  exercent  atque   exigunt.      "  Who  farm    and    collect 
them." 

4.  Cum  pubhcam,  &c.     "When  the   farmers  of  the  revenue 
'.hink,  that  they  hold,  at  great  risk,  the  very  numerous  bodies  of  slaves 
whom  they  have  employed  in  the  pasture-grounds,  in  the  fields,  in 
the  harbours,  and  custom-houses."     Familia  is   here  used  in   its 
primitive  sense,  as  denoting  a  body  of  slaves  belonging  to  a  partic- 
ular master.     Compare  the  remark  of  Festus  :  "  Famuli  origo  ab 
Oscis  dependet,   apud  quos  servus  fame!   nominabatur,   unde   et 
familia  vocata." 

5.  Saltibus.     The  common  text  has  salinis,  ("  salt-works,")  but 
no  other  trace  has  been  discovered  of  a  revenue  derived  from  salt 
works,  in  Asia  Minor ;  and,  what  is  of  still  greater  weight,  if  we 
retain  the  common  lection,  mention  will  only  be  made,  in  this  pas- 
sage, of  two  branches  of  revenue,  the  decurflae  and  those  ex  portu, 
while  the  third  branch,  scriptura,  will  be  passed  over  in  silence. 
Influenced  by  these  considerations,  Lipsius  first  conjectured  saltibus 
for  salinis,  and  his  emendation  has  been  approved  of  by  Gronovius, 
Burmann,  Ernesti,  Schutz,  and  others,  and  admitted  by  some  of 
them  into  the  text.     We  have  followed  their  authority.     One  MS. 
of  Lambinus'  has  silvis.     Aldus  conjectured  salictis  as  referring  to 
the  pasture-grounds,  which  abounded  with  groves  of  willow. 

6.  Custodiis.     By  custodiae  are  here  meant  a  kind  of  custom- 
houses, where  a  number  of  persons,  generally  slaves,  were  stationed 
by  the  publicani,  to  guard  against  smuggling.     Sometimes,  the  term 
is  applied  to  the  persons  themselves,  and  is  then  analogous  to  our 
modem  expression,  "  custom-house  officers." 

7.  Ulis  rebus  frui  posse.     "  Can  reap  any  advantage  from  those 
things." — Qui  vobis  fructui  sunt.     "Who  are  the  authors  of  this 
advantage  unto  you,"  i.  e.  whose  exertions  enable  you  to  reap  this 
advantage.     The  common  text  has  fructuosi,  for  which  we  have 
given  fructui,  the  reading  of  one  of  the  MSS      It  was  first  adopted 


322  ORATION   IN   FAVOUR   OF 

Page. 

^Q  by  Lamhmus,  and  after  him  by  Graevius  and  others,  as  more  ele- 
gant than  fructuosi. 

8.  Extremum.     "As  the  last  point  on  which  to  touch." — Cum 
essem  dicturus.     "  When  I  should  come  to  speak." 

9.  Ad  multorum  bona  civium.     The  individuals  here  meant  are 
the  Roman  knights,  who   farmed  the  Asiatic   revenues,  and  those 
traders  who  were  carrying  on  mercantile  operations  in  that  quarter, 
both  of  which  classes  of  persons  had  large  sums  of  money  laid  out 
in  the  province,  and  which  were  consequently  endangered  by  the 
war. 

10.  Quorum  vobis,  dec.     "  For  whom  you,  in  your  wisdom,  Ro- 
mans, ought  to  have  an  especial  regard,"  i.  e.  over  whose  interests 
you  ought  carefully  to  watch. 

11.  Nam  et  publicani.     The  particle  et,  ("  both,")  is  here  oppos- 
ed to  deinde,  ("  and  in  the  next  place,")  at  the  commencement  of 
the  18th  section. 

12.  Homines  et  honorahssimi,  &c.     "  Very  honourable  as  well 
as  intelligent  men."     Ornatissimi  is  considered   by   some  to  refer 
here  to  rank  in  the  state.     It  has  relation  rather  to  general  inform- 
ation and  intelligence  on  the  part  of  the  individuals  alluded  to. 

13.  Suas  rationes,  &c.     "  Haw    transferred  all  their  business 
operations  and  means  to  that  province."     Rationes  and  wpiae  are 
explained  immediately  after  by  res  and  fortunae,  "  affairs  and  for- 
tunes." 

14.  Nervos.     "  The  sinews." — Eum  ordinem.     The  equestrian 
order. 

15.  Cetens  ex  ordinibus.     Excepting  of  course  the  senate,  the 
members  of  which  order  were  not  allowed  to  engage  in  trade. 

16.  Negotiantur.     "  Carry  on  trade."     As  regards  the  distinc- 
tion between  the  negotiatores  and  the  mercatores,  consult   note  12, 
page  74. 

17.  Partim  suas  ct  suorum,  &c.     The  early  editions  and  the 
MSS.  give  parlim  eorum,  for  which  we  have  substituted  the  read- 
ing in  our  text  with  Ernesti,  Schu'tz,  and  others.     Partim  eorum 
is  a  good  Ciceronian  phrase,  but  it  makes  an  awkward  collocation 
here  after  homines  gnam  et  industrii  partim  ipsi  •  •  •  •  ncgo- 
tiantur. 

18.  ProMbere.      "To  shield." — Videre.      "To  foresee." — A 
republica  sejunctam  esse  non  posse.     "  Cannot  be  separated  from 
that  of  the  state,"  i.  e.  cannot  fail  to  affect  the  public  prosperity. 

19.  Etenim  illud  primum,  &c.     "  For,  in  the  first  place,  it  avails 
but  little,  that  you  afterward  recover  by  a  victory  the  revenues  that 
have  been  lost  by  the  fanners  of  them  ;  for  neither  will  the  sarn« 


THE   MANILIAN   LAW.  ; 

Page. 

individuals  possess  the  means  of  making  a  new  contract,  by  reason  *jtR 
of  their  losses,  nor  will  others  have  the   inclination  so  to  do,  on 
account  of  their  fears,"  i.  e,  their  fears  of  being  involved  in  similar 
ruin  with  the  previous  contractors. 

20.  Initio  belli  Asiatid.  He  refers  to  the  period  of  the  general 
massacre  of  the  Romans  in  Asia,  by  order  of  Mithridates.  About 
twenty-three  years  had  elapsed  since  that  event. 

1.  Res  magnas.      "  Large  amounts."      Referring  to  the  large  *J"^ 
sums  of  money  which  very  many  farmers  of  the  revenue  had  lost  in 

the  troubles  and  confusion  that  ensued. 

2.  Scirmis,  Romae,  &c.     "  We  know,  that,  payments  becoming 
embarrassed,  credit  fell  at  Rome."     Very  many  of  the  publicani  in 
Asia  having  lost  large  sums  of  money  there,  in  consequence  of  the 
disastrous  state  of  public  affairs,  and  others  having  been  killed  dur- 
ing the  massacre  of  the  Romans,  there  ensued  of  course  a  non- 
payment of  large  amounts  due  to  the  bankers  at  Rome,  and  which 
had  been  loaned  the  former  to  enable  them  to  meet  their  contracts. 
Hence  a  general  embarrassment  was  felt  in  the  money-market,  and 
public  credit  fell. 

3.  Rem  'atque  fortunas.     "  Then*   property  and  fortunes.     By 
rem  is  here  meant  their  actual  property  and  resources  at  the  time, 
by  fortunas,  their  prospects  in  business. 

4.  Haec  fides  atque  haec  ratio  pecuniarum,  &c.     "  This  system 
of  public  credit,  and  these  moneyed  operations  that  are  carried  on  at 
Rome,  and  in  the  forum,  are  connected  with  those  sums  laid  out  in 
Asia,  and  form  a  close  union  with  them."     Literally,  "  are  bound 
up  with  and  cling  to  them."     The  offices  of  the  bankers  were  situate 
around  the  forum,  which  hence  became  their  usual  place  for  meeting 
and  transacting  business. 

5.  Ruere  ilia  non  possunt,  &c.     "  The  latter  cannot  fall  without 
the  former's  being  shaken  by  the  same  movement  and  falling  along 
with  them."     Ilia  and  haec  become   here,  when   adapted  to  our 
idiom,  "  the  latter,"  and  "  the  former,"  but  in  strictness  ilia  refers 
to  what  is  more  remote,  the  moneyed  operations  in  Asia,  and  haec  to 
what  is  nearer  home,  the  state  of  business  in  the  Roman  forum. 

6.  Cum  republica.     "  Together  with  the  best  interests  of  the 
state."     Three  MSS.  have  cum  republica  conjunctae  defendantur, 
but  conjunctae  savours  of  a  gloss.     Gruter,  Graevius   and  others 
read  defenduntur,  but  Ernesti  defends  the  common  form  :  "  Defen- 
dantur recepi,  quomodo  Ciceronem  scripsisse  semper  putam,  nam 
ita  ratio  latinitatis  postulat." 

7.  Potest  cnim  hoc  did.     "  For  this  mav  be  affirmed,"  i.  e.  this 
assertion  may  DC  made  with  perfect  safety. 


ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OK 

Page. 

yy      8.  Ne  /one  ea.     The  common  text  has  ne  forte  a,  the  present 

reading  is  conjectural.     Some  MSS.  have  ne  forte  an,  which  Schu'u 

adopts. 

9.  Atque  ut  onines,  &c.     He  now  returns  to  Lucullus,  whom  he 
has  already  mentioned  in  chapter  4. 

10.  Mithridati.     The  common  text  has  Mithridatis,  for  which 
we  have  given  the  dative,  as  occurring  in  one  of  the  MSS  ,  and 
depending  on  fuisse  :  "  Mithridates  was  in  possession  of  very  great 
forces."     Ernesti   approves   of  Mithridati,'  though   he   gives   the 
genitive    in    his    text.      Schu'tz  adopts   the   dative  as  we  have 
done.     Some  of  the  earlier  editions  insert  deletas  after  fuisse,  on 
conjecture,  but  then  obsessam  esse  must  be  changed  to  liberatam 
esse. 

11.  Omnibus  rebus,  &c.  "  Equipped  and  supplied  with  all  things 
v       requisite,"  i.  e.  furnished  with  arms  and  provisions  of  all  kinds. 

This  is  said  with  some  degree  of  oratorical  exaggeration.  'Accord- 
ing to  Appian  (B.  M.  72),  and  Plutarch  (Vit.  Lucull.  c.  8,  seqq.), 
the  forces  of  Mithridates  were  very  scantily  supplied  with  provisions, 
which  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  abandoning  the  siege 
of  Cyzicus. 

12.  Urbemque   Cyzicenorum.     Consult   Historical  Index,  s.  v. 
Lucullus,  and  Geographical  Index,  s.  v.  Cyzicus. 

13.  Maxima  multitudine.  According  to  Plutarch,  (Vit.  Lucull.  c. 
7,)  the  army  of  Mithridates  consisted  of  120,000  infantry,  16,000 
cavalry,  and  100  chariots  armed  with  scythes.     Appian  (B.  M.  72) 
gives  the  whole  amount,  in  round  numbers,  as  about  300,000  men. 
The  Roman  army,  under  Lucullus,  was  30,000  foot  and  600  horse, 
according  to  Appian  ;  but  Plutarch  makes  the  horse  to  have  been 
2500. 

14.  Classem  magnam,  &c.     We  have  here  another  instance  of 
oratorical  exaggeration.     After  Cyzicus  had  been  relieved,  and  the 
forces  of  Mithridates  defeated  at  the  river  Granicus,  Lucullus  re- 
ceived intelligence,  that  thirteen  of  the  king's  large  galleys  had  been 
seen  off  the  coast  of  Troas,  steering  towards  Lemnos.  He  instantly 
went  in  pursuit,  took  them,  and  killed  their  admiral  Isidorus.  When 
this  was  done,  he  made  all  sail  after  some  others,  which  were  in 
advance  of  them,  and  were  lying  at  anchor  by  the  island.     Here 
again  he  was  successful,  and  among  the  prisoners  taken  was  Marius, 
(or,  as  Appian  calls  him,  Varms,)  an  officer   sent   by    Sertorius. 
(Pint.  Vit.  Lucull.  c.  12.)     Appian  makes  the  number  of  vessels 
left  by  Mithridates  under  the  command  of  Varius  and  the  other 
leaders  to  have  been  fifty.     (B.  M.  77.) 

15      Quae   ducibus.    &c        "  Which,    inflamed    with   an    eaga 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  325 

Page. 

desire  for  vengeance,  was  getting  burned  towards  Italy,  under  ^^ 
leaders  sent  by  Sertorius."  Jt  does  not  appear  from  any  other 
authority,  except  Cicero's  own  assertion,  in  the  oration  for  Murena, 
(c.  15,)  that  the  destination  of  the  fleet  was  Italy,  and  as  for  the 
leaders  sent  by  Sertorius,  there  was  in  fact  but  one.  Consult  pre- 
ceding note.  • 

16.  Magnus  kostium,  &c.     Plutarch  makes  the  enemy  to  have 
lost  in  the  whole  campaign  nearly  300,000  men,  including  the  ser- 
vants of  the  army.    In  the  battle  of  the  Granicus  alone,  20,000  were 
slain. 

17.  Patefactumque,  &c.    Compare  the  oration  for  Archias,  c.  9* 
"  Populus  Romanus  aperuit,  Lucullo  imperante,  Pontum,  &c. — 
Qui  ante,  &c.     "  Which  had  hitherto  been  shut  on   every  side 
against  the  Roman  people."  Literally,  "  from  (i.  e.  in)  every  avenue 
of  approach."     Compare  the  language  of  Cicero,  in  the  passage 
just  referred  to,  from  the  oration  for  Archias  :  "et  regiis  quondam 
opibus,  et  ipsa  natura  regionis  vallatum." 

18.  Domicilia.     "  Palaces." — Omnibu-s  rebus,  dec.     "  Adorned 
and  richly  stored  with  all  things."     Referta  from  refercio.  ?fcJ 

1 .  Una  aditu  atque  advenlu.     "  By  his  merely  marching  against, 
and  arriving  before,  them."     This  again  is  oratorical  exaggeration. 
Lucullus  spent,  for  example,  a  long  time  before  Amisus,  and  finally 
left  the  siege  in  the  hands  of  Murena  his   lieutenant.     (Plut.  Vit. 
Lucull.  c.  15.) 

2.  Ad  alias  reges.     To  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  his  son-in- 
law,  and  to  other  neighbouring  monarchs. 

3.  Salvis  populi  Romani  sociis,  &c.     "  The  allies  of  the  Roman 
people  being  at  the  same  tune  safe  from  injury,  and  your  revenues 
in  that  quarter  unimpaired." 

4.  Istorum.    Catulus  and  Hortensius  are  here  particularly  meant. 
It  was  incumbent  on  them,  in  their  speeches  against  the  proposed 
law,  to  do  justice  to  Lucullus,  and  to  show  that  he  was  abundantly 
qualified  by  his  previous  exhibitions  of  military  talent  to  bring  tbe 
war  to  a  successful  termination. 

5.  Qucmadmodum,  &c.     "  How,  if  these  things  are  so,  what 
remains  of  the  war  can  be  at  all  important." 

6.  Ex  eodem  Ponto.     Medea  fled  from  Colchis,  but  it  is  here 
included  under  one  common  name  with  Pontus,  on  account  of  its 
proximity,  and  for  the  sake  of  the  figure. 

7.  Medea  ilia.     '  The  far-famed  Medea."     Literally,  "that  Me- 
dea." i.  e.  of  whom  we  all  have  heard. 

8.  Fratris  sui.     Absyrtus. — Persequeretur.     "Would   pursue 
her,"  i.e.  would  have  to  pass  in  pursuit  of  her. 

28 


326  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

"^fi  9.  Eorum  collectio  dispersa.  "  The  collecting  of  them  in  then 
scattered  state."  Goerenz  (ad,  Cic.  de  fin.  3,4)  suggests  disperse 
rum  for  dispersa  ;  and  Schutz  adopts  the  emendation  in  his  text, 
calling  at  the  same  time  the  common  reading  an  absurd  one.  He 
mistakes,  however,  an  elegance  for  an  absurdity. 

10.  Sic   Mithridates,    &c.     Plutarch   states,  (Vit.  Lucull.  17,) 
that  Mithridates,  being  hard  pressed  in  his  flight,  was  nearly  taken, 
when  a  mule  loaded  with  gold,  either  by  accident  or  the  king's  con- 
trivance, came  between  him  and  his  pursuers.     The  soldiers  imme- 
diately began  to  rifle  the  load,  and  quarrelled  about  the  contents, 
which  gave  Mithridates  time  to  escape.     Appian  (B.  M.  82)  informs 
us,  that  the  king's  pursuers  happened  to  strike  the  load  of  one  of 
the  mules  that  were  carrying  away  the  treasure,  and  that  the  gold 
in  consequence  fell  on  the  ground. 

11.  Maximam  mm  omnem.     "All  that  vast  store."     Direptas 
congesserat.     To  be  rendered  as  two  verbs  with  the  connective  : 
"  had  plundered  from  the  whole  of  Asia  and  accumulated  in  his 
own  kingdom." 

12.  Ilium.     "  The  former."     Alluding  to  Aeetes,  the  father  of 
Medea.     Consult  Ov.  Trist.  3,  9,  21,  and  Cic.  Tusc.3,  IZ.—Hos. 
"  These  latter,"  i.  e.  the  Roman  soldiery. 

13.  Hunc.     "  This   Mithridates." — Excepit.     "  Took  in,"  i.  e. 
afforded   him   shelter. — Confirmavit.       "  Encouraged    him." — Et 
afflictum  erexit,  &c.     "  And  raised  him  from  his  fallen  state,  and 
supplied  him  with  fresh  resources  in  his  ruin." 

14.  Plures  etiam  gentes.     Alluding  to  the  numerous  nations  that 
swelled  the   ranks  of  Tigranes,  the  Medes,  Arabians,  Albanians, 
Iberians,  &c.     (Plut.  Vit.  Lucull.  c.  26.) 

15.  Neque   lacessendas,  &c.     "  Ought   neither  to  be  attacked 
nor  even  menaced  with  war."  Tentare  itself  is  frequently  employed 
in  the  sense  of  attacking  ;  here,  however,  it  yields  that  meaning  to 
lacesso.     The  idea  of  menacing  arises  very  naturally  from  the  gen- 
eral import  of  the  verb,  viz.  :  "  to  make  trial  of  one." 

16.  Erat  etiam  alia,  &c.   "  There  was  also,  besides  this,  a  strong 
and  powerfully-exciting  opinion." 

17.  Fani  locupletissimi,  &c.     "  For  the  purpose  of  plundering  a 
very  rich  and  revered  temple."     The  temple  here  meant  was  that 
of  Bellona,  at  Comana  in  Cappadocia.     (Consult  Geographical  In- 
dex.)— The  apprehensions  referred  to  in  the  text  were  far  from 
being  ill-founded,  since  this  same  shrine  had  been  already  plundered 
by  Murena.     (Appian,  B.  C.  64.) 

18.  Novo  terrors  ac  metu.     "  By  a  new  cause  of  tenor  and 
alarm."     Their  religious  fears  were  now  excited. 


THE  MANIT.IAN   LAW.  327 

Vage. 

1     Urbem.     Tigranocerta,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom.     Compare  'TCJ 
Plut.  Vit.  Lucull.  26,  seqq.,  and  consult  Geographical  Index. 

2.  Tamen  nimia,  &c.    "  Were,  nevertheless,  strongly  influenced 
by  the  very  great  distance  from  home  of  the  regions  in  which  they 
then  were,  as  well  as  by  a  longing  desire  to  return  to  their  country- 
men." Plutarch  states,  that  Lucullus  was  anxious  to  reach  Artaxata, 
in  Upper  Armenia,  but  that  his  troops  were  discouraged  by  the 
severity  of  the  climate,  and  refused  to  proceed.     (Vit.  Luculi.  32.) 

3.  Hie  jam  plura  non   dicam,  &c.     Cicero  purposely   avoids 
entering  upon  the  question,  respecting  the  movements  of  Lucullus 
hi  his  Asiatic  campaign.    The  merits  and  demerits  of  that  command- 
er were  canvassed  very  freely  about  this  time  at  Rome,  and  the 
orator  is  careful,  therefore,  to  give  offence,  if  possible,  to  neither  his 
friends  nor  his  enemies.     One  thing  is  very  certain,  that  Lucullus 
eventually  lost  the  good  will  of  his  soldiers,  a  result  which  Plutarch 
ascribes  to  his  haughty  disposition,  and  others  to  his  cupidity  and 
avarice.     There  is  no  doubt,  however,  but  that  the  intrigues  of  the 
infamous  Clodius,   his  brother-in-law,  who  was  an  officer  in  his 
army,  operated  very  powerfully  in  producing  this  unfortunate  result. 

4.  Fuit  enim  illud  extremum,  &c.     "  For  the  issue  of  all  was 
this,  that  a  speedy  return  from  those  regions  was  rather  sought  bv 
our  soldiers,  than  a  farther  advance." 

5.  Mithridales  autem,  &c.     "  Mithridates,  however,  had  both  by 
this  time  revived  the  courage  of  his  immediate  band  of  followers, 
and  was  strengthened  by  the  numbers  of  those  who  had  gathered 
•hemselves  together  from  his  kingdom,  as  well  as  by  large  forces 
that  had  come  unto  him  from  many  kings  and  nations."     With 
eorum  supply  copiis,  in  the  sense  of  numero. 

6.  Fieri.    In  the  sense  of  accidere,  "  to  happen." — Regum  afflic- 
tae  fortunae.     "  The  fallen  fortunes  of  monarchs." 

7.  Magnum  et  sanctum.     "  Something  great,  and  worthy  of 
veneration." 

8.  Icaque  tantum,  &<•••     "  Accordingly,  he   was  able   to   effect 
more  after  his  defeat,  than  he  ever  dared  to  hope  for  in  the  season 
of  prosperity."     Incolumis,  literally,  "  when  safe,"   i.  e.   from  the 
attacks  of  any  foe. 

9.  Ut  illam  posteaquam,  &c.     "  That  he  should  ever  set  foot 
again  in  that  land  after  he  had  been  once  driven  from  it."     The 
allusion  is  to  Pontus. 

10.  Sed  in  exerritum  vestrum,  &c.     Mithridates,  once  more 
entering  Pontus,  fell  upon  Fabius,  whom  Lucullus  had  left  in  com- 
mand there,  and  was  on  the  point  of  defeating  him,  when  he  him 
self  was  wounded  and  compelled  to  retire  from  the  fight.     After  a 


328  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

*7<)  cessation  of  hostilities  for  several  days,  Triarius,  another  of  the 
lieutenants  of  Lucullus,  came  to  the  aid  of  Fabius,  who  resigned 
the  command  to  him.  Triarius,  thereupon,  hearing  that  Lucullus 
was  upon  the  march  himself  to  join  the  army,  and  desiring  to  en- 
gross the  whole  glory  of  the  victory,  gave  battle  to  Mithridates. 
The  Romans,  however,  met  with  a  signal  overthrow  ;  above  seven 
thousand  were  slain,  among  whom  were  150  centurions  and  24 
tribunes.  This  was  the  most  severe  defeat  which  the  Romans 
experienced  in  all  their  wars  against  Mithridates.  Compare  the 
account  of  Plutarch,  (  Vit.  Lucull.  35,)  with  that  of  Appian,  (B.  M. 
89,)  where  it  is  stated,  that,  in  consequence  of  a  wound  received  by 
Mithridates,  his  friends  were  on  the  point  of  sounding  a  retreat, 
when  the  re-appearance  of  the  monarch  in  the  fight  secured  to  him 
the  day. 

11.  Poetae.     Naevius,  who  wrote  a   metrical   chronicle  of  the 
first  Punic  war ;  and  Ennius  who   composed  Annals,  likewise  in 
verse,  comprising  the  history  of  Rome,  from  the  earliest  periods 
down  to  the  close  of  the  second  Punic,  or,  more  correctly  speaking, 
the  Istrian  war.     Naevius  flourished  from  B.  C.  235  to  204,  and 
Ennius  lived  from  B.  C.  239  to  169. 

12.  Non   ex  proelio  nuntius,  &c.     "  No   messenger   from  the 
field   of  battle,  but  rumour  passing  from   lip  to  lip."     Literally, 
"rumour  from  the  converse  of  men."     This,  of  course,  is  oratorical 
exaggeration. 

13.  Hie  in  ipso  illo  malo,  &c.     "  Here,  in  the  midst  of  this  very 
misfortune  itself,  and  heaviest  disaster  of  the  war." 

14.  Quod  imperil   diuturnitati,    &c.     "  Because  you   thought 
that,  in  accordance  with  ancient  precedent,  a  limit  should  be  set  to 
long  continuance  of  command."     The  army   had  been  under  the 
command  of  Lucullus  for  the  space  of  seven  years,  from  A.  U.  O 
630  to  636. 

15.  Qui  jam  stipendiis,  &c.     "  Who  had  now  served  out  their 
time."     The  oldest  of  the  troops,  including  the  Fimbrian  legions, 
as  they  were  called,  were  sent  home  by  Lucullus.     The  period  of 
their  legal  service  was  nine  years,  and  they  had  now  served  nearly 
ten. 

16.  Multa  praetereo  consulto,  &c.      "  I  purposely  pass  over  many 
things,  but  you  yourselves  clearly  perceive  them  from  mere  conjec- 
ture," i.  e.  but  what  they  are  you  yourselves  can  easily  conjecture. 
— We  have  altered  the  punctuation  of  this  sentence,  with  Ernesti, 
except  that  we  have  placed  a  period  instead  of  a  colon  after  perspi- 
citis.     The  common  text  has  a  colon  after  consulto,  and  a  comma 
after  perspicttis,  connecting,  of  course,  the  clause  sed  ea  vos,  &c., 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  329 

Page. 

with  what  follows  :  but  ea  in  the  plural  can  never  refer  to  the  simple  "70 
idea  expressed  in  quantum  illud  helium,  &c. 

17.  Quantum  igitur,  &c.     "  Of  how  much  importance,  then,  are  . 
you   to  imagine  that  war  has  become,  which  two  very  powerful 
monarchs   unite   in  waging,  which  irritated  nations  renew,  which 
communities  hitherto  untouched  by  your  arms  are  taking  up  as  their 
own,  which  a  new  commander  of  yours  receives  in  charge,  the  for- 
mer army  having  been  driven  from  the  field  1" — We  have  com- 
menced a  new  sentence  here,  contrary  to  the  pointing  of  all  the 
editions,  and  have  also  inserted  igitur,  on  mere  conjecture.     The 
whole  passage  labours  under  very  strong  suspicion  of  being  corrupt. 
As  we  have  arranged  it  in  our  text,  it  certainly  suits  better  the  idea 
of  a  concluding  sentence  to  one  of  the  heads  of  a  speech. 

18.  Novus  imperator.     Alluding  to  Glabrio.     The  epithet  norms 
appears  to  have  here  a  covert  meaning  also,  in  relation  to  Glabrio's 
want  of  experience  compared  with  Lucullus,  who  had  been  seven 
years  in  command. 

19.  Ac  tanlis  rebus  praeficiendo.     "  And  the  setting  him  over 
so  important  operations." 

1.  Innocentium.     "  Upright,"  i.  e.  men  of  strict  probity,  of  prin-  g{J 
ciples  superior  to  all  corruption,  and  who  would  not  convert  the 
facilities,  which  supreme  command  might  afford,  into  the  means  of 
enriching  themselves  and  oppressing  others. 

2.  Antiquitatis  memoriam.  "  The  remembrance  of  all  antiquity," 
i.  e.  the  brightest  examples  that  antiquity  can  recall  to  our  remem- 
brance.— Virtute.     "By  his  merit." 

3.  In  summo  imperatore,  &c.     "  That  in  a  consummate  general 
these  four  qualities  ought  to  centre,  a  full  acquaintance  with  the 
military  art,  valour,  reputation,  and  good  fortune."   By  auctoritatem 
is  here  meant  that  weight  of  character  which  a  series  of  successful 
operations  bestows. 

4.  Scientior.     "  More  profoundly  versed  in  military  science." 

5.  E  ludo.     "  From  school."     On  leaving  school,  at  the  age  of 
17,  Pompey  served  under  his  father,  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  in  the 
Social  war. 

6.  Bella  maxima.    "  During  a  most  dangerous  war."  The  Social 
war  is  meant.     It  arose  from  the  refusal  of  the  senate  and  people  to 
grant  the  rights  of  citizenship  to  the  Italian  allies.     This  was  the 
most  dangerous  war  in  which  the  Romans  had  ever  been  engaged, 
since  they  were  compelled  to  contend  with  those  who  were  well 
acquainted  with  their  discipline,  and  had  hitherto  formed  the  main 
strength  of  their  armies. 

7.  Qui  extrema  vueiitia,  &c.     "Who,  at  the  close  of  his  boy- 

28* 


330  ORATION    IN    FAVOUR    OF 

Page. 

QQ  hood,  was  a  soldier  under  a  very  able  commander."  The  allusion 
is  the  same  as  in  the  preceding  clause,  viz.  :  to  his  serving  in  the 
army  of.  his  father,  at  the  early  age  of  17.  Some  commentators 
very  erroneously  suppose  Sylla  to  be  meant  by  the  words  summi 
imperatoris.  Pompey,  however,  repaired  to  Sylla  as  the  leader  of  a 
large  body  of  forces,  not  as  a  simple  soldier. — Exlrema  pueritia. 
Among  the  Romans,  boyhood,  or  pueritia,  ended  at  17  years  of  age, 
when  adolescentia,  or  youth,  commenced,  and  continued  on  until 
about  30  or  over.  From  the  end  of  adolescentia  until  45  or  50, 
they  were  called  juvenes.  The  precise  limit,  however,  of  each  of 
these  periods,  is  far  from  being  clearly  ascertained. 

8.  Ineunte  adolescentia.  "  In  the  beginning  of  his  youth."  Cicero 
alludes  to  Pompey's  having,  at  the  age  of  23,  by  his  own  authority, 
raised  three  legions,  and  marched  with  them  to  the  aid  of  Sylla,  de- 
feating on  the  way  the  leaders  of  the  opposite  party.    Sylla  received 
him  with  great  honour,  and  saluted  him  with  the  title  of  imperator. 
This  compliment  was  the  more  remarkable  as  Pompey  was  not  yet 
old  enough  to  be  admitted  into  the  senate. 

9.  Qui  sacpius  cum  hoste  conflixit,  &c.     "  Who  has  engaged 
more  frequently  with  a  public  foe,  than  any  one  has  contended  with 
a  private  enemy."     Hostis,  "  a  public  foe,"  "  an  enemy  to  one's 
country."     Inimicus,  "  a  private  foe,"  "  a  personal  enemy." — The 
difference  must  also  be  marked  between  confligere  and  concertare  : 
the  former  means  "  to  engage,"  "  to  come  into  actual  collision 
with,"  "  to  fight  against  with  arms  ;"  the  latter,  "  to  contend  in 
words,"  "  to  quarrel  with."  Compare  Manutius  :  "  Concertavit,  i.  e. 
•serbis,  nam  confligere  est  armis  contendere."  Thus,  Cic.  ep.  ad  Alt. 
3,  12  :  "  Quia  nunquam  accidit,  ut  cum  eo  verbo  uno  concertarem." 

10.  Plures  promncias  confecit.     "  Has  settled  the  affairs  of  more 
provinces."     Confecit  has  here,  in  some  degree,  though  not  exactly, 
the  force  of  administravit.  Compare  Ep.  ad  Alt.  4,  17 :  "  Confecta 
Britannia,  obsidibus  acceptis"  &c. 

11.  Cujus  adolescentia,  &c.     "Whose  youth  was  trained  to  a 
knowledge  of  the  military  art,  not  by  the  precepts  of  others,  but  by 
his  own  discharge  of  the  duties  of  a  commander  ;  not  by  disasters 
in  war,  but  by  victories  ;  not  by  a  series  of  campaigns,  but  by  a 
succession  of  triumphs." 

12.  Triumphis.     Pompey  had  already  enjoyed  two  triumphs,  owe 
for  the  overthrow  of  Hiarbas,  king  of  Numidia ;  and  the  other  for 
bringing  the  war  in   Spain  to  a  close.     Some  commentators  make 
him  to  have  had,  by  this  time,  three  triumphs.     This,  however,  is 
quite  erroneous,  since  his  third  and  most  splendid  triumph  was  at 
the  end  of  the  Mithridatic  war.     (Plat.  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  45.) 


THE  MANILIAN   LAW  331 

Page. 

13.  In  quo  ilium,  &c.     "  In  which  the  good  fortune  of  the  re-  gQ 
public  has  not  exercised  his  talents,"  i.  e.  has  not  given  him  an 
opportunity  of  displaying  his  abilities  for  the  good  of  his  country. 

14.  Civile.     Between  Sylla,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Cinna  and 
Carbo,  with  the  remains  of  the  Marian  party,  on  the  other.  Pompey 
sided  with  Sylla. 

15.  Africanum.     Against  Cn.   Domitius,  and  other  proscribed 
members  of  the  Marian  faction,  who  had  united  their  forces  with 
those  of  Hiarbas,  king  of  Numidia.     On  Pompey's  return  from  this 
war,  Sylla  saluted  him  with  the  title  of  Magnus,  or  "the   Great." 
(I'lut.  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  13.)     Pompey  was  then  only  in  the  24th  year 
of  his  age. 

16.  Transalpinum.    Sertorius  had  probably  formed  alliances  with 
the  independent  Gallic  tribes  between  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Alps, 
and  these  appear  to  have  resisted  Pompey  on  his  march  into  Spain. 
Pompey  gives  an  account  of  his  operations  against  these  tribes,  in 
his  letter  to  the  senate,  which  has  come  down  to  us  among  the 
fragments  of  the  third  book  of  Sallust's  Roman  History  :  "  Nomine 
modo  imperil  a  vobis  accepto,  diebus  quadraginta  ezercilum  paravi ; 
liostesque,  in  cervicibus  Italiae  jam  agentes,  ab  Alpibus  in  Hispa- 
niam  summovi.     Per  eas  iter  aliud  atque  Hannibal,  nobis  opportu- 
nius  patefeci.  Recepi  Gallium,  Pyrenaeum,  Laletaniam,  Indigetes." 
Compare  Appwn,  B.  C.  1,  109. 

17.  Hispaniense.     The  war  with  Sertorius,  which  lasted  from 
A.  U.  C.  676  to  682. — Mixtum  ex  civitatibus,  &c.     "  Where  re- 
volted states  and  the  most  warlike  communities  were  united  against 
us."     Literally,  "  composed  of  revolted  states,"  &c.  By  civitatibus 
are  here  meant  those  states,  or  tribes,  in  Spain  that  had  gone  over 
from  the  Romans  to  Sertorius.     Compare  Manutius  :  "  civitatibus  ; 
quae  a.  populo  Romano  ad  Sertorium  defecerant." — As  regards  the 
expression,  ex  bcUicosissimis  nationibus,  it  may  be  remarked,  that 
the  army  of  Sertorius  consisted  principally  of  the  most  warlike  tribes 
of  Spain,  whom  he  had  disciplined  in  a  great  degree  after  the  Roman 
manner. 

18.  Sermle     The  war  against  Spartacus,  the  wefl-known  leader 
of  the  gladiators  and  slaves.     Crassus  deserved  the  credit  of  termi- 
nating this  war,  having  defeated  the  enemy,  and  slain  12,000  of 
them  ;  whereas,  Pompey  merely  encountered  the  fugitives  from  the 
field  of  battle,  and  killed  5000.     Still  the  popular  voice  assigned 
the  chief  praise  to  Pompey  ;  and  Cicero,  in  order  to  flatter  him,  re- 
echoes the  opinion.     (Consult  Plutarch,  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  21.) 

1 9.  Navede.     The  war  against  the  pirates,  called  also,  in  the  pre- 
vious part  of  this  oration,  mariiimum  beUum. 


332  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

gQ  20.  Hostium.  These  ate  enumerated  as  follows  by  the  Dauphin 
editor :  kings,  exiles,  proscribed  persons,  pirates,  and  slaves. 

21.  Confecta.  "  Brought  to  a  close." — In  ustt  milituri.  "Within 
the'range  of  military  experience." 

22.  Jam  vero  virtuti,  &c.     "  In  the  next  place,  what  strain  of 
oratory  can  be  found,  commensurate  with  the   warlike  virtues  of 
Cneius  Pompey  ?"     Jam  vero  is  elegantly  employed  by  Cicero,  on 
many  occasions,  in  the  sense  of  deinde,  to  mark  a  transition  from 
one  head  of  a  discourse  to  another. 

23.  Negue  enim,  &c.     "  For  neither  are  those  the  only  virtues 
of  a  commander,  that  are  commonly  regarded  as  such."     The  other 
virtutes  imperatoriae  are  mentioned,  after  a  long  digression,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  13th  chapter,  viz.  :  innocentia,  temper antia,  fides, 
&c. — The  expression  virtutes  imperatoriae  may  also  be  rendered 
more  freely,  "  distinguished  attributes  of  a  commander." 

24.  Quae  tanta  sunt,  dtc.     "  Which  exist  in  a  greater  degree  in 
this  one  individual,  than  they  have  in  all  the  other  commanders  whom 
we  have  either  seen  or  heard  of."     The  student  will  mark  the  ele 

gant  phraseology  of  tanta quanta  •  •••  non,  in  place  of  the  ordi 

nary  comparative  with  quam. 

gj  1.  Testis  est  Italia.  "  Italy  is  a  proof  of  the  truth  of  my  re- 
marks," i.  e.  a  proof  of  the  consummate  military  skill  of  Pompey. — 
Quam  ille  ipse,  &c.  The  allusion  is  to  the  important  services  ren- 
dered by  Pompey,  in  aiding  to  crush  the  power  of  the  Marian  faction 
in  Italy.  Compare  Plutarch,  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  9 :  lio^fiiov  II  Bavpat; 
<av  Si'  dptriiv,  /tat  ^<aAa  vopifav  6(j>t\os  civai  rots  tavrov  irpdynaaiv, 
K.  r.  X. 

2.  Testis  est  Sicilia.  He  was  successful  in  an  expedition  against 
Perpenna  and   Carbo  in  that   island,  A.  U.  C.   671.     (Pint.  Vit. 
Pomp.  c.  10.) 

3.  Non  terrore  belli,  &c.     "  Not  by  the  terror  of  his  arms  but 
the  rapidity  of  his  operations,"  i.  e.  not  so  much  by  the  terror  of  his 
arms  as  by,  &c. 

4.  Testis  est  Africa.     Alluding  to  the  war  against  Domitius  and 
Hiarbas.     Consult  note  15,  page  80. 

5.  Testis  est  Gallia.    Consult  note  16,  page  80. — Iter.    Pompey 
in  his  letter  to  the  senate,  already  cited,  (note  16,  page  80,)  makes 
mention  of  a  new  road  which  he  had  opened  over  the  Alps  ;  and 
Appian  (B.  C.  1,  109)  informs  us,  that  it  was  around  the  sources  o» 
the  Rhone  and  Po,  dfi<pl  rais  jrijyouj  TOV  TC  'Pofavov  KOI  "HjOiJcu/ou. 

6.  Testis  est  Hispama.     The  praise  of  Cicero  here  is  mere  flat- 
tery.    As  long  as  Sertorius  lived,  his  superior  military  talents  com- 
pletely eclipsed  those  of  Pompey,  and  made  Spain  any  tiling  else 


THE   MAMLIAN   LAW.  333 

Page- 

but  a  theatre  of  giory  for  the  latter.     Pompey  only  became  victori-  g  1 
ous  after  Sertorius  was  assassinated  by  his  own  officers. 

7.  Tetro  periculosoque.  The  war  is  called  tetrum,  "  disgraceful," 
from  the  character  of  the  foe,  who  were  principally  gladiators  and 
slaves  ;    and  it  is  styled  periculosum,   "  dangerous,"  from   these 
gladiators'  having  been  trained  to  the  profession  of  arms,  and,  also, 
from  the  abilities  of  their  leader  Spartacus.     Compare  the  words  of 
Plutarch  (Vit.   Crass.  C.  9)  :   OVKCT'  ovv    Tdirap'  d{iav  «ai  rd  aia^oov 
iji/w^Ati   -rrjs  diroardaeus   rriv  OTjyuAijroi'  •  dAAa  <Jij  Sia  tj>60ov   ye  nai   KIV- 
fvvuv,  d)j  jrpoj  cva    T&V   ivaico\taTar<av   iro\iftuv  xal  ptyifrdiv,  dfi(j>OTepovs 
ifatnvov  rovs  virdTovf.     "  It  was  no  longer  then  the  indignity  and 
disgrace  of  this  revolt  that  afflicted  the  senate  ;  but  now,  on  account 
of  the  fear  and  danger,  they  sent  forth  both  the  consuls  to  this,  as  to 
one  of  their  most  difficult  and  important  wars." 

8.  Quod  bellum,  &c.     All  mere  oratorical  exaggeration.     The 
credit  of  ending  the  war  was  due  to  Crassus,  but  popular  favour 
gave  it  to  Pompey.     The  latter,  after  having  defeated  the  fugitives 
from  the  field  of  battle,  where  Crassus  had  proved  victorious,  wrote 
to  t'.ie  senate,  that  Crassus  had  indeed  gained  a  victory  over  the 
runaways  in  a  pitched  battle,  but  that  he  himself  had  cut  up  the 
war  by  the  roots,  STI  paxy  plv  rovy  ipairiras  <f>avcpa  Kpaairos  veviifijKCv, 
aiirdi  Si  row  iroXt^ov  rrjv  fii^av  dvyfrixc.      (Vit.  Crass.  C.  11.) 

9.  Omnes  orae.     Alluding  to  the  power  of  the  pirates,  before 
they  were  reduced  by  Pompey,  and  their  infesting  all  the  shores  of 
the  Mediterranean.     Compare  the  words  of  Appian,  B.  M.  92  • 
oil  p6vt]s  en  TTJS  tdias  GaXatro-ijf  ixpdrovv,  ctXXa  ACOI  rrjt  JJTOJ  'HpaicAfiW 
CTT-F/Xaii'  iira«ri7f. 

10.  Gentes  ac  nationes.     "  Nations  and  communities."     Gens, 
when  contrasted  with  natio,  may  oe  called   the  generic   term,  and 
implies  a  whole  race.     Thus,  the   Germans  are  a  gens,  the  Saxons 
a  natio.     (Cromirie,  Gymn,  vol.  2,  p.  256.) 

11.  Denique  mariaomnia,  &c.     "  In  a  word,  all  seas,  as  well 
the  whole  taken  collectively,  as  the  bays  and  harbours  in  each." 
By  omnia  maria  are  here  meant  all  the  seas  composing  the  Medi- 
terranean, such  as  the  Mare    Siculum,  the  Mare   Hadriaticum, 
Mare  Aegaeum,  Mare  Creticum,  &c.,  and  by  universa  (sc.  maria) 
the  whole  Mediterranean,  of  course,  is  implied. — The  common  text 
has  oris  after  singulis,  but  Graevius  very  properly  rejected  it  on 
the  authority  of  one  of  his  MSS.  Singulis  (sc.  maribus)  is  opposed 
to  universa. 

12.  Toto  man.     "  Throughout  the  whole  Mediterranean  " — Aut 
tamfuit  abdiius,  &c.     "  Or  was  so  retired  as  to  escape  the  notice 
of  the  foe.1'     By  the  foe  are  meant  the  pirates. 


334  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

gj  13.  Qms  namgavit,  &c.  "  Who  sailed  abroad,  that  did  not  ex 
pose  himself  to  the  risk  either  of  death,  or  of  slavery,  since  he  must 
either  traverse  the  sea  during  the  winter  season,  or  when  its  surface 
was  swarming  with  pirates  ]"  In  the  winter  the  sea  would  be  free 
from  pirates. — The  common  text  has  namgaret,  but  Heumamms 
restored  navigaretur  from  the  early  editions.  Navigaretur  is  to  be 
taken  impersonally,  in  the  sense  of  namgandum  esset. 

14.  Tarn  vetus.     "  Of  so  long  continuance."     These  depreda- 
tions had  continued  from  about  A.  U.  C.  666.    The  present  oration 
was  pronounced  A.  U.  C.  687,  so  that  the  whole  period  had  been 
about  21  years. — Tarn  late  dispersum.    "  So  widely  disseminated." 
Consult  note  5,  page  75,  where  an  account  is  given  of  the  extensive 
power  of  the  pirates. 

15.  Omnibus  annis,  &c.  Pompey  broke  the  power  of  the  pirates 
in  the  space  of  forty-nine  days,  and  terminated  the  whole  war  in 
about  three  months.     (Plut.  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  26,  and  28. — Compare 
Flm-us,  3,  6.) 

16.  Quod  vectigal.    "  What  branch  of  revenue." — Cui  praesidio 
r.lassibus  vestris  fuistis.     "To  whom   have  you  been  a  source  of 
protection  with  your  fleets  1" 

17.  Longlnqua.     "  Things  at  a  distance."     Opposed  to  things 
nearer  home,  in  which  the  Romans  were  personally  concerned,  and 
had  been  personal  sufferers. 

18.  Proprium populi Romani.     "The  peculiar  characteristic  of 
the  Roman  people." 

19.  Propugnaculis  imperil.     "  By  the  forces  of  their  empire." 
By  propugnacula  are  here  meant  all  the  means  of  defence  at  the 
command  of  the  republic.     Ernesti  thinks,  that  the  term  refers  to 
the    Roman  colonies  planted  in  conquered  countries,  and  which 
would  furnish  the  means  of  defence  against  foreign  aggression.     In 
this,  however,  he  is  decidedly  wrong.     Schiitz  takes  a  more  correct 
view  of  the  subject,  when  he  remarks  ;  "  classes  et  exercitus  intel- 
ligi  patet  ex  antecedentibus  et  sequentibus." 

20.  Sociis  vestris,  &c.     "  Need  I  tell  you  that  the  sea  has  been 
shut,  during  these  latter  years,  upon  your  allies,  when  our  own 
armies  have  never  crossed  over  from  Brundisium  unless  in  the  depth 
of  winter1!" — Th*e  seas  being  closed  upon  their  allies  is  one  of  the 
longinqua,  on  which  there  is  no  need  of  dwelling,  when  the  orator 
can  tell  of  other  things  so  much  nearer  home. 

21.  Brundisio.     Brundisium  was  the  usual  seaport  from  which 
they  sailed  for  Greece.    Consult  Geographical  Index. — The  Ro- 
man armies  alluded  to  in  the  text,  were  those  sent  against  Mithri- 
dates 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  335 

Page. 

22.   Summa,  hieme.     When  the  pirates  would  be  away.     Consult  gl 
note  13. 

1 .   Cum  legati,  &c.  "  When  ambassadors  of  the  Roman  people  gg 
were  ransomed  from  captivity,"  i.  e.  when  your  own  ambassadors 
were  made  captives  by  the  pirates,  and  a  ransom  had  to  be  paid  for 
them. — Who  these  ambassadors  were  is  not  known,  nor  at  what 
time,  nor  under  what  circumstances  they  were  taken. 

2  Duodecim  secures.  "  Two  praetors  with  their  lictors."  Liter- ' 
ally,  -'twelve  axes."  Each  praetor  had  in  Rome  two  lictors  ;  in 
the  provinces  six.  The  praetors  taken  on  this  occasion  are  called 
by  Plutarch,  Sextilius  and  Bellinus.  (Vit.  Pomp.  c.  24.) 

3.  Cnidum  nut  Cotopkonem,  &c.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 
— Innumerabilesque  alias.     Plutarch  makes  the  number  of  cities 
taken   by  them   amount   to   four  hundred :  at  f  dXofcrat   ir6\sts  vtt' 
ainoiv  r£rpa»ctf<riai.  , 

4.  Atque  cos  portus,  &c.     "  Aye,  and  those  harbours  too,  from 
which  you  derive  the  very  breathings  of  existence."    Literally,  "  life 
and  respiration,"  i.  e.  the  very  means  of  sustenance.     The  allusion 
is  to  the  harbours  of  Skily,  Sardinia  and  Africa,  whence  the  me- 
tropolis was  supplied  with  corn.     In  consequence  of  the  pirates' 
being  masters  of  the  sea,  the  markets  at  Rome  were  ill-supplied  witi 
grain,  and  hence  arose  serious  apprehensions  of  famine.  (Pint.  Vit. 
Pomp.  c.  25.) 

5.  Inspectante  praetore.     "  Under  the  very  eyes  of  a  praetor." 
Who  this  praetor  was  is  not  clearly  ascertained.     He  is  thought  by 
some  to  have  been  M.  Antonius,  son  of  the  famous  orator  of  that 
name,  and  father  of  Mark  Antony,  the  triumvir.  He  was  afterward 
(A.  U.  C.  679)  sent  against  the  pirates,  and  attacked  the  Cretans 
who  had  harboured  and  were  connected  with  them,  but  was  defeated 
off  that  island  with  the  loss  of  most  of  his  ships,  which  were  taken 
by  the  enemy.     (Florus,  3,  7. — Liv.  Epit.  99.) 

6.  Ejus  ipsius  liber os.     "  That  the  child  of  this  same  praetor." 
According  to  Plutarch,  (Vit.  Pomp.  c.  24,)  a  daughter  of  M.  Anto- 
nius, the  praetor,  was  taken  by  the-pirates,  and  ransomed  from  them 
tor  a  large  sum. — Liberos.     The  term  liberi  is  not  unfrequently 
employed  by  the  Latin  writers,  when  the  reference  is  only,  as  in 
the  present  case,  to  a  single  child.     The  authorities  on  this  point 
are  very  ably  adduced  by  Scheller.     (Lat.  Deutsch.  Worterb.  vol. 
3,  col.  5685.)     The  only  one  which  we  will  here  cite  is  that  of 
Caius  (ad  Dig.  lib.  50,  tit.  16,  leg.  148)  :  "  Nan  est  sine  liberis, 
cui  vel  unus  filius,  unane  JUia  est,  haec  emm  enunciatio,  habet 
liberos,  semper  plurativo  numero  profertur,  sicut  et  pugillares  et 
codicilli." — Dacier  falls  into  an  amusing  error,  Jthrough  too  much 


336  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

^2  haste  in  translating  the  present  passage  of  Cicero.  He  mistakes 
liberos  for  libros,  and  makes  the  Roman  praetor  to  have  lost  his 
books  !  not  his  child  :  "  Ignorcz-vous  que  ses  limes  ont  ete  enleves 
par  les  corsaircsl"  (Plulargue,  par  Dacier. — Vie  de  Pompee,  in 
notis.) 

7.  Osticnse  incommodum.     "The  disaster  at  Ostia."    Ostia  was 
a  sea-port,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  and  was  regarded  as  the  har- 
bour of  Rome.     The  pirates  took  and  plundered  it,  destroying  the 
fleet  there.  t    So  great,  indeed,  was  their  daring  on  this  occasion, 
that  they  even  remained  there  a  considerable  time,  and  exposed 
their  booty  to  sale.     (Dio  Cassius,  36,  5.) 

8.  Consul  populi  Romani.     The  name  of  this  consul  does  not 
appear,  from  anv  ancient  writer.     Dio  Cassius  (1.  c.)  makes  no  allu- 
sion to  any  at  all. — Capta  atque  oppressa  est.     "  Was  taken  and 
sunk." 

9.  Urdus  hommis.     Pompey. 

10.  Intro,  Oceani  ostium.     "  Within  the  straits  of  the  ocean 
i.  e.  the  straits  of  Gibraltar.     There  is  great  propriety  in  the  use  of 
the  expression  oceani  ostium,  (literally,  "  mouth  of  the  ocean,")  to 
designate  the  straits  in  question,  since  a  strong  and  constant  current 
flows  into  the  Mediterranean  from  the  Atlantic  ocean,  in  the  middle 
of  the  straits. 

11.  Obeundi negotii.  "Of  transacting  business." — Tantos  cursus 
"  So  long  voyages." 

12.  Quam  celeriter,  &c.     "  As  rapidly  as,  under  the  guidance  of 
Pompey,  the  war  on  our  part  sped  its  impetuous  way  over  the 
deep."     Impetus  belli  is  a  poetic  form  of  expression,  for  the  simple 
bellum,  with  the  associate  idea,  however,  of  impetuosity  and  power. 
Thus  we  have  in  Lucretius,  (5,  101,)  "  impetus  coeli,"  for  coelum  ; 
and  in  Accius,  (ap.  Cic.  de  Divin.  1,  22,)  "nocturnus  impetus," 
for  nox.     Compare  the  following  remark  of  Ernesti :  Tola  forma, 
belli  impetus  navigavit,  poetica  est.     Sensus  est ;  quanta  celeritate 
Pompeius  bellum,  et  quam  strenue  gesserit." 

13.  Nondum  tempestivo,  &c.     "  Before  the  sea  was  yet  fit  for 
navigation,"  i.  e.  before  the  season  for  sailing  was  come.      Tempes- 
tivo is  here  equivalent  to  tempore  opporluno,  "  fit  by  reason  of  the 
time  of  year."    The  season  for  navigation  usually  commenced  about 
the  rising  of  the  Pleiades,  on  the  22d  of  April. 

14.  Siciliam  adiit.     Pompey  directed  his  earliest  attention  to 
Sicily,  in  order  to  secure  that  important  granary  of  the  republic. 
He  then  proceeded,  with  the  same  view,  to  Africa  and  Sardinia.-  • 
The  management  of  the  war  against  the  pirates  was  conferred  on 
Pompey  by  the  Gabinian  law    This  law  invested  him  with  the  com- 


THE  MANIL1AN  LAW  337 

Page. 

mand  of  the  whole  Mediterranean,  and  with  power  over  the  land  for  gj£ 
four  hundred  stadia  (about  46  miles)  from  the  coasts.  He  wag  em- 
powered also  to  choose  out  of  the  senators  fifteen  lieutenants  to  act 
under  him ;  he  was  to  take  from  the  quaestors,  and  other  public 
receivers,  what  money  he  pleased,  and  equip  a  fleet  of  200  sail. 
The  number  of  marine  forces,  of  mariners  and  rowers,  was  left  en- 
tirely to  his  discretion.  The  day  after  this  law  was  passed,  Pompey 
summoned  an  assembly,  and  obtained  a  grant  of  almost  as  much 
more  as  the  first  decree  had  bestowed.  He  was  empowered  to  fit 
out  500  galleys,  and  to  raise  an  army  of  120,000  foot  and  5000 
horse.  Twenty-four  senators  were  selected,  who  had  all  been  gen 
erals  or  praetors,  and  were  appointed  his  lieutenants,  and  he  had 
two  quaestors  allowed.  (Plut.  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  25,  scq.) 

15.  Haec  tria  frumentaria  subsidia.     "  These  three  granaries." 
— Duabus  Hispaniis.     "  The  two  Spains,"  i.  e.  hither  and  farther 
Spain,  Citerior  and  Ulterior.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 

16.  Illyrici  maris.     The  Mare  Elyricum  was   that  part  of  the 
Adriatic,  which  lay  along  the  Illyrian  coast. — Achaiam.  The  Roman 
province  of  Achaia  included  all  the  Peloponnesus,  and  a  part  of 
Greece  north  of  the  isthmus  of  Corinth.     By  omnem  Graeciam  is, 
therefore,  meant  all  the  rest  of  Greece. 

17.  Italiae  duo  maria.    The  upper  and  lower  seas,  or  the  Adriatic 
and  Tuscan. — Adornamt.    "  He  furnished,"  i.  e.  supplied.    Adorno 
is  here  equivalent  to  instruo,  with  the  collateral  idea  of  decking  or 
adorning.     Compare  Goes.  B.  C.  1,  26  :  "  Eodem  conatu,  appara- 
tuque,  omni  opulentia  insignium  armorum  bellum  adornaverant." 

18.  Ut  a  Brundisio,  &c.     "  On  the  forty-ninth  day  after  he  set 
out  from  Brundisium."     Ut  is  here  elegantly  used  for  postquam 
Consult  Tursellinws,  de  Part.  Lot.  s.  v.  §  1,  22. 

19.  Totam  Ciliciam.     The  power  of  the  pirates  had  its  rise  in 
Cilicia,  and  this  country  eventually  became  their  centre  of  opera- 
tions, and  chief  stronghold. — Pompey  defeated  them  in  a  naval 
battle  off  Coracesium,  on  the  coast  of  Cilicia  Trachea. 

1.  Unius  hujus  imperio  ac  potestati.     "  To  the  absolute  control  gJJ 
of  this  one  individual,"  i.  e.  they  surrendered  themselves  uncondi- 
tionally to-  Pompey. — When  imperium  and  potestas  are  opposed  to 
each  other,  the  former  denotes  military  power,  the  latter  civil ;  and 
when  both  are  combined  in  one  clause,  as  in  the  present  instance, 

the  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed  is  that  of  full  and  absolute  au 
thority. 

2.  Cretensibus.     Crete,  next  to  Cilicia,  was  the  greatest  nursery 
of  the  pirates,  and  one  of  their  chief  receptacles.     The  transaction 
alluded  to  in  the  text,  however,  notwithstanding  the  commendations 

29 


338  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR' OF 

Page. 

J^JJ  of  Cicero,  was  far  from  honourable  to  Pompey.  Metellus,  a  rela- 
tion of  the  one  who  had  commanded  in  conjunction  with  Pompev 
in  Spain,  had  been  sent  into  Crete,  by  the  Roman  people,  some 
time  before  Pompey  was  employed  in  this  war.  Metellus  had  broken 
up  many  strongholds  of  the  pirates  in  that  island,  when  the  remain- 
der, who  were  besieged  by  him,  suppliantly  addressed  themselves  to 
Pompey,  and  invited  him  into  the  island,  as  included  in  his  commis- 
sion, and  falling  within  that  distance  from  the  sea  to  which  he  was 
authorized  to  carry  his  arms.  Pompey  listened  to  their  application, 
and  by  a  letter  directed  Metellus  to  take  no  farther  steps  in  the  war. 
At  the  same  time,  he  ordered  the  cities  of  Crete  not  to  obey  Metel 
lus,  but  Lucius  Octavius,  one  of  his  own  lieutenants,  whom  he  sent 
to  take  the  command.  Octavius  went  in  among  the  besieged,  and 
fought  on  their  side  ;  a  circumstance,  says  Plutarch,  which  rendered 
Pompey  not  only  odious  but  ridiculous.  Metellus,  however,  pur- 
sued his  operations,  till  he  took  the  pirates,  and  put  them  all  to 
death.  As  for  Octavius,  he  exposed  him  in  the  camp  as  an  object. 
of  contempt,  and  loaded  him  with  reproaches,  after  which  he  dis- 
missed him.  (Pint.  Vit.  Pomp.  c.  29.) 

3.  Apparavil.     "Prepared  for." — Media  aestate.     Plutarch  says 
the  war  was  brought  to  a  close  in  three  months  at  farthest :  ovx  iv 
tr\ciovi  XP°"V  T9ll^v  piv&v.  (Vit.  Pomp.  c.  28.) 

4.  Est  haec  divina,  &c.     "  This  degree  of  military  talent  on  the 
part  of  a  commander  is  divine  and  incredible,"  i.  e.  is  divine  in  its 
character,  and  surpasses  all  the  ordinary  powers  of  belief. 

5.  Non  enim  solum,  &c.     Consult  note  23,  page  80. — Bdlandi 
mrtus.     "  Ability  in  war." 

6.  Sed  multae  sunt,  &c.     "  On  the  contrary,  there   are   many 
other  exalted  qualities,  the   handmaids  and   attendants   of  this  vir 
tue."     Hujus  virtutis,  sc.  imperatoriae. 

7.  Quanta  innocentia,  &c.     "  Of  how  much  moral  purity  ought 
commanders    to    be." —  Temper antia.       "  Self-control." — Fide 
"  Good  faith."     Adherence  to  their  word. 

8.  Quanta  facilitate.     "How  affable  and  easy   of  access." — 
Quanta  ingenio,  &c.     "  Of  how  much  penetration,  of  how  much 
humanity  1" 

9.  Summa  enim  sunt  omnia.     "  For  there  all  exist  in  the  high- 
est degree,"  i.  e.  in  the  character  of  Pompey  all  these  qualities  are 
found  in  the  highest  perfection. 

10.  Ex  aliorum  contentione.     "  By  a  comparison  with  others." 
Thus,  Cic.  de   Off.  1,  17:  "Si  contentio  quaedam  ct  comparatia 
jiat,"  arid  Partit.  Or.  2  :   "  Rerum  contentiones,  quid  majus,  quid 
par,  quid  minus  sit  " 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  339 

Page. 

1 1.  Possumus  aliquo  m  nwmero  putare.     "  Can  we  hold  in  any  gg 
estimation."      Literally,    "  can  we  reckon  in  any  number,"  i.  e.  of 
generals  ;  can  we  regard  as  at  all  fit  to  be  numbered  among  gen- 
erals. 

12.  Cujus  in  exercitu,  &c.     "  In  whose   army  commissions  for 
the  office  of  centurion  are   now   and  have  heretofore  been  sold.'* 
The  allusion   cannot  be   to   Lucullus,  on   whom   he   has   already 
bestowed  so  many  encomiums,  but,   from  the  use  of  the  present 
tense,  'veneant,)  seems  aimed  at  Glabrio. — The  student  will   mark 
the  force  of  the  subjunctive  mood  in  this  and  the  succeeding  clauses, 
as  indicating,  not  what  Cicero  asserts  on  his  own  authority,  but  from 
the  rumour  of  the  day.     It  is   equivalent,  in  fact,  therefore,  to  "  in 
whose  army,  as  is  said,"  &c. 

13.  Quid  hunc 'hominem,  &c.     "  What  lofty  or  generous  senti- 
ments can  we  imagine  that  man  to   entertain  respecting  his  coun- 
try."    Supply  after  quid,  the  words  possumus  putare  from  the  pre 
ceding  clause,  but  in  a  somewhat  different  sense. 

14.  Propter  cupiditatem  provinciae.      "  From    the-    desire    ot 
retaining  his  province  for  a  longer  period,"  i.  e.  of  holding  over  in 
his  command  beyond  the  time  appointed.      The  money  was  given, 
not  to  procure  a  province,  but  to  induce  the  magistrates  at  home  to 
interfere,  and  prevent  any  recall,  at  the  end  of  the  year,  from  the 
province  where  the  individual   was  then  acting.     Compare  the  ex- 
planation of  Ernesti  :    "  Non  ut  provinciam  decernerent,    sed  ut 
impedirent  lie  anno  exacto  decedere  de  provincia  juberelur." — Er- 
nesti supposes  Lucullus   to  be  the  person  meant.     This,  however, 
cannot  possibly  be  correct.     Lucullus  had  set  out  against  Mithri- 
dates  many  years  before  the  period  when  this  speech  was  delivered  ; 
whereas,  from  the  language  of  Cicero,  the  transaction   referred  to 
would  seem  to  have  been   of  a  very   recent   date.     So  again,  in 
chapter  22,  the  orator  speaks  of  the  injuriae  and  libidines  of  the 
Roman  commanders  sent  out  that  very  year,  which  of  course  can- 
not in  any  way  apply  to  Lucullus.     Acilius  Glabrio  is  undoubtedly 
meant. 

15.  In  quaestu.     "At  interest."     Compare  Or.  in  Pis.  c.  35. 

16.  Vestra  admurmuratio,  &c.     "  Your  murmurs,  my   country- 
men, make  it  apparent,  that  you  recognise  the  individuals  who  have 
acted  thus."      Literally,    "your  murmuring    makes   it  that  you 
appear  to   recognise,"  &c. — Cardinal   Maury,    in  his  Essai    sur 
11  Eloquence,  §  53,  thinks,  that  Cicero  met  with  some   interruption 
nere  from  certain  individuals,  who  had  appropriated  a  portion  of  the 
public  money  to  their  own  private  purposes,  and  who  consequently    . 
thought,  that  the  remarks  of  the  sneaker  were   in  some  degree 


340  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

g^J  directed  against  themselves.  He  supposes  that  Cicero  waited  tiD 
silence  was  again  obtained,  and  then  availed  himself  of  the  inter- 
ruption, to  express  it  as  his  conviction  that  their  outcries  were  only 
so  many  indications  of  a  consciousness  of  guilt.  This  is  a  most 
unfortunate  piece  of  criticism.  The  simple  truth  appears  to  be, 
that  the  murmurs  came,  as  Cicero  himself  plainly  perceives,  from 
the  irritated  populace,  who  were  giving  vent  in  this  way  to  the  indig- 
nation which  they  felt,  in  common  with  the  orator,  at  the  conduct 
of  the  individuals  to  whom  he  alludes. 

17.  Ante.     "  Previously." — Avantiam.      "  Rapacity."      Com- 
pare the  remark  of  Scheller,  (Praecept.  Slyl.  vol.  1,  p.  69) :  "  Ar>- 
arus   non  est,  qui  pecuniae  nimis  parcit ;  hie  tenax  dicitur :  sed 
pecumae  consequendae  nimis  cupidus." 

18.  Itinera.      "  The   marches." — Per  hosce  annos.     "  During 
these  latter  years."     The  allusion  is  to   the  movements  of  the  Ro- 
man forces,  sent,  under  different  commanders,  against  Mithridates, 
Sertorius,   Spartacus,    &c.,  and  which  troops  had  to  pass  through 
different  parts  of  Italy,  before  they  reached  their  destined  scenes  01 
action.     From  the  language  of  Cicero,  they  would   appear  to  have 
been  guilty  of  excesses,  by  the  way,  against  their  own  countrymen. 

g^.  1.  Hibernis.  "  By  their  wintering  among  them."  Referring  to 
the  license  and  rapacity  exercised  by  the  Roman  soldiery  against 
their  own  allies,  while  in  winter-quarters  throughout  their  cities. 

2.  Exercitum  continere.     "  To  restrain  his  army,"  i.  e.  from  the 
plundering  and  despoiling  of  our  allies. 

3.  Qui  se  ipsum  non  continet.     "  Who   does  not  restrain  him- 
self," i.  e.  who  in  these  same  matters  practises  no  restraint  over 
himself.     Graevius  gives  se  ipse,  from  one  of  his  MSS.,  but,  as 
Emesti  correctly  remarks,  the  opposition  to  alias  requires  se  ipsum. 

4.  In  judicando.     "  In  judging  of  others."     Supply  de  aliis,  or 
else  the  simple  olios. 

5.  Sed  ne  vestigium  quidem.     "  But  even  its  very  footsteps." 
The  meaning  of  the  whole  clause  is,  that  the  army  led  by  Pompey, 
so  far  from  plundering  any  thing,  did  not  even  set  foot  in  any  place 
where  it  was  unlawful  for  them  to  come  :  i.  e.  violated  the  sanctity 
of  no  shrine,  as  had  been  the  case,  for  example,  in  former  years, 
with  that  of  Comana.      Compare  the   explanation  -of  Hotomann  : 
"  Non  modo  nih.il  rapuisse,  sed  ne  pedem   quidem,  uh  non  licebal 


6.  Quemadmodum  milites  hibernent.  "  As  to  the  way  in  which 
our  soldiers  now  conduct  themselves  in  winter-quarters,"  i.  e.  as  t« 
the  regularity  of  their  deportment  in  winter-quarters  now  that  they 
have  Ppmpey  over  them. 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  341 

Page. 

7    Ut  sumptum  facial  in  militem.     "  In  order  that  he  may  go  to  g^J 
expense  u;  on  a  soldier,"  i.  e.  to  compel  him  to  expend  any  part  of 
his  means  in  the  maintenance  of  our  soldiers. — Cupienti.     "  When 
desiring  so  to  do." 

8.  Hiemis  enim,  &c.     "  That  there  should  be  a  refuge  from  the 
severity  of  winter,  not  for  the  indulgence  of  rapacity,  in  the  dwel 
lings,"  &c. 

9.  Qualis.     The  early  editions  have  quali. 

10.  Inventum.     "  Originated."     More  literally,    "  were  obtain 
ed."     Some  of  the  early  editions  have  initum,  which  arose  very 
probably  from  the  copyists  not  understanding  here  the  peculiar  force 
of  inventum.     Even  Lambinus  seeks  to  alter  the  test,  and  gives 
naturn  for  the  true  reading.     The  use  of  inventum,  in  this  passage, 
is   correctly   styled    by  Ernesti,    "  exquisitius  genus    loquendi." 
Compare  the  Greek  usage  of  employing  the  verb  evpicnceiv,  on  many 
occasions,  in  the  sense  of  parare,  consequi,  &c.      .    • 

11.  Non  eximia  vis  remigum.      "  No  extraordinary  exertions  ot 
the  part  of  rowers." 

12.  In  ultimas  terras.     The  allusion  is  to  Pamphylia  and  Cilieia, 
Compare  chapter  16,  where  the   Cretan   ambassadors  are  said  to 
have  come  unto  Pompey,  who  was  then  in  Pamphylia,  "  in  ultimas 
prope  terras." 

13.  Ceteros.     "  The  rest  of  your  commanders."     So  ceteri  in  the 
next  paragraph. — Non  retardarunt.     "  Retarded  not_his  progress." 

14.  Devocavit.     •'  Called  him  away."     This  is  the  reading  of 
all  the  earlier  editions,  except  the  Aldine,  where  revocamt  appears, 
probably  by  an  error  of  the  press.     From  this  last  edition  the  form 
revoc-avit  found  its  way  into  the  later  ones,    until  Gruter  restored 
the  true  lection. 

15.  Non  libido  ad  vohiptatem,  &c.     "No  licentious   feeling  to 
an  indulgence  in  pleasure  ;  no  charms  of  scenery  to  gratification  of 
this   kind ;  no   renown  of  any  city   to   a   visiting   and  becoming 
acquainted  with  it ;  in  a  word,  not  toil  itself  to  repose." 

16.  Signa  ct  tabula*.     "  Statues  and  paintings."     With  tabulas 
supply  pictas. — Quae  ceteri  tollenda  esse,  &c.     Statues,  and  paint- 
ings, and  works  of  art  in  general,  were  favourite  objects  of  rapacity 
with  the  Roman  commanders,  and  were   carried  off  without  any 
scruple.     The  statues  and  pictures  which   Marcellus  transported 
from  Syracuse  to  Rome,  first  excited  that   cupidity,  which  led  the 
Roman  provincial  magistrates  to   pillage,  without  scruple  or  dis- 
tinction, the  houses  of  private  individuals  and  the  temples  of  the 
g  ids.    Marceilus  and  Mummius,  however,  despoiled  only  hostile  and 
conquered  countries.     They  had  made   over  their  plunder  to  the 

29* 


342  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

§4  public,  and,  after  it  was  conveyed  to  Rome,  devoted  it  to  the  eia 
bellishment  of  the  capital ;  but  subsequent  governors  of  provinces, 
having  acquired  a  taste  for  works  of  art,  began  to  appropriate  to 
themselves  those  masterpieces  of  Greece,  which  they  had  formerly 
neither  known  nor  esteemed.  Some  contrived  plausible  pretexts 
for  borrowing  valuable  works  of  art  from  cities  and  private  persona, 
without  any  intention  of  restoring  them  ;  while  others,  less  cau- 
tious, or  more  shameless,  seized  whatever  pleased  them,  whether 
public  or  private  property,  without  excuse  or  remuneration.  But 
though  this  passion  was  common  to  most  provincial  governors,  none 
of  them  ever  came  up  to  the  full  measure  of  the  rapacity  of  Verres, 
when  praetor  of  Sicily.  He  seized  tapestry,  pictures,  gold  and 
silver  plate,  vases,  gems,  and  Corinthian  bronzes,  till  he  literally  did 
not  leave  a  single  article  of  value  of  these  descriptions,  in  the  whole 
island.  (Dunlop's  Roman  Literature,  vol.  2,  p.  284,  seq.) 

17.  Fuisse  quando.  "  That  there  once  were."  They  now  believe 
that  such  men  as  Curius  Dentatus,  Fabricius,  and  others,  once  ac- 
tually existed. 

18.  Quod  jam  nationibus  exteris,  &c.     The  accounts  which  the 
Romans  gave  them  of  the  continence  and  virtue  of  their  fathers,  had 
appeared  unworthy  of  belief  to  foreign  nations,  when  contrasted 
with  the  rapacity  and  extortion  that  characterized  their  descendants. 

19.  Nunc  imperil  vestri,  &c.     "  Now  the  true  lustre  of  your 
empire  shines  resplendent  among  those  nations."     Pompey  revives 
in  his  single  self  all  the  glory  of  the  good  old  Roman  times,  and 
that  glory  is  shared  by  his  country. — Lucet.  In  the  palimpsest  frag- 
ment of  this  oration,  recently  discovered,  we  have  lucem  afferre  coe- 
pit,  which  also  appears  in  two  other  MSS.,  but  it  is  evidently  a 
mere  gloss  for  lucet,  and  not  a  very  good  one  either. 

20.  Hac  temperantia.    "  Distinguished  for  his  self-control,"  i.  e. 
characterized  by  that  same  moderation  which  Pompey  now  exhibits 
—Im-per&re  aliis.     "  To  rule  over  others." 

Og  1.  Jam  new  ita  faciles,  &c.  "  So  easy,  too,  is  said  to  be  the 
access  of  private  individuals  unto  him,  so  unshackled  their  every 
complaint  respecting  the  wrongs  done  them  by  others."  As  regards 
the  force  of  jam  vero,  consult  note  3,  page  86. — Faciles.  No  forms 
and  ceremony  are  required  in  approaching  Pompey. — Liberae, 
There  are  no  restraints  whatever  upon  the  freedom  of  complaint 

2.  Facilitate.     "  In  affability." 

3.  Consilio.     "  In  wisdom  of  counsel." — Dicendi  gravitate  et 
copia.     "  In  powerful  and   flowing  eloquence."     As  regards  the 
peculiar  force  of  gravitas,  and  grams,  in  a  rhetorical  point  of  view 
compare  the  remark  of  J.  0.  Ernesti,  in  his  Lex.   Technol.  Lot. 


THE  MAMLIAN   LAW.  343 

x_  \  I'age. 

Rhct.  p.  191  :  "  Sed  non  minus  cerium  est,  gravem  orationem  ap-  Q^ 
ysllatam  Latinis  Rhetoribus  csse,  quae  magnis,  splendidis,  allisquc 
seiisilus  animus  le gentium  impleret ;  et  ipsam  gravitatcm  tributam 
us  oratoribus  vel  scriptoribus,  qui  tales  sensus  facilr.  conciperent, 
atque  omnino  rebus  augendis,  exaggerandisque  pares  essent."  And 
again:  "  Neque  dubium  est,  quin  Cicero,  (de  Invent.  1,  2,)  cum 
gravitate  et  suavitate  orationis  omnem  eloquentiae  ambitum  circum- 
scriberet,  illam  ad  sententiarum  vim  et  splendorem,  hanc  ad  verbo- 
rum  ornamenta  retulerit.'" 

4.  In  quo  ipso,  &c.     "  In  which  very  talent  itself  there  exists  a 
kind   of  dignity,  well  adapted  to  the  character  of  one  who  com- 
mands."    The  reference  is  to  the  talent  of  haranguing,  which  suits 
so  well  the  character  of  a  commander.     Some  editors  refer  in  quo 
ipso  to  Pompey  ;  but  then  quaedam,  joined  to  dignitas,  is  not  suf- 
ficiently complimentary. 

5.  Hoc  ipso  in  loco.     In  the  forum,  where  they  have  often  heard 
Pompey  harangue. 

6.  Quam  hostes,  &c.     "  When  the  common  enemies  of  all  na 
tions  have  regarded  it  as  inviolable,"  i.  e.  as  worthy  of  the  most 
implicit  reliance.    Quam  is  here  equivalent  to  cum  earn. — By  hostes 
omnium  gentium  are  meant  the  pirates.     Cicero  employs  the  same 
circumlocution,  in  speaking  of  this  class  of  persons,  on  two  other 
occasions  :  in  Verr.  5,  30,  and  de  Off.  3,  29  :  "  Pirata  est  commu- 
nis  hostis  omnium." 

7.  Tantum  bellum.     This  is  the  reading  of  the  earlier  editions, 
which  Ernesti  first  restored.     The  common  text  has  tantum  bellum 
hoc,  which  Graevius  transposed,  reading  hoc  tantum  bellum. 

8.  Nostrae  memoriae.     "  Of  our  time." — Videdtur.    The  use  of 
the  subjunctive  here  is  worth  noting.    The  meaning  is,  "  who  seems 
as  far  as  we  can  perceive,"  i.  e.  as  far  as  it  is  allowed  mere  mortals 
to  scan  the  councils  of  omnipotence.     The  indicative  would  have 
been  too  strong. 

9.  Auctoritas.     "  High  reputation."     Auctoritas  is  here  equiva-  . 
lent  to  "  opinio  insignis  de  alicujus  virtute,"  &c.     (E\nesti  Clav. 
die.  s.  v.  $  8.) 

10.  Vehementer  pertinere  ad  bella  administranda.     "  Intimately 
pertains  to  the  management  of  foreign  wars,"  i.  e.  exercises  a  pow- 
erful  influence  upon  the  success  of  your  arms   abroad. —  Vestris 
The  palimpsest  fragment  has  nostris. 

11.  Etfama.   We  have  here  adopted  the  reading  of  the  palimp- 
sest fragment,  as    far  preferable  to  the  ordinary  one,  opinione  non 
minus  famae. — Quam  aliqua  certa  ratione.     "  Than  by  some  fixed 
snd  reasonable  motive." 


344  ORATION   IN   FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

£^fj      12.  Clarius.     "  More  illustrious  than  his,"  i.  e.  Pompey's. 

13.  Facit  ad.  auctoritatem.     "  Contributes  to  high  reputation  ' 
We  have  inserted  ad  before  auctoritatem,  on  the  conjecture  of 
Weiske,  who  considers  the  common  reading,  facii  auctoritatem,  as 
doubtful  in  point  of  Latinity. 

14.  Tanta  et  tarn  praedara,  &c.     "  Have  you  made  so  distin 
guished  and  honourable  expressions  of  opinion."     The  term  judic-ia 
is  here  applied  to  the  honours  and  rewards  bestowed  upon  merit. 
Compare  the  remark  of  Ernesti  (Clav.  Cic.  a.  v.)  :  "  Judicia  dicun* 
tur  etiam  honores,  praemia,  quia  dantur  his  qui  Us  digni  jud.ic.an- 
tur." — Pompey  obtained  the  honours  of  a  triumph,  while  he  was 
only  an  eques,  or  knight,  and  not  yet  of  an  age  to  entitle  him  to  a 
seat  in  the  senate.     He  was  sent  against  Sertorius,  with  proconsu- 
lar command,  'though  but  a  simple  quaestor  ;  and  he  obtained  the 
consulship  before  he  was  full  thirty-six  years  old,  and  without  hav- 
ing gone  through  the  subordinate  offices.     In  the  regular  course  of 
things,  he  was,  at  thirty-six,  merely  old  enough  to  have  been  made 
aedile.     The  legal  age  for  the  consulship  was  forty-three. 

15.  Illius  diet.     The  day  when  the   Gabinian  law   was  passed 
Consult  note   14,  page  82.— Cum  universus  populus   Romanus. 
"  When  the  whole  Roman  people  with  one  voice."     The  student 
will  mark  the/orce  of  universus  here. 

16.  Hie  locus.     The  rostra. —  Unum  ad  commune  omnium  gen- 
tium bellum  imperatorem.     "  As  sole  commander  for  a  war  that 
involved  the  common  interests  of  all  nations."     The  reference  is  to 
the  war  against  the  pirates.     Compare  note  6. 

17.  Quantum  auctorilas.     The  common  text  has  quantum  hujus 
auctoritas.     But  hujus  is  not  needed  here,  since  the  remark  is  a 
general  one,  and  does  not  refer  to  any  individual  in  particular.     Er- 
nesti thinks 'that  hujus  must  either  be  rejected,  or  else  changed  into 
duds.    He  prefers  the  former  course,  and  accordingly  throws  it  out 
of  his  text. 

18.  Omnium  rerum  egregiarum.     "  Of  every  thing  exalted.1' 
f^{J       1.    Vilitas  annonae.     "  A  cheapness  of  provisions."     As  long  as 

the  pirates  held  possession  of  the  sea,  exportation  from  the  corn- 
bearing  provinces  was  checked,  and  large  stores  must  necessarily 
have  accumulated  there.  Pompey's  appointment  restored  public 
confidence,  and  as  the  power  of  the  pirates  was  now  thought  to  be 
soon  about  to  end,  and  large  shipments  were  expected  to  be  shortly 
made  from  the  corn-countries,  the  price  of  grain  fell,  of  course,  at 
Rome.  , 

2.  Ex  summa  inopia,  &c.     "  From   the  greatest    scarcity  and 
dearness  of  grain." — Unius  homims  spe  ct  nomine.     Compare  the 


THE   MAMLIAN   LAW.  345 

Page 

language  of  Plutarch,  (Vit.  Pomp,  c.26,)  al  Sc  npal  T&V  iivtaiv,  ri6vs  gg 
tcaovaai,  Xtfyui-  ficoptvu  ru  Sfiptp  vaptT^oi',  d>£  avro  Tovvofta  roC  IIo/«rijfow 
<tAwe  TOV  jroAfyiov. 

3.  Jam.     "  Still  farther."     Compare  the  remark  of  Forcellim 
(Lex.  s.  v.)  :  "  Jam  sacpissime  conjungendi  orationem  vim  habet,  et 
transitionibus  insercit,  pro  praeterea. 

4.  Accepta  in  Ponto  calamitate.     Alluding  to  the  defeat  of  Tria- 
rius.     Compare  note  10,  page  79. — Cum.  To  be  repeated,  in  trans- 
lating, before  each  of  the  two  succeeding  clauses, 

5.  Divinitus.     "  Providentially." 

6.  Insolita  inflammatum  victoria.     "  Fired  with  unaccustomed 
victory."     Insolita  refers   to  his   having  been  so   often  defeated 
before  this  by  Sylla,  Murena,  and  Lucullus. — Contiuuit.     "  Check 
ed." 

7.  Profecturus  sit.     We  have  adopted  profecturus  sit  and  pro- 
fecerit,  with  Graevius,  Ernesti,  and  Schutz,  from  many  MSS.  and 
early  editions.     The  common  text  has  perfeclurus  sit  and  perfe- 
cerit. 

8.  Ipso  nomine  ac  rumore.     "  By  his  very  name  and  reputation." 

9.  Ilia  res.     "  The  following  circumstance," 

10.  Cretensium  legati.     For  an  account  of  this  really  discredita- 
ble affair,  which  Cicero  here  seeks  to  make  a  ground  of  praise,  con- 
sult note  2,  page  83. — Noster  imperator.     Metellus. 

11.  In  ultimas  prope  terras.      To  Pamphylia.      Consult  Liv. 
Epit.  99. 

12.  Eum  quern  Pompeius  legatum  semper  judicavit.     Pompey 
of  course  would   entertain  this   opinion  from  motives   of  vanity. 
There  is  every  reason  to   believe,  however,  that   the  individual 
alluded  to  was  a  mere  spy. 

13.  Ii  quibus,  &c.     Referring  in  particular  to   Metellus,  who 
was  commanding  in  conjunction  with  Pompey  in  Spain.     He  was 
a  relation  of  the  Metellus  just  mentioned,  note   10. — Ad  eum 
potissimum,    &c.      What  gave  offence,   if   the    story  be    true, 
was  that  the  individual  should  have  been  sent  to  so  young  a  man 
as  Pompey,  and  one  too  who  was  only  a  quaestor  with  pro-consular 
command. 

14.  Multis  postea  rebus  gestis.     "  By  many  subsequent  ex- 
ploits."    Posted  refers  to  the  period  after  the  Spanish  war,  and  to 
Pompey's  operations  against  the  pirates. — Vestns  judiciis.     "  Ex- 
pressions of  opinion  on  your  part."     Compare  note  14,  page  85. 

15.  Quam  prae&tare  de  se  ipso  nemo  potest,  &c.     "Which  no 
one  can  exhibit  at  pleasure  in  his  own  case  ;  but  which  we  can  call 
to  mind  and  make  mention  of  in  the  case  of  another,"  i.  e.  no  man 


346  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

gg  can  be  successful  when  he  pleases ;  this  lies  entirely  within  the 
power,  and  is  regulated  by  the  will,  of  the  gods.  But  he  may  tell 
without  scruple  of  the  success  with  which  others  have  been  fa- 
voured. 

16.  De  potestale  deorum.  "  In  relation  to  a  thing  that  lies 
wholly  within  the  power  of  the  gods,"  i.  e.  success,  or  good  for- 
tune ;  of  which,  according  to  Cicero,  we  must  speak  cautiously  and 
briefly,  lest  we  be  found  ascribing  too  much  to  human  agency. 
Compare  the  explanation  of  Ernesti.  "  De  potestate  deorum,  i.  e. 
de  re  ea,  quae  est  tola  in  potestate  deorum,  ut  cavendum  sit  ne  in 
ea  plus  homini  tribuamus." 

gO"  -1.  Maximo.  Fabius  Maximus. — Marcello.  The  celebrated 
opponent  of  Hannibal. — Scipioni.  It  is  uncertain  whether  Cicero 
means  the  elder  or  younger  Africanus.  Manutius  thinks  it  is  the 
latter,  and  his  opinion  appears  to  be  the  correct  one  For  an 
account  of  the  individuals  here  alluded  to  consult  Historical  Index. 

2.  Ad   amplitudinem  et  gloriam.      "  For  their  elevation   and 
glory."     As  amplflildo  and  gloria  are  here  nearly  synonymous,  the 
preposition  is  not  repeated  before  the  latter. — Divinitus.     "  By  the 
favour  of  Heaven." 

3.  Hoc.     For  tali — In  illius  potestale.     "Under  his  control.'' 
Cicero  means,  that  he  will  employ  such  moderation  in  speaking,  as 
not,  on  the  one  hand  to  assert  that  Pompey  is  master  of  events,  for 
such  language  would  be  offensive"to  the  gods,  (invisa  diis  immor- 
talibus ;)  and,  on  the  other,  merely  to  make  it  apparent,  that  he  has 
not  forgotten  the  past  exploits  of  that  commander,  but  regards  them 
as  an  earnest  of  future  success,  for  to  forget  them  would  be  rank 
ingratitude  against  the   beings  who  have  thus  far  presided  over  his 
career. 

4.  Non  sum  praedicaturus.     "  I  am  not  going  vauntingly  to 
state." 

5.  Obtemperarint.     "  Yielded  to."     Qbedire  denotes  more   of 
literal  and  absolute  obedience   than    obtemperare,  and   is  therefore 
used  in  the  next  clause,  when  speaking  of  enemies.     Obtemperare 
is  to  obey  the  spirit  of  a  command  ;  as  a  son,  for  example,  obeys  a 
father.     Compare  Cic.  pro  Caecin.  18  :    "  Imperium  domesticum 
nullum  erit,  si  servulis   nostris   hoc   concesserimus,  ut  ad  verba 
nobis  obediant,  non  ad   id   quod  ex  verbis  intelligi  possit  obtem- 
perent." 

6.  Obsecundarint.     "  Favoured."     Referring  in  particular  to  his 
rapidity  in  chasing  the  pirates  from  the  surface  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean. 

7    Tarn  impudentem.      "  So  presumptuous." — Tacitus.      "  Ifi 


THE   MAN1LIAN   LAW.  347 

Page 

ms  heart." — Detulcrunt.     In  many    MSS.    and   early   editions  we  fi'J 
find  contulerunt ;  but  detulerunt  expresses  more  of  condescension 
and  favour  on  the  part  of  the  gods. 

8.  Quod  ut  illi,  &c.     "  And  that   this  may  be  his   peculiar  and 
lasting  privilege,"    i.  e.  that   these   special   favours   may   ever  be 
vouchsafed  unto  him.      Proprium  here  implies,  that  no  Roman 
commander  has  ever  been  so  peculiarly  favoured  as  Pompey  ;  and 
the  assembled  people  are  requested  to  pray,  that  these  special  acts 
of  kindness,  on  the  part  of  the  gods,  may   be  continued  to  him  for 
the  time  to  come,  since  they  will  only  prove  a  fresh  source  of  hon 
our  and  happiness  to  his  country. 

9.  Velle  et  optare.     "  To  entertain  and  express  the  wish." 

10.  Accwratissimc.     "  With  the  utmost  care." 

11.  Dubitabitis   quin,  &c.     "Will  you  hesitate,    Romans,    to 
employ    so   favourable   an  opportunity  as   this."     More   literally, 
•'  this  so  great  a  good."     Many  of  the  Oxford  MSS.  have  dubitatis 
but  the  present  tense  is  too  strong  here. 

12.  Quod  si.     "  Even  if  then."     Quod,  in  such  cases  as  the 
present,  commencing  a  sentence,  always  refers  to  something  going 
before,  and  is  not  redundant  as  some  critics  imagine.     It  is  here  the 
same  in  fact  as  propter   quod.      Compare   the  remark  of  Schiitz, 
(Ind.  Lat.    s.   v.-)  :    "  Quod  ab  initio  periodi  saepe  ponitur :  sed 
semper  refertur  ad  antecedens  aliquid,  et  transitioni  servit."     Con- 
sult also   Pcrizonius,  ad   Sanct.  Min.  4,  5, — (vol.   2,  p.  227,  ed. 
Bauer.) 

13.  Is  erat  deligendus,  &c.     "He  ought  to  be  selected,"  &c. 
In  the  consequent  member  of  a  conditional  proposition,  the  past 
tenses  are  frequently  put  in  the  indicative,  to  give  more  liveliness 
to  the  representation,  although,  in  the  conditional  clause,  the  im- 
perfect or  pluperfect  subjunctive  has  been  used.     (Zumpt,  L.  O 
p.  327.     Kenrick's  transL) 

14.  Nune  cum,  &c.      "  Now,  however,  when  to  the  other  emi- 
nent advantages  existing  in  his  case,  the   following  happy  circum- 
stance is  likewise  added,  that  he  is  present  in  those  very  parts," 
&c.      By  Us  ipsis   locis  is  meant  Asia,  the  seat  of  the  war. 
Pompey  having  ended  the  piratical   war,  was  engaged,   at  this 
time,  in  settling    the    affairs  of  Cilicia  and  the   adjacent  coun- 
tries, and  in  assigning  habitations  to  the  pirates  who  had  surren- 
dered. 

15.  Quid  exspectamus ?    "What  wait  we  for  1" — Summa  cum 
salute  reipublicae.     "  With  the  greatest  advantage  to   the  state." 
— Hoc  helium  regium.     "  This  war  of  the  kings."     Referring  to 
Mithridates  and  Tigranes 


348  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

$g  1.  At  enim.  Analogous  to  the  Greek  uAA«  y&p.  In  this  combi- 
nation, enim  introduces  a  reason  for  the  opposition,  diversity,  or 
objection  to  something  preceding,  which  is  signified  by  at.  Ren- 
der .  "  But  this,  it  seems,  you  must  not  do,  for,"  &c. 

2.  Vestris  beneficiis  amplissimis  affectus.     "  And  one  who   has 
been  honoured  with  the  most  distinguished  proofs  of  your  regard." 
The  allusion  is  to  the  famous  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus.     Consult  His- 
torical Index. 

3.  Itemque  summis,  &c.     "  And  likewise    Quintus  Hortensius, 
possessing  the  highest  advantages  that  public  honours,  fortune,  vir- 
tue, and  talents  can  bestow."     The   allusion  is  to    Q.  Hortensius 
the  celebrated  orator.     He  had  enjoyed  the  consulship,  had  amassed 
a  large  fortune  by  the  legal  profession,  was  a  man  of  upright  char- 
acter, and  a  talented  and  popular,  though  very   showy,  declaimer. 
Consult  Historical  Index. 

4.  Ab  hoc  rationc  dissentiunt.     "  Differ  from  me  in  the  view 
which  I  have  taken  of  this  subject."     Literally,  "  differ  from  this 
view  of  the  subject."     Catulus  and  Hortensius  led  the  opposition 
against  the  bill.     Consult  Introductory  Remarks. 

5.  Quorum  auctoritatem,  &c.     "  I  am  willing  to  own,  that  the 
authority  of  these  individuals  has  exercised  a  very  strong  influence 
with  you  on  many  occasions,  and  ought  so  to  do.     In   the  present 
case,  however,  although  you  are  well  aware  of  the  sentiments  of  the 
bravest  and  most  illustrious  men,  as  being  in  direct  opposition  to 
theirs,  still,  putting  authority  on  either  side  entirely  out  of  the  ques- 
tion, we  can  ascertain  the  truth  from  the  case  itself,  and  from  the 
dictates  of  reason."  By  auctoritates  contrariae  are  meant  individuals 
who  think  with  Cicero,  and  whose  character  and  standing  are  fully 
equal  to  those  of  Catulus  and  Hortensius. 

6.  Omnia.     "  All  things,"  i.  e.  unlimited  power.     The  Mamlian 
law  proposed,  in  effect,  to  invest   Pompey  with  unlimited  power 
against   Mithridates    and   Tigranes.     Compare   the    language   of 
Plutarch  (Vit.  Pomp.  c.  30)  in  speaking  of  the  provisions  of  the 
act :   TOVTO  <5'  jjv  ty'  tj/i  av\\fi(lSriv  ycviaOai  TTJV  'Pw/naiwv  fiyepoviav. 

7.  Re.     "  By  facts."     The  allusion  is  to  the  proper  use  made  by 
Pompey  of  the  extensive  power  conferred  upon  him  in  the  piratical 
war. 

8.  Pro  tua  summa  copia,  &c.     "  With  that  rich  fluency  and 
eminent  talent  for  speaking  that  are  yours."  The  eloquence  of  Hor- 
tensius was  of  the  kind   called   Asiatic,  being  rather  showy  and 
declamatory  than  solid  and  powerful. 

9..  Virum  fortem  A.  Gabinium,  &c.     Cicero  calls   Gabinius  a 
courageous  man  from  the  spirit  he  displayed  in  carrying  through  his 


THE  MANILIAN   LAW.  349 

'   ~  Page 

fcw  amid  the  strenuous  opposition  of  the  senate.     One  of  his  col-  Q^ 

leagues  in  the  tribuneship,  L.  Trebellius,  interposed  his  veto,  and 
assured  the  senate  that  he  would  rather  lose  his  life  than  suffer  the 
law  to  pass.  Gabinius  thereupon  proposed  to  the  people  to  deprive 
Trebellius  of  his  magistracy,  and  the  tribes  having  made  great  prog- 
ress in  voting  upon  this  proposition,  and  the  popular  voice  appear- 
ing decidedly  against  him,  Trebellius  became  intimidated  and  with- 
drew his  intercession.  An  account  of  the  whole  proceeding  is  given 
by  Dio  Cassius,  (36,  8,  seqq.,)  and  by  Asconius,  (ad  Cic.  oral.  1, 
pro  Cornelia,  p.  964,)  from  which  it  appears,  that  Trebellius  per- 
sisted after  seventeen  tribes  had  declared  against  him,  and  only 
yielded  when  the  eighteenth,  which  would  have  made  a  majority, 
were  about  to  vote  in  the  same  manner. 

10.  Graviter  ornateque.     "  Forcibly  and  eloquently."     Compare 
note  3,  page  85. 

11.  Vera  causa.     "  The  cause  of  truth,"  i.  e.  the  true  interests 
of  the  state. — Teneremus.     "  Would  we  still  be  retaining." 

12?  Capiebantur.     "  Were  accustomed  to  be  made  captives," 
i.  e.  by  the  pirates. — Commeatu.     "  From  supplies." 

13.  Ut  neque  privatum  rcm,  &c.     "  That  we  could  no  longer 
transact  any  business,  either  of  a  private  or  a  public  nature,  beyond 
the  sea."  The  res  transmarinae  privacae  refer  to  the  private  opera- 
tions of  the  Roman  traders ;  the  publicae,  to  the  revenues  in  the 
transmarine  provinces. 

14.  Non  dico  Atheniensium,  &c.     "  I  speak  not  now  of  that  of 
the  Athenians,  which  is  said   to  have  held,  in  former  days,  a  vetv 
wide  dominion  over  the  sea." 

1.  Carthaginiensium.     The  orthography  Carthago  and  Cartha-  gC) 
giniense?   is   more   correct   than  Karthago   and  Karthaginienses 
Consult  Ruperti,  ad  Sil.  Ital.  1,  3,  Var.  lect. 

2.  Rhodiorum.     The  Rhodians   were  still  celebrated  for  their 
naval  skin  and  discipline,  and  their  former  glory  was  still  fresh  in 
remembrance. 

3.  Tarn    tennis.     "  So    feeble." — Aliquam    partem    regionis 
"  Some  portion  at  least  of  her  territory." 

4.  Aliquot  annos  continues.     "  For  several  sxiccessive  years."--  • 
Invicium.     "  As  ever  associated  with  victory." 

5.  Magna  ac  multo  maxima,  &c.     "  Felt  themselves  deprived 
of  a  laige,  aye,  and  by  far  the  largest  share,  not  only  of  their  reve 
nues.  b'-t  IM  their  dignity  and  their  empire.""     Utilitatis,  more  liter- 
ally, '  of  what  might  contribute  to  then:  advantage." 

6.  Artiochum.     Polyxenidas,  the  admiral  of  this  monarch,  was 

J  in  two  naval  engagements  by  the  Romans.     In  the  first 
30 


350  ORATION  IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

GO  action,  which  was  fought  not  far  from  Phocea,  the  Roman  fleet  was 
commanded  by  C.  Livius.  (Liv.  36,  44.)  In  the  second,  which 
took  place  off  the  promontory  of  Myonesus,  near  Teos,  the  Rhodian 
fleet  was  united  to  the  Roman.  The  commander  of  the  latter,  on 
this  occasion,  was  L.  Aemilius  Regillus.  (Liv.  37,  30.) 

7  Persenque.  No  trace  appears  in  history  of  any  naval  victory 
over  Perses.  After  his  defeat  at  Pydna,  by  Paulus  Aemilius,  he 
took  refuge  in  the  island  of  Samothrace,  where  he  surrendered  him- 
self to  the  praetor  Cn.  Octavius,  who  had  been  sent  thither  with  a 
fleet  by  the  Roman  consul.  A  naval  triumph  was  decreed  to  Octa- 
vius, but  it  appears  to  have  been  bestowed  upon  *him  for  receiving 
Perses  as  his  prisoner,  not  for  any  actual  engagement ;  and  hence 
Livy  (45,  42)  calls  it :  "  triumphus  sine  captivis,  sine  spoliis."  It 
is  more  than  probable,  however,  that  Cicero  alludes  to  some  actual 
conflict,  an  account  of  which  has  not  come  down  to  us. 

8.  In  maritimis  rebus,  &c.    "Most  experienced,  and  abundantly 
supplied  with  every  thing  requisite  in  maritime  affairs." 

9.  li.    We  have  nothing  in  our  own  idiom  analagous  to  this  elegant 
usage  of  ii  for  the  first  person.     In  rendering,  we  may  consider  it 
equivalent  here  to  nos  tales,  (i.  e.  nos,  tales  cum  essemus,')  "  We, 
though  thus  sprung,"  i.  e.  we,  though  descended  from  such  fathers. 

10.  Praestare  poteramus.     "  Could  show  forth  to  the  world." 
Praestare  is  here  equivalent  to  exkibere  or  os tender e. — Turn  cum. 
"  In  those  days,  when." 

11.  Quo  omnes,  &c.     The  port  of  Delos  was  a  convenient  stop- 
ping-place for  those  who  sailed  from  Italy  or  Greece  to  Asia. — Re- 
ferta  divitiis.     "  Though  filled  to  overflowing  with  riches."     Liter- 
ally, "  crowded,"  &c. 

12.  Nihil  timebat.     Because  the  Roman  power  was  then  what  it 
should  be,  and  Delos  relied  securely  on  this  for  protection. 

13.  Itdem,  &c.     "  We,  that  same  people,  were  deprived  of  the 
use  of  not  only  our  provinces,  and  the  whole  seacoast  of  Italy,  and 
our  very  harbours,  but  even  now  at   length  of  the  Appian  way." 
The  usage  and  position  of  jam,  in  the  latter  member  of  this  sentence, 
is  extremely  elegant.     It  is  equivalent  here  to  jam  tandem. 

14.  Appia  via.     This  road  led,  through  Capua,  to  Brundisinm. 
(Consult  Geographical  Index.)     The  part  of  it  which  approached 
the  sea  appears  to  have  been  infested  by  the  pirates,  who  probably 
had  accomplices  on  shore. 

15.  In  hunc  ipsum  locum.     Alluding  to  the  rostra, — Escendere. 
.The  old  form  for  ascendere.     Graevius  first  gave  this  reading  from 
one  of  his  MSS.,  and  he  has  been  followed  by  Ernesti,  Schiitz, 
Orellius,  and  others. — The  orator  may  purposely  hav«  MW-d  the  old 


THE   MANIUAX   LAW.  351 

_. ^  Page. 

form  here,  to  recall  early  times  to  the  minds  of  his  hearers,  and  show  QQ 
how  the  Romans  of  the  latter  day  to  which  he  alludes  (his  tempori- 
bus)  had  degenerated  from  the  practice  of  their  fathers. 

16.  Exuviis  nau-ticis,  &c.     "  Adorned  with  naval  trophies  and 
the  spoils  of  fleets."  The  rostra  was  adorned  with  the  beaks  (rostris) 
of  the  ships  taken  in  early  times  from  the  Antiates.     Consult  Liv. 
8,  14,  and  note     3  page  71. 

17.  Bono  animo.     "  In  the  sincerity  of  your  heart,"  i.  e.  with  a 
fair  and  honest  intention.     Cicerd  alludes  to 'the  opposition  made  by 
Hortensius  and  others   to  the   passage  of  the  Gabinian  law.     He 
allows  them  the  utmost  sincerity  in  their  opposition,  but  adds,  that 
the  Roman  people,  though  fully  aware  of  the  honesty  of  their  inten- 
tions in  endeavouring  to  defeat  that  law,  took  the  true  view  of  the 
case  and  passed  it.     And  so  (this  is  the  tacit  inference  to  be  drawn 
from  what  he  says)  will  they  again  act  on  the  present  occasion. 

18.  In   salute   commum.     "  In   a   case  involving   the  common 
safety." — Dolori  suo.     "  Their  own  feelings  of  indignant  grief." 
Dolor,  in  its  primitive  signification,  means  the  smart  attendant  upon 
a  wound.     It  becomes,  therefore,  a  very  strong  term,  when  applied, 
in  a  figurative  sense,  to  the  moral  feelings. 

19.  Una  lex.     The  Gabinian  law. —  Units  mr,- — Po'mpey. —  Unus 
annus.     A.  U.  C.  686,  the  year  previous  to  that  iri  which  this  ora- 
tion was  delivered. — Cicero  does  not,  of  course,  mean  that  it  took 
the  entire  year  to  bring  about  the  change  alluded  to,  but  that  a 
single  year  saw  the  power  of  the  pirates  at  its  height,  and  that  same 
power  annihilated  by  Pompey. 

20.  Quo  mihi,  &c.     "  On  which  account  it  appears   to  me  even 
the  more  unworthy,  that  opposition  should  have  been  hitherto  made, 
shall  I  say  to  Gabinius,  or  to  Pompeius,  or  to  both  of  them  1  (what  is 
nearer  the  truth,)  in  order  that  Aulus  Gabinius  might  not  be  ap- 
pointed a  lieutenant  to  Cneius  Pompeius,  though  earnestly  desiring 
and  in  fact   demanding  him  for  one."^The  transaction  to  which 
Cicero  here  alludes  was   simply  this.     Aulus   Gabinius  procures  a 
law  *R>  be  passed,  investing  Pompey  with  supreme  command.  When 
the  latter  obtains  this  appointment,  he  wishes  to  have  Gabinius  as 
one  of  his  lieutenants,  but  meets  with  so  decided   an  opposition  as 
to  be  compelled  to  abandon  the  idea.     Cicero  complains  of  this  op- 
position to  Pompey's  wishes,  and  insists,  that  Gabinius  ought  to  be 
preferred  to  every  other  individual.     It  must  be  evident  to  any  one, 
who  will  take  the  trouble  of  reflecting  only  a  moment  on  the  subject, 
that  the  opposition  to  Gabinius  was  perfectly  proper,  and  that  Cicero 
does  himseJf  very  little  credit  by  the  course  which  he  takes  in  rela 
tion  to  it.     The  whole  affair  had  too  much  the  appearance  of  a  cor 


352  ORATION    IN   FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

QCJ  rupt  jobbing-transaction,  a  mere  matter  of  bargain  and  sale,  and  the 
precedent  would  have  been  a  dangerous  one  for  the  interests  of  the 
Btate,  and  the  purity  of  legislation.  Gabinius  was,  in  fact,  a  man  or 
infamous  character ;  and  it  is  amusing  to  see,  how  clear-sighted 
Cicero  subsequently  became,  respecting  the  merits  and  standing  of 
this  individual.  In  the  speech  delivered  by  the  Roman  orator  be- 
fore the  senate,  after  his  return  from  banishment,  he  paints  the  char- 
acter of  Gabinius  in  the  strongest  and  most  revolting  colours.  He 
describes  him  as  a  man  polluted  by  every  excess  ;  as  one,  whose 
only  refuge  from  imprisonment,  for  numerous  debts,  was  the  inviola- 
bility of  his  person  as  tribune.  He  alludes  also  to  the  law  which 
this  same  Gabinius  had  procured,  respecting  the  appointment  of 
Pompey  against  the  pirates,  and  then  adds,  that  had  he  not  caused 
this  law  to  be  passed,  his  own  necessities  would,  Jiave  driven  him  to 
turn  pirate  himself!  And  yet  this  is  the  very  man,  whom  Cicero, 
certainly  with  a  full  knowledge  of  his  character,  recommends  to  the 
notice  and  approbation  of  his  countrymen  ! 

QQ  1.  Ceteri.  "  Your  other  commanders." — Ad  expilandos  soeios, 
&c.  Cicero  knew  perfectly  well,  notwithstanding  all  that  he  says 
here,  that  Gabinius,  if  an  opportunity  should  offer,  would  do  the 
very  same  things  which  are  here  condemned. 

2.  Ipse.     Referring  to  Gabinius. — Constilutaest.     "  Have  been 
placed  on  a  sure  basis." 

3.  Qtii  consilio  ipsius,  &c.     "  Who  have  been  called  into  action 
by  his  own  counsels,  and  at  his  own  individual  risk."     Literally  : 
"  who  have  been  appointed,"   or  "  set  on  foot." — Periculo.     Be- 
cause, if  any  thing  adverse  should  befall   Pompey,  the  blame  would 
fall  on  Gabinius. 

4.  Honoris  causa.      "  With  the   utmost    respect."      Honons 
causa  more  frequently  means,  "  out  of  respect,"  and  is  then  equiv- 
alent to  honor andi  causa. 

5.  Anno  proximo.     No  one,  who  had  been  a  tribune  of  the  com- 
mons, could  fill  the  office  of  lieutenant  under  a  general  appointed 
to  a  command  during  the  magistracy  of  the  former,  until  a  year  had 
elapsed  since  the  period  of  his  retiring  from   the  tribuneship.     The 
object  of  this  regulation  was  to  prevent  bribery  and  intrigue.     Ci 
cero,  however,  cites  some  instances  here  of  a  violation  of  this  rule, 
and  of  ex-tribunes  having  been  appointed  lieutenants  the  very  next 
year  after  they  had  laid  down  their  tribuneships. 

6.  In  hoc  uno  Gabinio,  &c.     "  Are  people  so  active  with  their 
opposition  in  the  case  of  this  Gabinius  alone,  who,  as  far  as  regards 
this  war,  which  is  waged  in  accordance  with  a  law  of  his  own  pro- 
posing ,  as  far  as  regards   this   commander  and  army,  whom  he 


THE   MANILIAN  LAW  353 

•_  ..,  .   .  Page, 

himself  has  called  into  action  through  your  suffrages,  ought  to  enjoy  C)rt 
even  an  'especial  right  of  being  appointed,"  i.  e.  ought  to  be  pre- 
ferred to  all  other  applicants. — From  the  language  of  Plutarch,  and 
the  provisions  of  the  Gabinian  law,  it  would  appear  that  Pompey 
had  the  right  to  select  his  own  lieutenants.  If  so,  the  opposition  to 
Gabinius  must  have  been  grounded  on  the  previously  existing 
Aebutian  law,  and  the  infamy  of  his  private  character  must  have 
made  this  opposition  the  more  formidable.  The  Aebutian,  which 
appears  to  have  been  the  same  with  the  Licinian  law,  forbade  the 
proposer  of  a  law,  concerning  any  charge  or  power,  assuming  that 
charge  or  power,  or  deriving  any  advantage  from  it.  The  same 
prohibition  was  extended  also  to  his  colleagues,  relations,  &c.  The 
principle  on  which  this  law  was  founded,  is  very  neatly  stated  by 
Cicero,  (Agr.  2,  8,  in  Rull.) :  "  Etenim,  si  populo  consulis, 
remove  le  a  suspicione  alicujus  tui  commodi  :  fac  fidem,  te  nihil, 
nisi  populi  utilitatcm  et  fructum  quaerere :  sine  ad  alias  potcsta- 
tem,  ad  te  gratiam  beneficii  tui  pervenire." 

7.  Per  vos  ipse.     Gruter  first  proposed  this  reading  from  two 
MSS.,  and  it  has  been  adopted  by  Graevius,  Beck,  Schutz,  and 
many  other  editors.     Ernesti,  however,  retains  the  common  lection, 
-per  se  ipse,  making  per  se  refer  to  the  law  which  Gabinius  proposed 
and  exerted  himself  to  have  passed.     He  doubts  the  latinity  of  per 
vos  in  conjunction  with  ipse ;  but  this  is,  in  fact,  the  very  language 
required  by  the  occasion,  ipse  referring  to  the  individual  exertions 
of  Gabinius,  and  per  vos  to  their  being  crowned  with  success  by 
he  suffrages  of  the  people. 

8.  De  quo  legando,  &c.     "  I  hope  the  consuls  will  consult  the 
senate  relative  to  his  appointment  as  lieutenant,"   i.  e.  will  lay  the 
whole  matter  before  them,  and  get  that  body  to  interpose  their 
authority  and  sanction  the  appointment.     The  consuls  of  this  year 
were  Lepidus  and   Volcatius   Tullus.     (Consult    Sigonius,  Fast 
Com.  p.  480,  ed  Oxon.) 

9.  Ant  gravabuntur.     "  Or  shall  raise  any  difficulties."     Gra- 
vari  is  here  used  in  a  deponent  sense. 

10.  Ego  memet  profiteer  relaturum.     "  I  openly  declare  that  I 
myself  will  my  the  matter  before  them."     In  place  of  the  common 
reading  me,  we  have  given  memet  on  the  suggestion  of  Goerenz, 
ad  Cic.  Acad.  2,  16, — Nothing  could  be   laid   before  the  senate 
against  the  will  of  the  consuls.     The  praetors,  of  which  class  of 
magistrates  Cicero  was  at  this  time  a  member,  could  only  convene 
the  senate  when  the  consuls  were  absent  from  the  city,  and  could 
at  these  times  only  lay  such  matters  before  them  as  they  pleased. 
It  will  be  perceived,  therefore,  that  the  language  of  Cicero,  on  the 

30* 


354  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

C)Q  present  occasion,  partakes  of  the  nature  of  a  mere  boast,  and  is 
intended  to  conciliate  the  favour  of  the  multitude.  He  declares, 
that,  if  the  consuls  hold  back,  he  himself  will  make  the  requisite 
application  to  the  senate,  in  spite  of  them  and  of  any  inimicum 
edictum  which  they  make  in  order  to  stop  him  ;  and  that  nothing 
short  of  the  intercession  of  the  tribunes  would  keep  him.back.  He 
knew  very  well,  however,  that  the  consuls  had  the  power  to  re- 
strain him. 

11.  Inimicum  edictum.      "The  unfriendly  edict,"    i.  e.  on  the 
part  of  the  consuls,  and  aimed  at  his  intended  motion  in  the  senate. 
— Y^strumjus  beneficiumque.     "The  right  and  the  favour  which 
you  have  conferred."     The  Gabinian  law  gave  Pompey  the  right  ol 
selecting  his  own  lieutenants.     (Consult  note  20,  page  89.)     By 
beneficium  is  meant  the  mark  of  favour  which  the  granting  of  this 
right  implied. 

1 2.  "Procter  intercessionem.     "  Short  of  intercession,"  i.e.  the 
tribunitian  veto. — De  qua.     Referring  to  this  intercession. — Quid 
liceat  consider  abunt.     "  Will  do  well   to  consider,   how  far  their 
power  may  extend,"  i.  e.  will  take  care,  if  they  value  their  own 
tranquillity,  not  to  exceed  the  power  vested  in  them'  by  the  laws. 

13.  Socius  adscribitur.     "  Is  a  fit  person  to  be  added  as  a  com 
panion  in   arms   to   Pompey.      Adscribitur  is  here   equivalent  to 
dignus  est  qui  adscribatur. 

14.  Alter.      Referring   to    Gabinius. —  Uni.     "To  a  particular 
commander.1' — -Alter.      "  That  commander."      Literally,    "  the 
other." 

15.  Ut  dicendum  esse   videalur.     Cicero  appears  to  adopt  this 
phraseology,  on  purpose  here,  as  if  the  arguments  of  Catulus,  on 
the  present  occasion,  seemed  to  him  too  weak  to  require  a  formal 
and  laboured  refutation. 

16.  Si  in  un.o  Cn.  Pompcio,  &c.     "  In  what  person,  if  you  made 
.all  your  expectations  centre  inCneius  Pompeius,  you  were  going  to 

place  any  hope,  in  case  aught  should  befall  him."  The  expression 
st  quid  de  eo  factum  esset,  is  an  euphemism,  for  "  in  case  he  should 
die."  The  direct  mention  of  death  is  omitted  as  ill-omened.  We 
have  restored  de  eo,  the  old  reading,  with  Heumannus,  Matthiae,  and 
others.  The  lection  adopted  by  most  editors,  from  the  time  of 
Lambinus,  is  si  quid  ed  factum  esset,  omitting  de. 

17.  Cepit  magnum,  &c.     "Reaped  the  rich  harvest  of  his  own 
virtues  and  high-standing." — In  ipso.     "  In  himself."     The  anec 
dote  here  alluded  to  is  a  very  pleasing  one.     In  an  oration  to  the 
people,  during  the  discussion  on    the  Gabinian  law,  Catulus  asked 
them,  whom  they  would  have   to   supply    Pompcy's   place,  in  case 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  355 

Page. 

that  individual  should  be  cut  off?  The  people  exclaimed  with  QQ 
almost  one  accord,  "  Te,  Quinte  Catule."  "  You,  Quintus  Catu- 
lus."  »And  thus  the  Roman  people,  as  Valerius  Maximus  remarks, 
made  Catulus  the  equal  of  Pompey  and  of  all  his  glory.  ( Vol. 
Max.  8,  15,  9.)  Catulus,  it  seems,  according  to  Plutarch's  account, 
was  arguing  against  the  propriety  of  investing  Pompey  with  the 
command  in  the  piratical  war,  on  the  ground  that  the  people  ought 
to  spare  him,  and  not  to  expose  such  a  man  to  so  many  dangers. 
(Vit.  Pomp.  c.  25.)^The  common  text  has  in  eo  ipso.  But  sev- 
eral MSS.  omit  eo,  and  besides,  as  Lambinus  and  Matthiae  correctly 
remark,  it  would  refer  to  Pompey,  not  to  Catulus.  It  is  rejected 
in  consequence,  by  Lambinus,  Weiske,  and  Matthiae,  and  enclosed 
within  brackets  by  Orellius. 

18.  Talis  est  vir,  &c.     This   praise  was  as  richly  deserved  by 
Catulus,  as  Cicero  seems  to  have   been   sincere   hi  bestowing  it. 
Compare  de  Off.  1,  22  :  "  Mi  hi  quidem  neque,  pueris  nobis,  M. 
Scaurus    C.  Mario,  neque,  cum  versaremur  in  republica,  Q.  Ca- 
tulus Cn.  Pompeio  cedere  videbatur." 

19.  Et  consuio  regere,  &c.     "  Both  direct  by  his  counsels,  and 
support  by  his  integrity,  and  accomplish  by  his  valour." 

1.  Vehementissime  dissentio.     Compare  note  15,  page  90. — Quo  Q^ 
minus  certa,  &c.  "  The  more  uncertain  and  brief  that  human  life  is." 

— Frui  summi  hominis,  &c.  "  To  avail  itself  of  the  days  and  talents 
of  a  distinguished  individual."  More  freely,  "to  avail  itself  of  the 
talents  of  a  great  man,  as  long  as  his  life  is  spared  to  his  country." 

2.  At-  enim,  &c.     The  elliptical  use  of  ~nt  enim  here,  may  best 
be  explained  by  a  paraphrase  :  "  But,  remarks   Catulus,  this  whole 
proceeding  is  an  improper  one,  for  let  no  innovation  be  made,  con- 
trary to  the  precedents  and  institutions  of  our  fathers." — Cicero 
proceeds  to  meet  an  objection  urged  by  Catulus,  that  it  was  not 
right  for  the  state  to  be  dependant  upon,  and  to  have  all  its  hopes 
centred  in,  a  single  individual.      He  cites,  in  opposition  to  this 
doctrine,  the  examples  of  Scipio  the  younger,  and  Marius. 

3.  Non  dico  hoc  loco,  &c.     "  I  urge  not  in  reply  here,  that  our 
fathers  always  consulted  in  peace  established  usage,  in  war  utility , 
that  they  always  adapted  new  plans  to  new  emergencies."     Novo- 
rum  consiliorum  rationes,  literally,  "the  plans  of  new  counsels,"  i.  e. 
new  plans  which  had  been  made  the  subject  of  previous  deliberation. 

4.  Non  dicam,  &e.     "  I  will  not  tell,  how  two  very  important 
wars,"  &c.     Cicero  will  not  dwell  on  these  points,  or  make  any 
formal  reply.     It  is  sufficient  merely  to  glance  at  them. — Pumcvm. 
The  third  Punic  viax.^-Hispaniense.     The  war  with  Nnmantia. 

5.  Una  imperatore.     The  younger  Scipio. 


356  ORATION   IN   FAVOUR  OF 

Pago 

Q  J  6.  Non  commemoralo,  &c.  "I  will  not  remind  you,  that,  but  • 
few  years  ago,  this  course  appeared  a  proper  one  to  you  and  your 
fathers,  that  the  hopes  of  the  empire  should  be  made  to  centre  in 
the  single  person  of  Caius  Marius  ;  that  this  same  individual,"  &c. 

7.  In  ipiio  Cn.  Pompeio,  &c.  "  Recall  to  your  own  recollections, 
how  many  things  of  a  novel  nature  have  been  done  by  you,  with  the 
full  approbation  of  Quintus  Catulus,  in  the  case  of  that  same  Cneius 
Pompeius,  with  regard  to  whom  Quintus  Catulus  now  wishes  no- 
thing of  a  novel  nature  to  be  adopted,"  i.  e.  how  many  innovations 
on  established  usage,  &c.  These  are  enumerated  immediately  after. 

8.  Summa   Q.  Catuli  volunlale.     This  is  the  very  neat  emenda- 
tion of  Graevius  from  one  of  his  MSS.     The  old  reading  was  sum- 
maque  Catuli  voluntate.     The  praenomen  Q.  is  often  changed,  in 
the  MSS.,  into  the  conjunction  que.     The  connective  is  not  wanted 
here. 

9.  Enim.     Referring  to  what  immediately  precedes,  (quam  multa 
sint  nova,,  &c.,)  and  therefore  very  unnecessarily  bracketed  by  some 
editors. 

10.  Adolescentulum.     Pompey  was,  at  the  time  here  alluded  to, 
in  the  twenty-third  year -of  his  age.     Compare  note  8,  page  80. — 
Privatum.     "  Holding  no  official  station." 

11.  Conficere.     "  To  levy."     More  literally,  "  to  get  together." 
The  allusion  in  the  text  is  to  Pompey's  levying  an  army,  and  march- 
ing with  it  to  the  aid  of  Sylla.     Compare  note  8,  page  80. 

12.  Optime.     "  Most  successfully." — Ductu  suo.     "  Under  hit» 
own  guidance,"  i.  e.  in  person.     When  a  Roman  commander  per- 
formed any  thing  in  person,  he  was  said  to  do  it  duclu,  or  auspicio 
suo. 

13.  Cujus  a  sanatoria  gradu,  &c.     The  senatorial  age  appears 
to  have  been  about  thirty-two.     (Consult  the  remarks  of  Ernesti, 
Ind.  Leg.  s.  v.  Annales.)    That  is,  the  age  for  enjoying  the  quaes- 
torship  was  about  thirty-one,  and,  after  having  held  this  office,  a 
person  was  eligible  into  the  senate.     Pompey,  therefore,  was  about 
eight  years  under  the  senatorial  age. — Plutarch  informs  us  that 
Pompey,  at  the  time  alluded  to  by  Cicero,  might  have  easily,  as  a 
matter  of  favour,  been  admitted  to  the  senate,  but  that  his  ambition 
was  to  pursue  honour  in  a  more  uncommon  track,  and  to  triumph 
before  he  was  a  senator.     (Vit.  Pomp.  c.  14.) 

14.  Confecit.     "He  terminated. "—Deportavit.     "He    brought 
home."     Departure  properly  denotes,  "  to  remove,"  or  "  transfer, 
from  one  place  to  another,"  as,  in  the  present  instance,  from  Africa 
»  Italy. 

15.  Equitem  Romanum  triumphare.     Plutarch  states,  that  Svlla 


THE  MANILIAN  LAW.  357 

Page. 

at  first  opposed  Pompey's  demand  for  a  triumph,  on  this  occasion,  0 1 
alleging  that  he  was  too  young,  and  not  yet  of  an  age  to  be  admit- 
ted into  the  senate.  Pompey,  not  in  the  least  intimidated,  bade  Sylla 
consider,  "  that  more  worshipped  the  rising  than  the  setting  sun," 
intimating  that  his  own  power  was  increasing,  while  that  of  Sylla 
was  on  the  decline.  Sylla  did  not  distinctly  hear  what  he  said,  but 
perceiving  by  the  looks  and  gestures  of  those  present,  that  they  were 
struck  by  what  Pompey  had  uttered,  he  asked  what  it  was,  and, 
when  he  was  informed,  in  admiration  of  Pompey's  spirit,  he  cried 
out :  "  let  him  triumph,"  "  let  him  triumph-." 

16.  At  earn  quoque  rem,  &c.  In  Cicero's  account  of  this  triumph, 
no  mention,  whatever,  is  made  of  any  decree  of  the  senate,  or  order 
of  the  people  to  that  effect.     The  reason  is  this  :  Sylla,  being  dicta- 
tor, held  all  the  power  of  the  state  in  his  own  hands,  and  awarded 
public  honours  without  consulting  either  senate  or  people. 

17.  Duo  consules.     D.  Junius  Brutus  and  M.  Aemilius  Lepidus,' 
A.  U.  C.  676. — Bellum  maximum,  &c.  The  war  against  Sertorius. 

1.  Nonnemo.     "  An  individual."     The  student  will  note  the  dif-  C)^ 
ference  between  nonnemo  and  nemo  non  ;  the  former  being  equiva- 
lent to  aliquis,  the  latter  to  omnes. 

2.  Pro  consule.     "  In  place  of  a  consul,"  i.  e.  with  proconsular 
power.     The  expression  pro  consule,  or  proconsul,  was  applied, 
among  the  Romans,  not  merely  to  one,  who,  after  having  filled  the 
consulship,  was  sent  out,  the  next  year,  to  govern  a  province  or 
execute  some  particular  charge,  but,  as  in  the  present  instance,  to 
one  sent  out  in  place  of  a  consul. 

3.  L.   Philippus.     A  senator  of  great  influence   and  weight  of 
character. — Pro  consulibus.     Intimating,  by  this  peculiar  turn  of 
expression,  his  opinion  of  the  incapacity  of  both  trie  consuls  for  that 
year.  The  consuls  were  M.  Lepidus  and  Q.  Catulus  ;  A.  U.  C.  675. 

4.  Legibus  solutus.     The  laws  here  referred  to  were  the  Lex 
Villia,  and  two  of  the  Leges  Corneliae.   They  were  often  called  by 
a  general  term  Leges  Annales,  from  then-  fixing  the  ages  for  holding 
the  different  offices  in  the  state.      Thus,  the  quaestorship  could  not 
be  enjoyed  until  one  had  reached  the  age  of  31  years,  the  aedileship 
37,  praetorship  40,  and  consulship  43.     Such,  at  least,  was  the  rule 
in  Cicero's  time.      (Ernesti,  Index  Legum,  s.  v.  Annales.)    Now, 
Pompey  was  elected  consul  before  he  was  full  36  years  old,  that  is, 
before  he  was  of  sufficient  age  to  obtain  the  aedileship,  which  was 
the  first  office  properly  called  magistratus,   although  that  title  is 
often  applied  also  to  the  quaestorship  and  tribuneship. — Ferratius 
explains  the  words  ante  quam  ullum  alium  magistratum;  &c.,  in  a 
different  manner.      He  supposes,  that  there  was  either  an  old  law, 


358  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 

Page. 

C)^  revived  by  Sylla,  or  else  a  new  one  passed  by  him,  wliich  enacted, 
that  no  one  who  had  not  filled  the  office  of  quaestor,  could  be  a  can- 
didate for  any  other  and  higher  office  ;  and  that,  as  Pompey  had 
never  been  quaestor,  he  was,  of  course,  legally  excluded  from  the 
consulship.  Cicero's  words,  however,  by  no  means  favour  this 
interpretation.  What,  in  such  an  event,  becomes  of  ante  quam  1 

5.  Iterum.     Alluding  to   Pompey's  second   triumph,  which  waa 
granted  him  for  his  successes  over  the  remains  of  the  army  of  Ser- 
torius,  in  Spain,  after  the  death  of  that  commander. 

6.  Ex  senatusconsulto.     Sylla  had   overthrown  the  tribunitian 
power,  and,  in  consequence  of  this,  the  whole  administration  of  tha 
state,  for  some  time  after  his  death,  centred  in  the  senate.     Hence, 
at  the  period  referred  to  in  the  text,  this  order,  and  not  the  people, 
had  the  right  of  granting  a  triumph. 

7.  Quae  in  omnibus  hominibus,  &c.     "  Whatever  precedents  oi 
a  novel  nature  have  been  established  in  the  case  of  all  men,  within 
human  remembrance,"  &c. 

8.  Profecta  sunt  in  eundem  hominem,  &c.     "  Have  taken  their 
rise,  for  the  same  individual,  from  the  express  recommendation  of 
Quintus   Catulus,"  &c.,  i.  e.  have  been  established  in  favour  of 
Pompey  by  the  very  recommendation  of  Catulus,  &c. 

9.  De  Cn.  Pompeii  dignitate.     "  Concerning  the  elevation  of 
Cneius  Pompeius,"  i.  e.  his  advancement  in  the  state,  and  to  public 
and  unusual  honours. 

10.  Dissentiant.     We  have  adopted  Ernesti's  conjecture.     The 
ommon  text  has  dissentiunt. — lisdem  istis  redamantibus.     Hor- 

tensius,  Catulus,  and  other  senators,  had  likewise  opposed  the  Gabi- 
nian  law.  We  give  iisdem  before  istis,  with  Matthiae  and  Orellius, 
from  several  MSS.  It  does  no;  appear  in  the  common  text. 

11.  Temere.     "Rashly." — Studia  vestra  suts  consiliis  regerc, 
"  To  regulate  your  wishes  by  their  counsels,"  i.  e.  to  interpose  their 
authority  and  advice,  and  prevent  you  from  blindly  following  the 

7,  mere  impulse  of  feeling,  and  from  listening  to  the  dictates  of  per- 
sonal attachment,  when  these  are  in  opposition  to  the  public  good. 

12.  Sin  autem  vos,  &c.  "  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  you  saw  more 
clearly,  on  that  occasion,  than  they  did,  what  was  for  the  interest  ol 
the  state  ;  if  you,  notwithstanding  their  opposition,  did,  by  your  own 
unaided  efforts,  bestow  dignity  upon  this  empire,  and  safety  upon 
the  world  ;  let  those  leaders  of  the  senate  at  length  acknowledge, 
that  both  they,  and  the  rest  of  their  order,  must  yield  obedience  to 
the  recommendation  of  the  Roman  people  at  large,"  i.  e.  must  not 
oppose  the  advancement  of  that  individual,  whom  the  Roman  people, 
with  one  voice,  recommend  as  worthy  of  the  highest  honours. 


THE   MAMLIAN   LA      .  359 

Page. 

13.  In  republic*.     Literally,  "in  what  concerned  the  republic."  Qg 
— Per  vosmet  ipsos.    The  allusion  is  to  the  suffrages  of  the  people, 

as  unbiassed  by  the  high  standing  of  those  who  opposed  the  Gabinian 
law,  and  in  opposition  to  their  advice. — Itti  principcs.  "  Let  those 
leaders  of  the  senate." 

14.  Militaris  ilia  virtus,  &c.      "  That  military  talent,  which 
exists  in  a  singular  degree  in  Cneius  Pompeius." — Virtutes  animi. 
"  Qualities  of  mind." 

15.  Interiorum  nationum.     "  Of  the  more  inland  nations,"  i.  e. 
of  the  nations  that  are  removed  from  the  shores  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, and  do  not,  like   the   countries  just  named,  border  upon 
them. 

16.  Ita  versari  vestrum  imperatorem,  &c.     "  For  a  commander 
of  yours  to  be  so  employed,  as  to  think  of  nothing  but  the  foe  and 
renown.''    Cicero  means,  that,  in  countries  at  a  distance  from  Italy, 
and  from  which,  of  course,  complaints  could  less  easily  be  brought 
to  Rome,  the  temptation  was  a  very  strong  one  for  Roman  com 
manders  to  abuse  their  power,  and  turn  their  thoughts  from  the  path 
of  duty  to  views  of  self  interest  and  the  indulgence  of  a  rapacious 
spirit. 

1.  Si  qui  sunt,  &c.     "  If  there  be  any  held  under  more  restraint  QJJ 
than  others,  by  a  sense  of  shame  and  a  habit  of  self-control,  no  one 
thinks  that  they  are  really  such,  in  consequence  of  the  vast  number 

of  the  rapacious,"  i.  e.  no  one  gives  them  credit  for  being  sincere. 
A  rapacious  spirit  is  so  sure  a  mark  of  a  Roman  commander,  that, 
when  one  is  found  without  it,  he  is  merely  thought  to  be  acting  an 
insincere  part,  and  laying  claim  to  a  purity  and  disinterestedness 
which  he  does  not- really  possess. 

2.  Quos  ad  eas,  &c.     Alluding  particularly  to  Glabrio,  but  ap- 
plicable in  fact  to  the  conduct  of  almost  all  the  Roman  proconsuls 
and  governors  of  provinces,  at  this  particular  period. 

3.  Injurias  ac  libidines.  "  The  oppressive  conduct  and  libidinous 
excesses." 

4.  Quod  enim  fanum,  &c.     "For  what  temple,  think  you,  in 
those  lands,  has  preserved  its  religious  character  in  the  eyes  of  our 
magistrates  ;  what  city  has  been  held  sacred  by  them  ;  what  private 
dwelling  has  been  sufficiently  closed  upon,  and  defended  against, 
their  violence  1" 

5.  Requiruntur.    "  Are  sought  for." — Quibus  causa  belli  inferd- 
tur.     "  Against  which  some  pretext  for  war  may  be  alleged." 

6.  Libentcr  haec  coram,  &c.     "  Willingly  would  I  enter  upon  an 
open  discussion  of  these  topics,"  &c. — Querimonias  audiunt.  Espe- 
cially Ilortensius,  in  his  professional  capacity. 


360  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF 


7.  Hostium  simulatione.     "  Under  the  pretence  of  acting  agttinst 
enemies,  but  in  reality  against  allies  and  friends." 

8.  Quae  non  modo  imperatoris,  Sec.     "  That  can  satisfy  the 
grasping  avidity,  and  the  insolent  pretensions,  not  merely  of  a  com- 
mander, or  a  lieutenant,  but  of  a  single  tribune  of  the  soldiers  ?"— 
There  were  six  military  tribunes  (tribuni  militum)  in  every  legion, 
and  they  had  each  the  charge  of  ten  centuries. 

9.  Collatis  signis.  "  When  an  engagement  takes  place." — Signa 
infcrre,  "  to  advance  against  the  foe  ;"  conferre,  "  to  engage  ;"  con- 
vertere,  "  to  face  about ;"  referre,  "  to  retreat,"  &c. 

10.  Nisi  erit  idem.     "Unless  he  shall  also  be  one." — Ab  auro 
gazaque  regia.     "  From  the  gold  and  the  treasures  of  kings." 

11.  Ecquam  putatis,  &c.     "Think  you  that  any  state  has  been 
subdued  by  our  commanders,  and  still  remains  opulent ;  that  there 
is  any  one  still  opulent,  which  appears  to  them  to  be  as  yet  com- 
pletely subdued  1"  i.  e.  complete  subjugation  to  the  Roman  arms 
only  begins  where  every  thing  like  opulence  ends.     As  long  as 
wealth  remains,  so  long  will  the  commanders  of  Rome  consider  a 
state  hostile,  and  make  this  a  pretext  for  plunder. 

12.  Videbat  enim,  &c.     "  For  it  saw  that  the  Roman  people  at 
large  were  not  enriched  from  year  to  year  by  the  public  money,  but 
only  a  few  individuals."      Videbat  refers  to  'ora  maritima. — The 
old  editions  have  populus  Romanus,  which  is  approved  of  by  Grono- 
vius  (de  Pec.  vet.  4,  4)  and  retained  by  Graevius.     Gruter  and 
others,  however,  give  praetorcs  locupletari,  omitting  the  negative. 
The  reading  praetores,  in  place  of  populus  Romanus,  arose  very 
probably  from  the  abridged  mode  of  writing  the  latter,  in  the  MSS., 
namely,  P.  R.  or  Po.  Ro.     The  true  lection  is  the  one  we  have 
adopted,  and  which  is  also  given  by  Ernesti,  in  accordance  with  the 
opinion  of  Hotomannus  and  Lambinus. 

13.  Praeter  paucos.     Literally,  "  except  a  few." 

14.  Classium  nomine,  &c.     The  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed 
is  this,  that  all  the  advantage  the  Romans  gained  by  the  empty  name 
of  a  fleet,  was  only  an  increase  of  disgrace  from  repeated  losses. 

15.  Qua   cupiditate.     "  With  what  rapacious  views." — Quibus 
jtuturis.  "  After  what  heavy  bribery,  and  under  what  engagements." 
JSyjacturae  are  here  meant  the  bribes  given  to  those  in  office,  and 
to  influential  individuals  out  of  office,  and  also  to  different  persons 
throughout  the  tribes,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  some  foreign 
command.  The  only  way  the  individual  had  of  re-imbursing  himself 
for  these  heavy  expenditures  was  by  plundering  and  despoiling  his 
province.     (Gronov.  de  Pec.  vet.  4,  4  ) — Ernesti  (Clav.   Cic.  s.  v.) 
makes   condilio  equivalent  here  to  largitio,  an  actual  largess  01 


THE  MANIL1AN  LAW.  361 

__ji_j  Pago, 

present.     It  refers  rather  to  a  bargain  or  agreement,  to  be  fulfilled  Q^{ 
at  some  future  period,  and  for  the  performance  of  which  regular 
security  is  given;  or,  as  Gronovius  (1.  c.)  explains  it:  "pactio, 
cautionibus  et  syngraphis  facta." 

1.  Cum  suis  virtutibus,  &c.     "As  well  by  his  own  virtues,  as  Q,| 
by  the  contrast  also  of  the  vices  of  others." 

2.  Quare  nolite,  &c.     "  Do  not  then  hesitate  to  entrust,"  &c. 

3.  Inter  annos  tot.     "  For  so  many  years."     Equivalent  to  pet 
tot  annos.      Compare  the  explanation  of  Ernesti :  "  Inter  tot  annog 
est  per  tot  annos,  quod  est  et  in  Orat.  Quintiana,  nee  esse  debet  lati- 
nis  auribus  insolens  ut  Graevio  visum  est." — Schottus  conjectured 
inter  tot  with  an  ellipsis  of  imperatores,  throwing  out,  at  the  same 
time,  annos  from  the  text.     This  conjecture  meets  with  the  appro- 
bation of  Graevius  ;  but  the  ellipsis  is  a  very  harsh  one,  and  is  justly 
condemned  by  Ernesti. 

4.  Quod  si  auctoritatibus,  &c.     "  But  if  you  think  that  this  step 
needs  to  be  supported  by  authorities,  you  have,  as  an  adviser  of  the 
measure,  Publius  Servilius,"  &c.     The  individual  here  meant  was 
P.  Servilius  Isauricus,  who  had  been  consul  A.  U.  C.  674.     He 
was  sent  againsv  the  pirates  after ,the  defeat  of  the  praetor  Antonius, 
and  was  successful  in  several  engagements  with  them.     For  his 
victories  over  the  Isauri,  a  mountaineer  race  of  Pisidia,  he  obtained 
the  cognomen  of  Isauricus.     Servilius  had  spoken  before  Cicero  in 
favour  of  the  law. 

5  Debello.  "On  any  thing  relating  to  war." — -Auctor vobis, 
<Stc.  "  No  one  ought  to  be  regarded  by  you  as  weightier  authority." 

6.  C.  Curio.  C.  Scribonius  Curio,  who  had  enjoyed  the  consul- 
ship, A.  U.  C.  677.  His  colleague  was  Cn.  Octavius. — Summis 
restris  beneficiis,  &c.  "  Distinguished  by  your  signal  favours,  and 
liis  own  very  illustrious  exploits,  his  distinguished  abilities  and  wis- 
dom." Consult  Historical  Index. 

-  7.  Cn.  Lentulus.  Cn.  Lentulus  Clodianus,  consul  A.  U.  C.  681. 
— In  quo  omnes,  &c.  "  In  whom  you  all  know  the  highest  wisdom, 
the  most  solid  merit  to  exist,  in  full  accordance  with  the  verv  ainplw 
honours  which  he  has  received  at  your  hands." 

8.  C.  Casstus.     C.  Cassius  Varus,  consul  A.  U.  C.  680. 

9.  Quare  mdete,  &c.     "  See  then,  whether  we  appear  to  have  it 
in  our  power,  to  reply  by  means  of  these  authorities  to  the  remarks 
of  those  who  differ  in  opinion  from  us."     The  whole  sentence  ia 
ironical,  and  had  editors  generally  borne  this  in  mind,  the  difficulty 
under  which  they  have  laboured,  as  regards  the  true  reading,  would 
never  have  occurred.     Gruter  has  given,  for  example,  videte,  ut '  • 
mdcamur,  from  some  MSS.  and  early  editions,  which  Ernesti 

31 


362  ORATION   IN  FAVOUR  OF       ' 

Page. 

Q^J  condemns  very  properly,  but  cannot  at  the  same  time  see  much  to 

be  pleased  with  in  videte,  num videamur,  on  account  of  the 

negative  sense,  which  it  appe,ars  to  him  to  contain  in  common  with 
Gruters  reading,  as  if  it  implied  that  the  advocates  of  the  law  were 
not  able  to  answer  their  opponents.  The  truth  is,  he  does  not  see 
the  ironical  meaning  of  Cicero's  words  and  the  idea  in  fact  conveyed 
by  them,  that  the  favourers  of  the  law  are  fully  able  to  reply.  Com- 
pare the  explanation  of  Schiitz  :  "  Sensus  est  cum  ironia :  cogi- 
tate, quaeso,  num  horum  auctoritates  recte  illis  opponere  posse  vide- 
amur-j  h.  e.  sine  dubio  possumus."  The  reading  we  have  adopted 
appears  in  some  of  the  MSS.,  and  early  editions. 

10.  Islam  tuam   et   legem,  &c.     "  Both  that  law,  and  purposo, 
and  opinion  of  thine." — Volimtas.     The  wish  to  have  Pompey  sent 
to  the  war. — Sententia.     The  high  opinion  which  he  entertains  of 
that  commander's  fitness  for  the  present  emergency. 

11.  Auclore  Populo  Romano.  "  Since  you  have  the  Roman  people 
on  your  side."      Auctor  is  used  here  somewhat  in  the  sense  of  de- 
fensor.     Compare  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  a.  v.  §  10  :    "  Defensor  qui 
cunque,  qui  alicujus  rem  causamque  gerit." 

12.  Perseverantiae.      This  is  the  reading  brought  in  by  Gruter, 
N  from  MSS.      The  earlier  lection  was  constantiae. 

13.  Quantam  nunc   iterum,    &c.     Most  MSS.,  and  all  the  edi- 
tions before  that  of  Graevius,  together  with  that  of  Olivet,  subsequent 

to  his,  have  quantum  non  iterum vidimus  ;   which  makes 

no  good  meaning  at  all,  or  to  adopt  the  more  concise  language  of 
Ernesti,  "  sine  sensu  est."      Our  present  reading  was  first  given  by 
Graevius,  from  good  MSS.,  and  has  since  his  time  been  very  gener- 
ally adopted,  the   only  remarkable  instance  of  deviation  from  it  be- 
ing in   the  case  of  Olivet.     Graevius  observed,  that,  in  one  of  his 
MSS.,   the   words  from   quantum   to  videmus  were  omitted,  from 
which  circumstance  he  was  induced  to  think  that  perhaps,  after  all, 
they  were  a  mere  interpolation.       ^4-  :, 

14.  In  eodem  homine  praefaiendo.     "  In  appointing  the  same  in- 
dividual to  a  command." 

15.  Quid  est,  qttod,  &c.     "Why  should  we  doubt  either  of  the 
propriety  of  what  we   are   seeking  to  obtain,  or   of  our  means  of 
obtaining  it,"  L    e.   why  should  we   doubt   either  the  justice  01 
success  of  our  proposition. — De  re.     Literally,  "  about  the  thing  it- 
self." 

16.  Studii,  consilii,  &c.    "  Of  zeal,  of  experience,  of  application, 
of  talent."  .,   »•    - 

17.  Hoc  lie.nefaio  -populi  Romani.     "  By  means  of  this  kindness 
on  the  part  of  the  Roman  people  towards  me,  and  (his  authority  as 


THE  MAMLIAN  LAW.  363 

Page. 

praetor  which  I  at  present  enjoy."     Beneficio  refers  to  what  immcdi-  94 
ately  follows,  his  having  been  elected,  namely,  to  the  office  of  praetor. 

18.  Qui   huic  loco,   &c.     •'  Who  preside  over  this  spot,  and  the 
consecrated  place  where  I  am  now  standing."      By  loco  is  meant 
the  forum,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  which  were  many  temples, 
such  as  those  of  Jove,  Castor,  Concord,  &c. — The  term  templo  re- 
fers  to  the  rostra,   from  which  Cicero  was  speaking.     Among  the 
.Romans,  every  place  consecrated  by  the  augurs,  was  entitled  to  the 
appellation  of  templum.      (  Varro,  L.  L.  6,   2.)     Compare   Cic.  in 
Vatin.  c.  10  :  "  In  rostris,  in  illo,  inqumm,  inaugurate  templo  ac  loco." 
So  also  Livy,  8,  14  :    "  Rostraque  id  templum  appellatum." 

19.  Qui  ad  rempuhlicam  adeunt.     "  Who  take  part  in  public 
affairs." 

20.  Neqve  quo  Cn.  Pompeii  gratiam,  &c.      As  Cicero  was  now 
in  the  full  career  of  his  fortunes,  and  .in  sight,  as  it  were,  of  the 
consulship,  the  grand  object  of  his  ambition,  it  was  very  natural  for 
many  to  suppose,  that  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  was  governed  by 
interested  views,  and  that  he  sought  to  facilitate  his  own  advance- 
ment, by  paying  court  to  Pompev's  power.     He  here  solemnly  de- 
nies the  truth  of  the  allegation.     The  opinion  of  modem  times,  how- 
ever, is  in  general  unfavourable  to  his  sincerity. 

21.  Ex  cujusquam  amplitudine.     "  From  the  elevated  standing       . 
of  any  individual. 

1.  Ut  hominem  praestare  oportet.      "  As  a  man  ought  to  do."—  95 
Innoccntia  tecti. — "  Shielded  by  innocence." 

2.  Rations  vitae.     "  Course  of  life." — Si  vestra  voluntas  feret. 
"  If  your  inclinations  shall  lead  you  still  to  favour  it,"  :.  e.  if  your 
kind  wishes  shalLstill  prompt  you  to  favour  my  endeavours. 

3.  Aliquam   bonam   gratiam.      "  Any  favourable  influence  with 
others." — Simullates.     "  Enmities." 

4.  Mihi  non  nccessarias,  &c.      By  pursuing  his  present  course, 
Cicero  might  make  enemies  of  Lucullus  and  his  friends,  and  irritate 
all  the  Opponents  of  Pompey.     Labouring,  as  he  did,  under  no  ne- 
cessity of  acting  in  this  way,  his  doing  so  notwithstanding  becomes 
a  sure  proof  of  his  sincerity.     The  public  good  also,  as  he  insinuates, 
may  be  advanced  by  his  present  line  of  conduct,  since  some  inqui- 
ries and  accusations  may  possibly  follow. 

5.  Hoc  honore.      Alluding  to  the  praetorship. — Meis  omnibus 
-.•ommodis  et  rationibus.^    "  To  all  my  interests  and  views  of  advan- 
tage." 


ORATION   FOR   L.  MURENA. 


Page. 

Pf5  1.  M.  TOLLJI  CICERONIS,  &c.  "  Oration  of  Marcus  Tuiiius 
Cicero,  in  defence  of  Licinius  Murena." — At  the  comitia  held  during 
the  consulship  of  Cicero,  Decimus  Junius  Silanus  and  Licinius  Mu- 
rena were  elected  consuls  for  the  ensuing  year.  The  latter  in- 
dividual had  for  his  competitor  the  celebrated  lawyer  Sulpicius  Ru- 
fus  ;  who,  being  assisted  by  Cato  and  Cn.  Postumius,  charged 
Murena  with  having  prevailed  by  bribery  and  corruption.  This 
impeachment  was  founded  on  the  Calpurnian  law,  which  had  lately 
been  rendered  more  strict,  on  the  suggestion  of  Sulpicius,  by  a  sena- 
tusconsultum.  Along  with  this  accusation,  the  profligacy  of  Mu- 
rena'e  character  was  objected  to,  and  also  the  meanness  of  his  rank, 
as  he  was  but  a  knight  and  a  soldier,  whereas  Sulpicius  was  a  patri- 
cian and  lawyer.  Cicero  therefore  shows,  in  the  first  place,  that  he 
amply  merited  the  consulship,  from  his  services  in  the  war  with 
Mithridates,  which  introduces  a  comparison  between  a  military  and 
forensic  life.  While  h«  pays  his  usual  tribute  of  applause  to  culti- 
vated eloquence,  he  derides  the  forms  and  phraseology  of  the  Roman 
jurisconsults,  by  whom  the  civil  law  was  studied  and  practised.  As 
to  the  proper  subject  of  the  accusation,  bribery  in  his  election,  it 
seems  probable  that  Murena  had  been  guilty  of  some  practices,  which, 
strictly  speaking,  were  illegal,  yet  warranted  by  custom.  They 
seem  to  have  consisted  in  encouraging  a  crowd  to  attend  him  in  the 
streets,  and  in  providing  shows  for  the  entertainment  of  the  multi- 
tude ;  which,  though  expected  by  the  people,  and  usually  over- 
looked by  the  magistrates,  appeared  heinous  offences  in  the  eye  of 
the  rigid  and  stoical  Cato.  Aware  of  the  weight  added  to  the  ac- 
cusation by  his  authority,  Cicero,  in  order  to  obviate  this  influence, 
treats  his  stoical  principles  in  the  same  tone  which  he  had  already 
used  concerning  the  profession  of  Sulpicius.  In  concluding,  he 
avails  himself  of  the  difficulties  of  the  times,  and  the  yet  unsuppress- 


L.    MUREXA.  365 

Pase. 

ed  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  which  rendered  it  unwise  to  deprive  the  <J(§ 
city  of  a  consul  well  qualified  to  defend  it  in  so  dangerous  a  crisis. 

This  case  was  one  of  great  expectation,  from  the  dignity  of  the 
accusers  and  eloquence  of  the  defender's  advocates.  Before  Cicero 
spoke,  it  had  been  pleaded  by  Hortensius,  and  Crassus  the  triumvir, 
who  had  both  appeared  in  favour  of  Murena,  and  Cicero  now  uses 
his  utmost  exertions  to  surpass  these  rivals  of  his  eloquence.  In 
particular,  he  shows  much  delicacy  and  art  in  the  manner  in  which 
he  conducts  the  attack  on  the  philosophy  of  Cato  and  the  profession 
of  Sulpicius,  both  of  whom  were  on  very  intimate  terms  with  him, 
and  stood  high  also  m  the  estimation  of  the  judges  whom  he  address- 
ed. (Dunlop's  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  302,  stqq.  Land,  ed.) 

This  speech  was  delivered  A.  U.  C.  690,  during  the  interval 
that  elapsed  between  the  second  and  third  orations  against  Catiline. 
The  result  was  favourable  for  Murena,  who  was  acquitted,  and  held 
the  consulship  the  following  year. 


2.  Quae  deprecatus,  &c.     "  Even  as  I  earnestly  asked  in  prayer 
of  the  immortal  gods,  O  Judges,  according  to  the  established  usage 
of  our  fathers,  on  that  -day,  when,  the  auspices  having  been  duly 
consulted,    I  declared  Licinius  Murena  consul  at  the  comitia  by 
centuries  ;   namely,  that  the  choice  thus  made  might  eventuate  pro- 
pitiously and  happily  for  me  and  my  magistracy,  for  the  people  and 
commons  of  Rome  ;  so  now,  in  like  manner,  do  I  entreat  of  the 
same  immortal  beings,  that  this  same  individual  may  enter  upon  that 
consulship  with  all  his  rights  and  privileges  unimpaired,  and  that 
your  opinions  and  sentiments,"  &c. — The  student  will  note  the  ele- 
gant use  of  quae  and  eadem  jn  this  passage,  requiring  to  be  rendered 
in  our  idiom  by  an  adverbial  form  of  expression.     Compare  Bauer, 
ad  Sanct.  Min.  vol.  1,  pi  250,  seqq. 

3.  Judices.     Cases  of  bribery,  like  the  present,  were  tried  before 
one  of  the  praetors  and  a  select  council  of  assessares  or  judice». 
Compare  note  4,  page  49. 

4.  Auspicate.     The  auspices  were  always  taken  on  the  morning 
of  the  day  when  the  comitia  were  to  be  held,  by  the  magistrate  who 
was  to  preside.    -For  this  purpose  he  went  out  of  the  city,  attended 
by  one  of  the  augurs.     If  the  auspices  were  unfavourable,  no  comitia 
were  held.     If^jiy  informality  had  taken  place  in  the  mode  of  con- 
sulting them,  and  this  were  afterward  ascertained,  every  thing  done 
at  these  comitia  went  for  nothing. 

5.  Comitiis  centuriatis.     Consult  note  17,  page  71.— Renuntwm. 
The  candidate  who  was  found  to  have  received  most  rotes,  was 

3J* 


366 

Page. 

*)(J  called  forward  by  the  presiding  magistrate,  and,  after  a  solemn 
prayer,  arid  taking  an  oath,  was  declared  to  be  elected  through  a 
herald.  It  is  to  this  prayer  that  Cicero  here  refers,  and  not  as  some 
suppose  to  that  with  which  the  business  of  the  cornitia  was  opened. 
— One  of  the  consuls  always  presided  at  the  comitia  for  the  election 
of  new  consuls.  Cicero  presided  on  this  occasion,  and  had  the  pref- 
erence to  his  colleague  Antonius,  because  he  was  consul  prior, 
i.  e.  had  been  elected  to  the  consulship  by  the  greater  number  of 
votes. 

6.  Magistratuique   meo.      Referring  to  his  consular  authority, 
which  would  continue  until  the  end  of  the  year,  when  the  new  con- 
suls would  succeed.     The  latter,  in  the  meantime,  would  be  called 
consules  designati,  "  consuls  elect." 

7.  Populo  plebique  Romanae.      The  allusion  here  is  to  all  orders 
of  the  Roman  people,  including  even  the  lowest  of  the  commons. 
Populus  when  opposed  to  plebs,  as  in  the  present  instance,  is  re- 
garded as  the  generic  term,  and  denotes  the  whole  body  of  Roman 
citizens,  including  the  senators  and  patricians  ;  while  by  plebs,  in 
such  a  construction,  are  meant  the  lower  orders  of  the   commons. 
On-  the  other  hand,  in  the  expression  Senates  populusque  Romanus, 
the  term  populus  means  all  the  Roman  people  but  the  senate. 

8.  Ob  ejusdem,  &c.     Literally,  "  for  an  entering  upon  the  con- 
sulship by  the  same  individual,  together  with  all  his  personal  privi- 
leges."    Ofitiiiere  gets  here  the  meaning  of  "  to  enter  upon,"  from 
its  primitive  import,  "  to  hold  against  another,"  i.  e.  in  the  present 

.  case,  to  hold  successfully  against  the  accusation  which  had  been 
preferred,  and,  consequently,  to  enter  upon  and  enjoy. — Salute. 
By  salus,  Cicero  means  Murena's  privileges  as  a  Roman  citizen, 
since,  if  convicted,  he  would  be  deprived  of  all  his  civil  rights  and 
sent  into  exile. 

9.  Eaque  res.     "  And  that  this  agreement."     The  agreement  of 
opinion  here  spoken  of  will  show  itself,  of  course,  in  the  acquittal 
of  Murena,  since  the  Roman  people  have  already,  by  their  suffrages, 
declared  him  worthy  of  the  consulship.     It  will  also  bring  with  it 
peace  and  tranquillity  to  the  state,  since  an  energetic  consul  will  be 
required  the  ensuing  year,  to  crush  what  remains  of  the  conspiracy 
of  Catiline  ;  and  Murena  will  be  found  to  be  such  a  one. 

10.  .Quod  si  ilia  solemnis,  &c.     "  For  if  that  solemn  prayer  of- 
fered up  at  the  comitia,  and  hallowed  by  consular  ausuces,  possesses 
n  itself  all  that  power  and  religious  efficacy,  which  the  dignity  of 
the  republic  has  a  right  to  expect,  then,  on  that  same  occasion,  I, 
in   fact,   also  prayed,  that  the  choice  which  had  been  made  might 
turn  out   auspiciously,   happily,   and  well  for  those  individuals  like- 


L.     MURENA  367 

Page. 

wise,  unto  whom  this  consulship  had  been  granted  at  an  assembly  QfJ 
where  I  presided." — This  sentence  is  explanatory  of  what  precedes. 
If  the  prayer  offered  up  at  the  comitia,  when  the  result  of  the  elec- 
tion was  made  known  to  the  assembled  people,  possessed  a  full 
and  thorough  efficacy,  it  must  be  supposed  to  have  embraced  the  in- 
dividual welfare  of  the  candidates,  as  well  as  the  interests  of  the 
state  at  large,  and,  therefore,  it  is  perfectly  proper  for  Cicero  now 
to  entreat  the  gods  in  behalf  of  one  of  them. 

11.  Me  rogante.      The  literal  import  of  these  words  is,  "  I,  as 
presiding  officer,  asking  the  people  their  pleasure  in  the  premises." 
Compare  note  16,  page  10. 

12.  Omnis  deorum,   &c.     "  All  the  power  of  the  immortal  gods 
in  the  present  case." — Vestrae  jidei.      "  To  your  protection."-. — 
Antea.     "On  a  previous  occasion,"  i.  e.  at  the  comitia. 

13.  Beneficium  populi  Romani.     "  The  favour  conferred  upon 
him  by  the  Roman  people."     Alluding  to  the  consulship. 

14.  In  hoc   officio.     "  In  the  discharge  of  this  duty." — Sludium 
meae  defensionis,  &c.     "  The  zeal  that  marks  my  defence  of  him, 
and  even  the- very  undertaking  of  his  cause  by  me." 

1.  Non  quo  miiii,  &c.     "  Not  because  a  vindication  of  the  duty  Q'J 
which  I  am  here  discharging  appears  of  more  importance  in  my  eiyes, 

at  this  particular  period,  than  a  defence  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
this  individual,  but  that,  when  once  my  conduct  shall  have  been 
approved  of  by  you,  I  may  with  the  greater  weight,  &c.  As -regards 
the  usage  of  the  Latin  writers  in  the  case  of  non  quo,  consult  Tur- 
sellinus,  de  part.  Lot.  p.  240,  and  Zumpt,  L.  G.  p.  335,  Kenrick's 
transl.  ,  , 

2.  Honore,  fama,  fortunisqite.     It  has  already  been  stated  (note 
8)  in  general  terms,  that  Murena,  if  convicted,  would  be  deprived 
of  his  civil  rights  and  banished.     This  point  may  here  be  enlarged 
upon.     If  an  individual  were  found  guilty  upon  a  trial  for  bribery, 
he  was  deprived  of  the  consulship,  in  case  he  had  been  elected  to 
that  office,  and  the  competitor  who  accused  him  was  nominated  in 
his  place.     He  was  also  heavily  fined,  declared  incapable  of  bearing 
any  office  for  the  time  to  come,  or  of  appearing  in  the  senate,  and 
by  the  Tullian  law,  which  Cicero  brought  forward  and  had  passed, 
an  additional  penalty  of  ten  years'  exile  was  imposed.    \» 

3.  M.  Catoni.     The  same  who  ended  his  days,  by  his  own  hands, 
ai  Utica.      He  was  at  this  time  one  of  the  tribunes  elect.'     Ob- 
serving the  great  corruption  that  had  crept  into  the  consular  elec- 
tions,  Cato,  when  appointed  to  the  tribuneship,  concluded  a  severe 
charge  to  the  people,  by  affirming  on  oath,  that  he  would  prosecute 
every  one  who  should  offend  in  this  way.     Hence  his  coming  for- 


368  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

Q'J'  ward,  on  the  present  occasion,  among  the  accusers  of  Murena.  (Com- 
pare Plut.  Vit.  Cat.  Min.  c.  21.) 

4.  Vitam  ad  certain  rationis,  &c.  "  Who  regulates  his  life  by 
the  fixed  standard  of  reason,  and  most  scrupulously  weighs  the  mo- 
tives to  every  duty."  Cato  belonged  to  the  Stoic  sect,  and  Cicero, 
in  referring  to  his  particular  tenets,  employs  the  word  "  ratio"  here 
in  the  sense  which  the  Stoic  school  attached  to  it.  With  the  fol- 
lowers of  Zeno,  reason  was  the  governing  principle.  They  regarded 
the  soul  as  consisting  of  eight  distinct  parts  ;  namely,  the  five  sen- 
ses, the  productive  faculty,  the  power  of  speech,  and  the  ruling  part, 
rd  fiyefioviKov,  or  reason.  (Diog.  Laert.  5,  §  157. — Plut.  plac.  4, 
2.  segq.)  The  human  soul  was  regarded  by  them  as  an  emanation 
from  that  Eternal  Reason,  by  which  all  nature  is  animated  ;  and 
their  main  doctrine  was,  that  man  should  contemplate  truth, 
follow  nature,  and  imitate  God,  by  making  the  eternal  reason,  and 
immutable  law  of  the  universe,  the  rule  of  his  actions.  Thus,  to 
live  according  to  nature  being  virtue,  and  virtue  itself  being  happi- 
ness, the  Stoic  will  take  care  to  live  according  to  a  just  conception 
of  the  real  nature  of  things,  choosing  that  which  is  in  itself  eligible, 
and  rejecting  the  contrary  ;  or,  in  the  words  of  Cicero,  "  diligentis- 
sime  perpendebit  momenta  officiorum  omnium,"  and  in  endeavour- 
ing to  accomplish  this  result,  he  will  take,  what  he  considers  right 
reason,  for  his  guide. 

5.  De  officio  meo.     "  Concerning  my  own  duty  in  the  present 
case." 

6.  Et  legis  ambitus  latorem.     "  And  the  author  of  a  law  against 
bribery."     He  who  proposed  a  law  to  the  people  for  their  considera- 
tion and  adoption,  was  called  legis  lator ;  so  ferre  legem,  "  to  propose 
a  law  •"  but  perferre,  "  to  carry  it  through." — The  law  alluded  to 
by  Cato  was  the  lex  Tullia.     Consult  note  2,  towards  the  conclu 
sion,  and  also  Legal  Index. 

7.  Et  tarn  severe  gesto  consulatu.     "  And  one,  whose  own  con- 
sulship has  been  exercised  with  so  much  wholesome  rigour."     Cato 
alludes  to  the  proceedings  of  Cicero  against  Catiline,  in  driving  him 
from  the  city.     It  is  worthy  of  remark,  however,  that  the  severity, 
for  which  Cato  here  commends  Cicero,  was  only  but  just  begun  ; 
since  the  present  oration  was  delivered  in  the  month  of  November, 
and  the  accomplices  of  Catiline,  who  were  tampering  with  the  am- 
bassadors of  the  Allobroges,  were  only  arrested  and  punished  in  the 
early  part  of  the  ensuing  month. 

8.  Causam  L.  Murenae  altingere.     "  To  have  aught  to  do  with 
the  cause  of  Licinius  Murena."     Attingere,   literally,  "  to  touch 
even  in  a  slight  degree,"  "  to  meddle  with  in  the  least."     Compare 


L.    MURENA.  369 

Page 

the  remark  of  Dacier,  ad  Paul.  Diac.  excerpt. :  "  Est  autem  altingere  CJ'J 
Ifviter,  quasi  summis,  vcl  pedum  vel  manuum,  digitis  tangere  "  p. 
316.  ed.  Lindcmann. 

9.  Cujus  reprehensio.      "  The  censure  of  this  individual."      Cu- 
jus  for  Hujus,  as  ic  begins  a  clause. — Ut  rationem  facli  mei  probem. 
"  To  explain  the  reasons  of  my  conduct,"  i.  e.  to  prove  the  grounds 
of  my  conduct  to  have  been  perfectly  correct. 

10.  Mihi  conjunction.     "  More  intimately  connected  with  me." 
— Cui  respublica,  &.c.     "  Into  whose  hands  that  republic  is  deliver- 
ed by  me  individually,  to  be  supported  by  him,  after  having  been  up- 
held by  great  toils  and  dangers  of  my  own."     The  common  text  has 
una,  for  which  we  have  substituted  uno,  a  conjecture  of  Lambinus' 
which  Graevius  received  into  the  text.     Cicero  says  a  me  uno,  as 
he  had  presided  alone. 

11.  Quod  si  in  Us  rebus  repetendis,  dec."   For  if,  when  a  demand 
is  made  for  the  recovery  of  those  things,  which  have  been  alien 
ated  to  another  with  a  warranty  against  dispossession,  that  individual 
is  bound  to  guaranty  the  risk  of  a  decision  giving  this  property  to 
another,  who,  by  the  very  terms  of  the  agreement,  covenanted  so  to 
do,"  i.  e.  if  A.  conveys  property  to  B.,  and  gives  him  at  the  same 
time  a  warranty  that  the  tith  lo  sound,  and  if'C.  then  comes  in  and 
claims  this  same  property  as  his,  A.  is  bound,  by  the  very  terms  of 
the  sale,  to  guard  B.  against  the  chances  of  dispossession  by  the 
verdict  of  a  court  of  law  hi  favour  of  C. — Among  the  Romans,  Res 
mancipi  (contracted  for  mancipii,)  were  those  things  which  might 
be  sold  and  alienated,  or  the  property  of  them  transferred  from  one 
person  to  another,  by  a  certain  rite  or  form  of  proceeding  used  among 
Roman  citizens  only,  and  such  sale  was  always  accompanied  by  a 
jio.TTO.niy  of  title.     Hence  the  translation,  or  rather  paraphrase,  which 
we  are  compelled  to  give  to  the  expression  quae  mancipi  sunt,  in 
the  text.     ~By  judicium  is  meant  a  decision  of  a  court  of  law',  in  fa- 
vour of  the  title  of  some  third  person  ;  and  by  nexus,  the  obligation 
of  warranty  always  connected  with  res  mancipi,  by  the  provisions  of 
the  Roman  law.     (Compare  Heinecc.  Antiq.  Rom.  p.  366,  ed.  Hau- 
bold.)     The  res  mancipi  were  such  things  as  farms,  slaves,  quadru- 
peds, pearls,  and  the  rights  of  country-farms,  called  servitudes,  (ser- 
vitutes.)     The  distinction  between  res  mancipi  and  res  nee  mancipi 
is  not  recognised  by  the  Justinian  code,  it  having  been  abolished  by 
that  emperor.     Bynkersho^k  thinks  that  it  was  founded  upon  the 
comparative  value  of  different  classes  of  things.      (De  reb.  mancipi 
et  nee  mancipi,  p.  109.)     But  Meerman  opposes  this  doctrine  (Diss. 
de  rebus  mane.,  &c.)  and  maintains,  that  res  mancipi  were  things 
connected  with  agriculture,  and  hence  deemed  of  greater  value  than 


370  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

Q'J'  others. — Some  lexicographers  make  mancipi  an  indeclinable  term, 
but  consult  the  remarks  of  Perizonius,  ad  Sanct.  Min.  4,  4.  n.  12,  p. 
46.  ed.  Bauer. 

12.  Profecto  etiam  rectius,  &c.  "  With  still  more  justice,  sure- 
ly, on  the  trial  of  a  consul  elect,  will  that  consul  in  particular,  who  de- 
clared him  elected  to  office,  be  bound  to  become  unto  him  the  guar- 
antee of  the  favour  conferred  by  the  Roman  people,  and  his  defend- 
er from  danger."  Cicero  here  makes  a  very  pleasing  application 
of  the  dry  rule  of  law  which  he  has  just  been  citing.  The  consul- 
ship is  now  regarded,  in  a  figurative  sense,  as  one  of  the  class  of 
res  mancipi,  and  Cicero  as  the  holder.  Having  presided  at  the 
consular  comitia,  and  announced  the  election  of  Murena  to  tho 
assembled  people,  he  may  be  said,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  to  have 
transferred  the  consulship,  in  due  form,  to  Murena,  as  a  thing  to  be 
possessed  by  him  in  his  turn,  and  to  have  bound  himself  to  aid  the 
latter  against  all  who  should  seek  to  dispossess  him. 

13.  Auctor.      This  term  is  here  employed,  in  a  figurative  sense, 
to  denote  one  who  sells  or  conveys  a  thing  to  another  and  pledges 
himself  for   the  soundness  of  the  title.     Compare  the  explanation 
of  Ernesti,  (Clav.    Cic.   s.   v.  auctor,  §  11)  :     "  Est  venditor,  qui 
suum  esse  spondet,  quod  vendit,  et  ejus  vendendi  se  potestatem  hab 
ere :  adeoque   actione   tenetur  de   evictione,   aut  periculum  judicii 
praestat,  ut  in  mancipio."     It  is  from  this  use  of  the  term,  that  the 
reference  to  selling,  in  the  Latin  term,  "auctio,"  and  the  English 
word  "  auction,"  is  derived. 

14.  Ac  si,  ut  nonnutlis,  &c.     "  And  if,  as  is  wont  to  happen  in 
some  states,  a  patron  should  be  appointed,  by  public  authority,  for 
the  management  of  this  cause,  that  individual,  of  all  others,  would 
be  assigned  as  a  defender  to  a  man  invested  with  an  elevated  office, 
who,  being  himself  clothed  with  the  same  dignity,  -would  bring  no 
less  authority  than  ability  to  his  defence." 

15.  Patronus.  We  have  retained  the  Roman  law-term  "  patron," 
in  preference  to  the  more  usual  term  "  advocate."     For  the  strict 
distinction  between  the  two  compare  the  language  of  Asconius,  ad 
Or.  in  Caecil.  c.  4 :  "  Qui  defendit  altcrum  injudicio,  aut  Patronus 
dicitur,  si  orator  est ;  aut  Advocatus,  si  aut  jus  suggerit,  aut  prae 
sentiam  suam  commodat  amico,"  &c. 

16.  Quod  si  eportu,   &c.     We  have  inserted  the  preposition 
from  Quintilian,  5,  11,  23.     It  is  given  also  by  Victorias,  Lambinus, 
Gruter,  and  others. 

17.  Pfaecipere  summo  studio,  &c.     "  Are  accustomed  to  give, 
with  the  utmost  earnestness,  an  account  cf  the  storms,  and  pirates, 
and  dangerous  places  they  have  encountered."     Praecipere  carries 


1..     MGRENA.  371 

Page. 

with  it  the  idea  of  mentioning  beforehand,  as  a  warning  or  caution.  QO" 
— By  locorum  are  meant  shoals,  quicksands,  &c. 

18.  Quod  natura  fcrt,  &c.      "  Because  a  natural  impulse  leads 
us  to  feel  an  interest  for  those,"  &c.     The  common  text  has  affert, 
for  which  we  have  given  fert  from  Quintilian,  with.  Lambinus,  Mo- 
retus,  Graevius,  and  Ernesti. 

19.  Qui  eadem  pericula,  &c.     It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  this 
oration  was  delivered  before  the  arrest  and  execution  of  Lentulus 
and  the  other  accomplices  of  Catiline.     Cicero,  therefore,  imagines 
that  the  conspiracy  will  still  give  trouble  during  the  ensuing  year, 
under  the  government  of  the  new  consuls. 

20.  Quo  tandem  me  animo,  &c.     "  By  what  feelings  then  ought 
I,  when  now  almost  in  sight  of  land,  after  a  stormy  tossing  on  the 
ocean  of  public  affairs,  to  be  actuated  towards  one,  by  whom  I  see 
the  most  violent  tempests  are  about  to  be  encountered  in  his  manage- 
ment of  the  republic  1" — Prope  jam  terram,  &c.     It  was  now  the 
month  of  November,  and  at  the  end  of  the  ensuing  month  his  con- 
sular authority  would  cease.     Hence  he  says  figuratively,  that  he  is 
almost  within  sight  of  land.     The  land  which  he  is  soon  to  behold, 
is  the  haven  of  repose  after  a  stormy  consulship. 

21.  Mdximas  tempestates.     Compare  note  19. 

22.  Videre,    quid  agalur.     "  To  attend  to  what  is  at  present 
passing." — Alio  loco.     In  the  37th  chapter  of  this  speech. 

1.  Quantum  salutis  com/inums,  &c.     Cicero  says  this,  because  Q§ 
ne  expects  that  the  conspiracy  will  still  give  trouble  during  the  en- 
suing year.     Compare  note  19,  page  97. 

2.  Duos  consules.     Silanus  and  Murena  ;  and  not  merely  one, 
Silanus,  Murena  having  been  condemned.      Both  consuls  will  be 
wanted,  he  thinks,  to  make  head  against  the  conspiracy,  and  the 
time  for  their  entering  on  office  will  be  the  Calends,  or  first,  of 
January.    ' 

3.  Officium.     "  A  sense  of  duty." — Respublica.    "  The  interests 
of  the  republic,"  i.  e.  the  danger  which  threatens  from  the  conspiracy 
of  Catiline. 

4.  Nam  quod  legem,  dec.     "  For  as  to  my  having  proposed  a  law 
concerning  bribery,  I  certainly  did  it  with  this  view,  that  I  might  not 
abrogate  the  one  which  I  had  long  since  proposed  to  my  own  bosom, 
as  regarded  the  warding  off  of  those  dangers  which  might  threaten 
my   fellow-citizens."      The  allusion  is  again  to  the  Tullian  law. 
Consu.t  note  2,  page  97. 

5.  Largitionem  factam  esse.     "  That  bribery  had  actually  been 
committed  by  Murena." — Defenderem.      This  verb  has  here  the 
meaning' of  "  to  allege  in  defence  " 


372  ORATION     FOR 

Page. 

t)g       6.  Etiam  si  alius  legem  tulisset.     "  Even  though  another  should 
have  been  the  author  of  the  law  in  question." 

7.  Cum  vero,  &c.  "  But  now,  when  I  maintain  that  nothing  has 
been  done  by  Murena  in  violation  of  that  law,  why  is  the  mere  pro- 
posing of  it  on  my  part  to  operate  as  a  hindrance  to  my  defence  of 


S.  Negat  esse  ejusdem  severitatis.  "  Gato  insists,  that  it  is  not 
the  part  of  the  same  severity,"  i.  e.  that  it  is  a  deviation  from  my 
former  severity. — Hotomannus  inserts  Cato  in  the  text. 

9.  Verbis  et  paene  imperio.     A  forcible  allusion  to  the  strenuous 
efforts  made  by  Cicero  in  driving  out  Catiline,  but  not  by  any  means 
intended  as  a  censure  of  his  conduct  in  so  doing.     It  is  merely  ad- 
duced, by  way  of  contrast  to  Cicero's  now  appearing  for  one  whoir 
Cato  regards  as  a  public  offender. 

10.  Et  mine  pro  L.  Murena,  dicere.      "  And  to  be  now  pleading 
in  behalf  of  Licinius  Murena." 

11.  Ego  autem,    &c.     "I,  however,   have  always  acted  with 
pleasure  this  part  of  gentleness  and  compassion,    which  nature  her- 
self has  taught  me." — Agere  partes  is  borrowed  from  the  language 
of  the  stage,  and  denotes,  not  to  undertake  merely,  as  some  errone- 
ously render  the  phrase,  but  to  go  through  with,  a  part  or  character. 
— As  regards  the  peculiar  meaning  of  partes  here,   compare  the 
language  of  Ernesti   (Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  p&rs.}  :   "  Pars  in  scena  est 
persona,  quam  quis  suscepit  agendam." 

12.  Docuit.     This  is  another  term  borrowed  from  the  language 
and  movements  of  the  stage.      Docere  fabulam  is  analagous  to  the 
Greek  SiSda/cetv  Spafta.     From  the  nature  of  their  writing  materials, 
in  ancient  times,  they  had  no  facility  of  making  frequent  copies,  and 
hence  the  parts  were  studied  by  meanp  of  reiterated  recitation  from 
the  poet ;  and  the  chorus,   too,  was  practised  in  the   same  way. 
This  was  called  teaching  a  play. — The  application  of  this  figure  be- 
comes a  very  striking  one  in  the  present  instance.     Nature  herself 
has,  by  a  course  of  reiterated  instruction,   taught  the  orator,   in  a 
manner  not  easy  to  be  forgotten,  the  dictates  of  gentleness  and  com- 
passion for  the  great  drama  of  life. 

13.  'Ulam  vero,   &c.     "That  other  character,  indeed,  of  rigour 
and  severity,  I  have  never  sought  for,  but  have  supported  it,  when 
imposed  upon  me  by  the  exigencies  of  the  state,  in  such  a  way  as 
the  dignity  of  this  empire  had  a  right  to  demand,  amid  the  imminent 
danger   of  its   citizens."     Cicero  means,  that  his  natural  inclina- 
tions always  lead  him  to  the  side  of  gentleness  and  mercy,  and 
that  the  severe  and  rigid  character,  which  he  had  been  compelled  to 
assume  toward  Catiline  and  his  accomplices,  was  a  duty  he  owoJ 


L.    MURENA  373 


,^ 
tc  the  state,  in  the  discharge  of  which,  private  feelings  could,  of 

course,  exercise  no  influence. 

14.  Personam.     By  persona  is  literally  meant  the  "  mask,"  worn 
Dy  the.  ancient  actor,  in  representing  a  character,   and  then  the  term 
comes,   as  in  the  present  instance,  to  denote  the  character  itself. 
The  ancient  masks  were  entire  head-pieces,  and  of  various  kinds,  to  ex- 
press every  age,  sex,  country,  condition  and  complexion,  to  which  they 
were  assimilated  with  the  greatest  skill  and  nicetj.    The  Greek  term 
for  one  of  these  appendages  is  irpdauTTov,  (or,  as  it  was  afterward  called, 
irpoaur.ziov,}  denoting  something  applied  to  the  face.    The  Latin  term 
"  persona"  is  derived  from  the  verb  "  persono,"  and  refers  to  the 
peculiar  construction  of  the  mouth  of  the  mask,  which  was  made  on 
the  plan  of  a  speaking-trumpet,   (their  large  theatres  requiring  a 
great  volume  of  sound,)  and  was  as  it  were  "  sounded  through," 
that  is,  made  the  avenue  of  transmission  for  a  loud  sound.     (Com- 
pare Theatre  of  Greeks,  pp.  38,   and  127.  —  Tyrrwhitc  in.  Aristot. 
Poet.  p.  139.  —  Mus.  Crit.  vol.  2,  p.  21  1,  &c. 

15.  Quod  si  turn,  &c.     "And  if,  on  that  occasion,  when  the 
state  of  public    affairs    required  a  vigorous  and  rigid  exercise  of 
authority,    I  triumphed   over   the   dictates   of  my  nature,"    &c., 
'•.    e.    I   suppressed  at   once   every  feeling  of  lenity.  —  Desiderare. 

'  To   desire     earnestly,"    "  to    feel    the   want   of,"    "  to    need," 
'  require,"  &c. 

16.  Cum  omnes,  &c.     "  When  every  motive  prompts  me,"  &c. 
The  cause  of  Murena  is  one  which  warmly  enlists  all  the  better 
feelings  of  Cicero. 

17.  Naturae  meae,  &c.     "  To  yield  obedience  to  the  dictates  of 
my  nature,  and  the  force  of  early  habit."  —  Naturae,  because  all  his 
kindly  feelings  ate  now  called  into  action  :   Consueludini,  because 
he  is  more  accustomed  to  defend  than  to  accuse. 

18.  At.     The  common  text  has  Ac,  which  we  have  changed  to 
At  on  the  suggestion  of  Goerenz.     (Ad  Cic.  Acad.  2,  2.)     Lalle- 
mant,  in  order  to  avoid  doubling  the  ac,  reads  in  the  second  clause 
of  the  sentence,  et  de  ratione,  &c. 

19.  Officio  defensionis  meae.     "  The  duty  that  has  prompted  my 
present  defence."  —  -Ratione  accusationis  tuae.      "  The  reasons  that 
have  led    to  your  accusation  of  him,"  i.  e.  the  motives  that  have  in- 
t'uced  you  to  become  his  accuser. 

20.  Hominis  sapientissimi  atque  ornatissimi,  &c.     "  Of  that 
xcry  wise  and  accomplished  man,   Servius  Sulpicius."     The  in- 
dividual here  named  was  regarded  as  the  most  eminent  lawyer  of  his 
day.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

21      Commotebat.      The    imperfect   tense    is    here   employed, 
32 


374  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

QQ  to   carry   us   back  to  the  time  when  the    complaint  of  Sulpiciua 

was    first  uttered,   namely  at  the  period  of  his  speech  against 

Murena. 

22.  Gravissime  et  acerbissime  ferre.      Literally,  "  that  he  bcre 
it  very  heavily  and  bitterly,"  i.  e.  that  it  was  to  him  a  source  of  the 
bitterest  regret. 

23.  Familiaritatis  necessitudinisque.     "  Of  the  claims  of  long 
acquaintance  and  intimate  friendship."      Familiar itas  implies  that 
we  have  long  been  acquainted  with  another.     Necessitudo  is  of 
stronger  import,  and  denotes  the  existence  of  some  tie  or  bond  of 
friendship  between  the  two  parties.     It  is  in  fact  a  term  of  very 
general  import  among  the  Latin  writers,  and  always  implies  the 
existence  of  some  strong  connecting  tie,  which  involves,  as  it  were, 
a  necessity  for  mutual  esteem  and  regard.     Compare  the  explanation 
of  Ernesti :  "  Nccessitudo  est  omnis  conjunctio,  sanguinis,  affinita- 
tis,  conjugii,  collegii,  amicitiae,  &c.,   quae  a  causa  aliqua  oritur, 
quae  nobis   necessitate™,  amoris   benevolentiaeque  affert. — Cicero 
and  Sulpicius  had  been  friends  from  early  youth,  and  had  studied  to- 
gether, when  young,  both  at  Rome,  and  in  the  island  of  Rhodes, 
under  the  celebrated  Molo. 

24.  Arbitros.     "As  umpires."     Arbiter  is  here  used  in  a  general 
sense,  and  is  analogous  to  the  civil-law  term  compromissarius.     In 
its  special  acceptation,  it  denotes  one  who  judged  in  those  cases 
that  were  called  bonaefidei,  or  arbitrary,  and  who  was  not  restricted 
by  any  law  or  form,  but  determined  what  seemed  equitable.     (Hei- 
necc.  Antiq.  Rom.  4,  6,  39.  p.  694,  ed.  Haubold.) 

25.  Non  est  negligendum.      Because  friendship  is  too  sacred  a 
thing  to  be  even  exposed  to  suspicion. 

99  1.  Ego  Ser.  Sulpici,  &c.  "  I  both  acknowledge,  Servius  Sul- 
picius, that  I  owed,  and  think  candidly  that  I  afforded  unto  you,  in 
your  application  for  the  consulship,  all  that  zealous  cooperation,  and 
all  those  kind  offices,  which  our  intimate  friendship  demanded." 

2.  A  me  defuit.     "Was  wanting  on  my  part." — Gratioso.     "  A 
man  of  influence  in  the  state."      An  influential  person. 

3.  Mutata  ratio  est.      "  The  aspect  of  affairs  is  changed."     The 
change  commenced  with  the  defeat  of  Sulpicius,  and  the  elevation 
of  Murena  to   the  consulship. 

4.  Sic  existimo,   &c.      "  This  is  now  my  opinion,  of  this  I  am 
now  persuaded." — Contra  honorem.     "  Against  the  advancement," 
i.  e.  election  to  the  consulship. — Contra  salutem.      "  Against  his 
personal  rights."     Consult  note  2,  page  96. 

5.  Cum  Murenam,  &c.     "  When  you  are  attacking  Murena  him- 
self."   Peto  is  now  employed  in  a  gladiatorial  sense,  "  to  aim  a  blow 


I..      MURENA.  375 

Page. 

»t  another,"  "to  make  a  thrust/'  "  to  attack."     Petere  consulatum  QQ 
is  merely  ''to  sue  for  the  consulship." 

6.  Eodem  pacto.     "  By  the  same   rule." — Etiam  alienissimos. 
"  Even  total  strangers." 

7.  In  capitis  dimicatione.     "  In  a  case  where  all  his  civil  rights 
are  at  stake."      Compare  note  2,  page  96. — Capitis.      The   term 
caput  is  here  used  in  its  legal  sense,  and  refers  to  the  civil  condition, 
liberty,  personal  privileges,  &c.,  of  an  individual.    Compare  Ernesti 
(Clav.  Cic.s.v.):  "Caput  dicitur  pro  hominis  statu,    libertatis  et 
civitalis  jure"  &c.  So,  in  the  language  of  the  Roman  law,  any  loss 
of  liberty  or  of  the  rights  of  citizens  was  called  "  diminutio  capitis." 

8.  Non  idcirco   obructur.      "  Shall  not  for  this  reason  be  over- 
come."    Literally,    "  be  crushed,"  or  "  overwhelmed/'     Compare 
Manutius:  "Non  idcirco  amico  nullum  fructum  feret." — Quod  al 
eodem,  &c.       "  Because  it  was  triumphed  over  by  the  same  indi- 
vidual in  a  mere  contest  for  office."     In  the  contest  for  the  consul- 
ship Cicero  gave  his  interest  to  Sulpicius  against  Murena. 

9.  Quae  si  causa  non  esset,  &c.      "  And  even  if  this  motive  did 
not  exist,  still,  either  the  high  rank  of  the  man  himself,  or  the  ele- 
vated nature  of  the  office  which'  he  has  obtained,  would  have  branded 
.ne  with  the  deepest  stigma  of  pride  and  of  cruelty,  if  I  had  refused 
to  undertake  the  cause  of  one,  most  distinguished  both  for  his  own 
merits,  and  for  the  honours  conferred  upon  him  by  the  Roman  people, 
when  it  was  fraught  with  so  much  danger  to  his  welfare." — The 
motive  alluded  to  at  the  beginning  of  this  sentence  is  his  friendship 
with  Murena. 

10.  Neque  est  mihi  integrum.     "  Nor  is  it  wholly  within  my 
power." — Ut  meum   laborem,    &c.       "To  refuse  to  impart    my 
strenuous    aid    towards   lightening    the    dangers    of   my    fellow- 
men." 

11.  Praemia  tanta.     The  various  offices  which  had  been  be- 
stowed upon  him,  and  especially  the  last  and  highest  of  them,  the 
consulship. — Pro  hac  industria.     "  For  my  active  exertions  in  this 
behalf,"  i.  e.  in  defending  others. 

12.  'Lalorct,  per  quos,  &c.      4<  To    discontinue  the  efforts  by 
which  you  have  obtained  these  rewards,  when  once  you  have  made 
them  your  own,  would  be  the  part  of  both  a  cunning  and  an  un- 
gratef  i\  man." — Astuti.    Because  his  motive,  in  defending  and  aid- 
ing others,  would  have  been  the  mere  wish  of  ultimately  benefiting 
himself  by  becoming  popular  ;  a  motive  craftily  concealed,  however 
until  his  object  was  accomplished. — Ingrati.     Because  he  ought  to 
show  his  gratitude  in  fresh  efforts  for  the  good  of  those  who  have 
,*ised  him  to  office.  '    • 


376  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

CJQ  13.  Quod  si.  "  If  however." — Te  auclore.  "  By  your  own 
advice."  More  literally,  "you  being  the  author  (i.  e.  advi- 
ser) of  the  step." — Nulla  turpitudo.  "  No  disgraceful  imputation  " 

14.  Jmprobitatem.     "  A  total  want  of  principle."    More  literally, 
"  worthlessness." — Coarguit.     "  Clearly  argues." 

15.  De  tuo  ipsius  studio.    "  From  your  own  pursuits,"  i.  e.  from 
your  own  professional  conduct ;  from  your  own  way  of  acting  at  the 
bar. 

16.  Etiam  adversariis,  &c.     "  To  give  advice  even  to  the  ad- 
versaries of  your  friends,  when  consulting  you  on  a  point  of  law." 
Respondere  is  the  technical  term  applied  to  the  giving  of  advice  on 
the  part  of  the  Roman  juris-consult.     Thus,  Cic.  de  clar.  Oral.  c. 
30:     "Rutilius  magnum  munus  de  jure  respondendi  sustinelal."" 
Hence  the  term  responsa  prudentum  applied  to  the  opinions  given 
by  the  members  of  the  Roman  bar.     Consult  Instil.  Just.  1.  1,  tit. 
2  :  "  Num.  cum  velercs  leges  regiae,"  &c. 

1.  Et  si  turpe  existimas,  &c.  "  And  if  you  think  it  discredita- 
ble to  you,  in  such  a  case,  for  the  very  individual  himself  against 
whom  you  have  now  appeared,  to  lose  his  cause."  Cicero,  after 
stating  that  Sulpicius,  in  common  with  the  other  lawyers  of  the  day, 
deemed  it  perfectly  proper  to  give  advice  even  to  the  adversaries  of 
their  friends,,  puts  the  following  case  :  A  person  has  a  dispute  with 
one  of  the  friends  of  Sulpicius,  and  thereupon  comes  to  the  latter, 
states  the  nature  of  the  controversy,  and  obtains  his  professional 
advice.  The  friend  then  waits  upon  Sulpicius,  and  requests  him  to 
appear  as  his  advocate  on  the  trial  of  this  very  point.  Will  not  Sul- 
picius, on  that  trial,  feel  his  self-love  seriously  wounded,  if  the  op- 
posite party,  to  whom  he  had  given  advice  in  this  very  same  case, 
and  who,  acting  on  that  advice,  has  defended  the  case,  be  defeated 
and  lose  his  cause  1 — We  have  given  the  explanation  of  Ferratius, 
which  seems  much  more  in  unison  with  the  context  than  that  of 
Ernesti.  The  latter  understands  olio  te.rn.pore  after  veneris,  and 
makes  the  meaning  to  be  this  :  "  If  you  deem  it  discreditable,  when 
you  appear  for  one,  against  whom  you  have  plead  on  a  previous  oc- 
casion, that  this  individual  should  lose  his  cause,"  i.  e.  that  you 
should  not  exert  yourself  now  in  his  behalf,  merely  because  you  ap- 
peared against  him  before  this. 

2:  Te  advocate.  By  advocatus  appears  to  be  meant  here,  not 
one  who  takes  part  in  the  actual  pleading  of  a  cause,  but  who  stands 
by  and  aids  another  by  his  advice  and  presence.  Compare  the  ex- 
planation of  Asconius,  as  given  under  note  1 5,  page  97. 

3.  Causa  cadere.  A  legal  expression  for  losing  a  cause,  used 
hern  in  a  general  sense  ;  although,  in  its  special  acceptation,  it 


L.    MURKNA.  377 

Page 

applies  rather  to  the  loss  of  a  case  through  some  failure  in  the  form  JQQ 
of  proceeding  ;  what  we  call  in  English  a  non-suit.    Compare  Cic. 
de  Invent.  2,  1 9 :  "  Ita  jus  civile  habemus  constitutum,  ut  causa 
cadat  is,  qui  now,  quemadmodum  oportet,  egerit." 

4.  Tui  f antes.    ''  The  rich  springs  of  your  legal  wisdom."  Com- 
pare note  20,  page  98. — Nostros  rivulos.     "  That  our  scanty  rills." 

5.  Tua  familiaritas.     "  My  long  acquaintance  with  you,"  L  e. 
the  friendship  I  entertain  for  you.     The  possessive  pronoun  is  here 
used  in  what  the  grammarians  call  its  passive  sense.     The  active 
meaning  of  tua  familiarilas  would  be,  "  your  long  acquaintance 
with  me,"  or  "your  friendship  towards  me."  Consult  Sanct.  Minere. 
2,  13,  p.  331,  vol.  1,  ed.  Bauer. 

6.  Ab  hoc  causa  removisset.     "  Had  induced  me  to  decline  this 
cause." — Q.  Hortensio,  M.  Crasso.     These  two  individuals  were 
associated  with  Cicero  in  the  management  of  the  defence. — A  quib- 
us,  &c.     ."  By  whom,  I  well  know,  your  esteem  is  highly  prized," 
i.  e.  who  I  well  know  set  a  "high  value  upon  your  friendship,  and 
would  make  great  sacrifices  to  preserve  it. 

7.  Infimo.     "  Even  among  the  lowest  of  the  people." 

8.  Nefarium.     "  A  wicked  man."     A  violator  of  the  holy  law 
?f  friendship. 

9.  Quod  dandum  est  amicitiae,  &c.  "  Whatever  is  to  be  granted 
to  the  claims  of  friendship,  shall  be  liberally  conceded  by  me ;  so 
that  I  will  deal  with  you,  Servius,  in  the  same  way  as  if  my  own 
brother,  who  is  most  dear  to  me,  occupied  the  position  which  you 
now  do,"  i.  e.  as  if  my  own  brother,  and  not  you,  were  Murena's 
accuser.     Cicero  means,  that,  in  the  management  of  the  present 
case,  he  will  make  the  same  allowance  for  the  claims  of  friendship, 
on  the  part  of  Sulpicius,  as  if  the  latter  were  his  own  brother  Quin- 
tus,  to  whom,  he  was  most  tenderly  attached. 

10.  Isto  in  loco.     Literally,  "in  the  situation  in  which  you  now 
are,"  i.  e.  an  accuser  of  Murejia.     The  student  will  note  the  force 
of  iste  here.     A  want  of  attention  to  the  peculiar  meaning  of  this 
pronoun  has  led  Manutius  into  the  error  of  supposing,  that  the 
phrase  islo  in  loco  is  here  equivalent  to  in  hoc  dignitate  consulari. 

11.  Quod  tribuendum  est,  &c.     "  Whatever,  on  the  other  hand, 
is  to  be  yielded  by  me  to  the  claims  of  duty,  of  honour,  of  religion, 
this   I  will  regulate  in  such   a  way,  as   to  bear  in  mind   that  I 
am  pleading  for  the  safety  of  one  friend  against  the  hot  attack  of 
another."     Literally,  "  in  behalf  of  the  danger  of  one  friend." 

12.  Jteligioni.     Because    Cicero   had   implored   the   favour   of 
heaven  towards  Murena  and  his  colleague  Silanus,  on  the  day  of  the 
comitia.     Compare  note  12,  page  97- 


378  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

JQ0  13.  Intelligo,  judices,  &c.  ''  I  perceive,  judges,  that  there  have 
been  three  heads  to  the  entire  accusation,  and  that  one  of  these  has 
been  taken  up  with  the  censure  of  his  private  life,  the  second  with 
contesting  his  claim  as  a  fit  candidtte  for  the  consulship,  the  third 
with  the  charge  of  bribery." — By  dignitas  is  here  meant  personal 
merit  or  worth,  and  by  contentio  dignitatis  a  disputing  of  the  claim 
of  Murena  to  the  consulship,  on  the  ground  of  his  not  possessing 
sufficient  personal  merit  for  that  elevated  station.  Under  this  head 
of  personal  merit  the  question  of  family  is  also  brought  in. 

14.  Quae  gravissima,  &c.     "  Which  ought   to  have  been  the 
weightiest,"  i.  e.  ought  to  have  been  managed  in  such  a  way  as 
naturally  to  form  the  heaviest  and  gravest  charge  against  him. 

15.  Ita  fuit  itifirma  et  levis,  &c.     "Has  proved  so  weak  and 
frivolous  a  one,  that  some  established  practice  on  the  part  of  accu- 
sers, rather  than  any  real  grounds  for  imputing  criminality,  has  com- 
pelled them  to  say  something  about  the  life  of  Licinius  Murena.'' 
— By  lex  accusatoria  is  meant,  an  established  practice,  on  the  part 
of  accusers,  to  impute  to  the  accused  an  ill-spent  and  dissolute  life. 
— Maledicendi  factdtas.     Any  grounds  for  establishing  real  crimi- 
nality. 

16.  Objecta  est  enim  Asia.     "  Asia  namely  has  been  made  a 
source  of  reproach  to  him."     The  particle  enim  is  here  employed  in 
the  sense  of  nempe,  like  the  inchoative  yap  in  Greek.     (Compare 
Hoogeveen,  Part.  Gtaec.  p.  88,  ed  Schutz.) — Asia.     The  Roman? 
regarded  Asia  as   the   source  whence  all  their  luxury  originate J 
Compare  Livy,  39,  6  :  "  Luxuriae  enim  pcregrinae  origo  ab  exe*- 
citu  Asiatico  invecta  in  urbem  est :  ii  primum  lectos  aeratos,  vestem 
slragulam  pretiosam,  plagulas,  et  alia  textilia,  et,  quae  tummagni- 
ficae  supellectilis  habebantur,  monopodia  et  abacas  Romam  advexe- 
runt,"  &c. 

17.  Non  ad  voluptatem  et  luxuriam.     "Not  for  purposes  of 
pleasure  and  debauchery." — In  militari  labore.     He  was  serving 
under  his  father  L.  Murena,  who  had  been  left  by  Sylla  in  command 
of  the  Asiatic  forces. 

18.  Qui  si  adolescens,  &c.     "  Now,  had  he,  when  a  young  man, 
not  performed  military  service,  his  father  being  at  the  time  com- 
mander there." 

19.  An,  cum  sedere,  &c.  "  When  the  sons  of  those  commanders 
that  triumph,  who  still  wear  the  praeteita,  are  accustomed  in  par 
ticular  to  sit  on  the  horses  which   draw  the  car,   was  this    onr 
to  avoid  adorning  the  triumph  of  his  father  with  his  own  military 
trophies  1" — The  triumphant  general's  children  sat  with  him  in  tht 
car.     His  sons  who  wore  the  prae'-cxta  rode  on  the  horses  drawing 


r..  MURKNA.  379 

Page. 

it,  or  followed  on  other  horses.     The  practexta,  was  worn  by 
Roman  youth  till  the  age  of  17,  when  the  toga  mrilis,  or  manly 
gown,  was  assumed. 

20.  Huic  donis  militaribi^s,  <fcc.     The  meaning  of  this  is,  was 
not  Murena  to  perform  military  service  under  his  father  in  Asia,  in 
order  that,  by  distinguishing  himself  there,  he  might,  on  his  return 
home,  grace  the   triumph  of  his  parents  by  displaying  the  military 
rewards  he  himself  had  received  7     This,  of  course,  is  meant  as  an 
answer  to  the  charge  of  his  having  been  in  Asia.     It  was  the  very 
country  where  he  ought  te  have  been  at  the  time. 

21.  Et   si  habet  Asia,  &c.     "And  since  Asia  carries  with  it  a 
certain  suspicion  of  dissolute  living,  not  his  having  never  seen  Asia, 
but  his  having  lived  temperately  in  Asia  must  be  made  a  source  of 
praise  to  him." 

1.  Sed  aliquod  aut  in  Asia,  dec.      "  But  some  flagrant  and  dis-  JQ  J 
graceful  vice,  either  contracted  by  him  in  Asia,  or  introduced  by  , 
others  from  that  country,"  i.  e.  either  some  vice  which  he  himself 
had  contracted  while  living  in  Asia,  or  one  of  Asiatic  origin,  brought 

to  Rome  by  some  other  individual,  and  contracted  by  Murena  at  the 
latter  place. 

2.  Meruisse  stipendia.     "  To  have  performed  military  service." 
The  literal  meaning  of  mercre  stipendia.  is  "  to  earn  pay." — In  eo 
bello.     The  Mithridatic  war. — VirtvMs;     "Was  a  proof  of  his  cour 
age." 

3.  Pietalis.     "  Of  his  filial  piety."     Shown  as  well  by  his  cheer- 
fulnebs  in  serving  under  his  parent  as  by  his  wish  to  contribute  to 
that  parent's  glory. — Finem  stipendiorum.     "  The  termination  of 
his  service." 

4.  Maledicto.      "For  censure." — Occupavit.      "Has    pre-oc- 
cupied." 

5.  Saltatorem.     Dancing  was  regarded  as  disgraceful  by  the  Ro- 
mans.    It  was  the  dancing,  however,  which  had  found  its  way  from 
the  stage  into  convivial  circles  that  was  justly  condemned,  and  not 
every  species.       For   the    Romans   had   their  sacred  or  religious 
dances,  with  which  of  course  no  fault  was  found.     Compare  the  ex- 
planation of  Graevius  :  "  Saltator  hie  est  kislrio.     Non  enim  qiuit* 
vis   saltatio   Romat  turpis  erat  et  probrosa,  sea  histrionica  et  mol- 
lior."     With  the  Greeks  a  different  usage  prevailed.     Consult  the 
remarks  of  Cornelius  Nepos,  in  his  preface,  and  also  the  first  chapter 
of  his  life  of  Epaminondas. 

6.  Maledictum,  si  vert  objicitur,  &c.     "  This,  if  it  be  truly  object- 
ed unto  him,  is  the  charge  of  an  angry  accuser  ;  but,  if  falsely,  of  a 
slanderous  calumniator."     In  either  case,  therefore,  Cato  ought  not 


380  ORATION    FOtt 

Page. 

101'°  utter  tn's  reproach  against  Murena,  since  an  angry  feeling  is  as  tv  • 
consistent  with  the  character  of  a  sage,  as  a  disregard  for  the  truth. 

7.  Quare  cum  ista,  &c.    "  Wherefore,  since  you  are  a  person  of 
such  weight  of  character,  you  ought  not,  Marcus  Cato,  to  snatch  a 
calumny  from  the  lips  of  the  rabble,  or  from  some  carousal  of  buffoons 
and  rashly  to  call  a  consul  of  the  Roman  people  a  dancer,"  i.  e. 
since  your  authority  carries  so  much  influence  with  it,  you  ought  to 
be  careful  what  charges  you  bring  against  others,  especially  against 
those  in  elevated  stations. 

8.  Ex  trivia.      By  trivium  is  literally  meant  a  place  where  threa 
ways  meet,  and  where  all  manner  of  idlers  and  low  persons  are  ac- 
customed to  congregate.     It  is  then  taken,  as  in  the  present  instance, 
to  denote  this  class  of  persons  themselves,  or  in  other  words,  the 
rabble,  the  lowest  vulgar. 

9.  Scurrarum.     By  scurra  is  meant  a  buffoon,  a  scoffer,  a  jester, 
one  who,  for  the  sake  of  exciting  merriment,  cares  not  what  he  either 
says  or  does,  and  who  is  particularly  fond  of  raising  a  laugh  at  the 
expense  of  others,  by  some  coarse  slander.    Verrius  Flaccus  derives 
the  term  "  a  sequendo,"  (scurra,  quasi  securra,)  and  makes  its  prim 
itive  meaning  to  be  "  a  parasite,"  or  one  who  "  follows"  in  the  train 
of  a  rich  person,  to  amuse  him  by  his  buffoonery.     Festus  ridicules 
this  etymology  very  properly.  (Fest.  deverb.  sign.  p.  240,  ed.  Lind.) 
The  word  appears  rather  to  be  of  the  same  family  with  the  German 
"  scherzen,"  "  to  rail  at,"  "  to  jeer,"  &c. 

}0.  Convimo.  The  common  text  has  convicio,  which  Lambinus 
first  altered,  on  conjecture,  to  convivio.  This  latter  reading  is 
adopted  by  Ernesti  and  Scheller. 

1 1 .  Neque  in  convivio  moderato  atque  honesto.     "  Nor  at  a  well- 
gulated  and  becoming  repast." — Tempestivi  convivii,  &c.    "  Dan- 
ing  is  the  last  companion  of  the  revels  of  the  table,   of  a  place  de- 
voted to  pleasure,  of  much  enjoyment,"  i.  e.  is  the  last  act  in  a  de- 
bauch, in  a  place  where  every  thing  breathes  of  pleasure,  &c. — By 
tempestivum  comowium,  (literally,  "  an  unseasonable  banquet,")  ia 
meant  an  entertainment  which  commenced  earlier  than  the  ordinary 
hour,  and  was  protracted  until  a  much  later  one  than  usual.      Com. 
pare  note  22,  page  52. 

12.  Tu  mihi  arripis  id,  &c.     "  You  eagerly  catch  at  that,  which," 
&c.     Mihi  is  here  elegantly  redundant,  unless  we  render  it  by  a 
species  of  paraphrase  :  "  in  order  to  thwart  my  intended  defence," 
or  else  something  analogous. 

13.  Relinquis  ilia,    &c.       "  You  leave  those  things  unnoticed," 
&c.,  i.  e.  you  are  silent  about  other  moral  blemishes. — Cicero  means, 
that  no  other  moral  failings  a/e  spoken  of  by  his  opponents,  as  ex 


L.    MURKNA.  381 

Page. 

isting  in  the  character  of  Murena  ;  whereas  dancing  would  imply,  1  Q  I 
of  couise,  an  indulgence  in  many  other  excesses,  and  could  not,  in 
fact,  exist  without  them. 

14.  Nullum  turpe  convivium,  &c.     "  No  disgraceful  banqueting, 
no  amours,  no  revelling,  no  lewdness,  no  extravagant  expenditure  a 
pointed  out." — As  regards  comissatio  consult  note  11,  page  16. 

15.  Quac  voluptatis  nomen  habent,  &c.     "  Which  bear  the  very 
name  of  pleasure,  and  are  actual  vices,"  i.  e.  which   stand  forth 
to  the  world  with  the  name  and  character  of  reprehensible  pleas- 
ures. 

16.  Umbram  luxuriae.     "  The  unbidden  companion  of  debauch 
cry."      Among  the  Romans,  an  uninvited  guest,  who  accompanied 
another,   generally  some  distinguished  personage,   to  a  feast,  was 
called  his  "  umbra."     (Compare  Horat.  Sat.  2,  8,  22.)     The   term 
is  here  forcibly  applied  to  dancing,   which  is  always,  according  to 
the  Roman  way  of  thinking,  sure  to  follow,  as  an   uninvited  guest, 
in  the  train  of  debauchery.     Compare   Ernesti,  (Clav.   Cic.  s.  v.)  : 
''Umbra,  comes  :  Mitren.  6  :  Salt  at  io  est  umbra  luxuriae." 

17.  Nullum  petulans  dictum.     "  No  lascivious  expression."     In 
the  common  text,    the  words  in  vita,  follow ;  but  they  are  out  of 
place  here,  and  seem  to  have  originated  from  in  vitam.     Ernesti  re- 
tains them  in  his  text,  but  condemns  them  in  a  note.     Beck  encloses 
them  within  brackets.     We  have  rejected  them  with  Schvitz. 

1.  Quo  constitute.      "This  point  being  established,"  i.  e.  the  I  02 
charge  against  the  private  life  of  Murena,  having  been  thus  dis- 
proved. 

2.  Summam  dignitatem  generis,  &c.     "  The  highest  degree  of 
personal  merit,  founded  on  birth,   integrity,  the  active  exercise  of 
talent,  and  all  those  other  accomplishments,  relying  on  which  it  is 
right  for  you  to  aspire  to  an  application  for  the  consulship." 

3.  Contempsisti.     "You  have  treated  with  contempt."  Referring 
to  the  manner  in  which  Sulpicius,  in  the  course  of  his  remarks,  had 
sought  to  depreciate  the  origin  of  Murena. 

4.  Quo  loco,  &c.      "  If  in  handling  this  topic  you  take  it  upon 
yourself  to  assert." — Aventinum.      Cicero  refers  here  to  the  first 
secession  of  the  people,  which,  according  to  Piso,  an  earlier  historian 
than  Livy,  and  who  is  cited  by  the  latter,  (2,  32,)  was  made  to  the 
Aventine  hill,  and  not  to  Mons  Sacer. 

5.  Sin  aulem,  &c.      "  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  there  are  distin- 
guished and   honourable  families  of  plebeian  origin,  then  both  the 
great-grandfather,"    &c.      This  is  the  same  as  saying  in  our  own 
idiom  :  "  But  there  are,  on  the  contrary,  distinguished  and  honour- 
able plebeian  families,  for,  both  the  great-grandfather,"  &c. 


382  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

102     6-  Proavus.     P.  Licinius  Murena,  who   was  praetor  A.  U.  O. 
596. — Amis.      Of  the  same  name  with  the  preceding,  and  praetor 
A.  U.  C.  640. 

7.  Ex  praetura.     "  In  his  praetorship."     He  triumphed  for  suc- 
cesses over  Mithiidates. 

8.  Patri  debitus.     He  had  gone  through  all  the   subordinate 
offices,  and  only  stopped  short  at  the  consulship,  for  which  he  had 
the  fairest  claim  for  services  rendered  his  country. — Filio.     The 
Murena  who  was  accused   on  the  present  occasion. 

9.  Hominibus   literatis   et   historicis.     "To   literary   men   and 
historians."      Sulpicius  traced  back  his  origin  to  Servius  Sulpicius, 
who  was  consul  in  the  tenth  year  after  the  expulsion  of  the  kings. 
A.  U.  C.  253.     Compare  Cic.  Brut.  16  ;  and  Sigonius,  Fast.  Cons. 
p.  23,  ed.  Oxon. — Populo  et  suffragaloribus  obscurior.       "  Is   less 
familiar  to  the  people  and  voters  at  elections."     Cicero  means,  that 
the   intermediate   Sulpicii,  from  the  founder  of  the  line  downward, 
especially  those  of  more  recent  times,  had  not  signalized  themselves 
in  such  a  way  as  to  be  brought  in  a  very  marked  manner  before  the 
notice  of  the  people. 

10.  Fuit  equestri  loco.     From  this  we  see  that  a  patrician  might 
remain  an  eques. — Nulla  illustri  laude.    "  For  no  illustrious  action." 
Lous  is  here  put  for  an  action  deserving  of  praise.  Compare  Ernesti, 
(Clav.  Cic.  e.  •?.):  "  Laus,  pro  rebus  laude  dignis." 

11.  Ex  annalium  vetustate.      Referring  to  the  early  date  of  that 
ancestor  of  his  who  was  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  line.     Com- 
pare note  9. 

12.  Q.  Pompeio.     Q.  Pompeius  Nepos,  who,  though  of  plebeian 
origin,   attained   nevertheless  to  the  highest  honours  in  the  state. 
Consult  Historical  Index. 

13.  M.  Aemilio.      M.  Aemilius  Scaurus,  who  was  consul  A.  U. 
C.    638,  and  a  second  time  A.  U.  C.  646.     Consult  Historical 
Index. 

14.  Ejusdem  animi  atque  ingenii  est.     "  It  requires  the  same 
degree  of  spirit  and  of  talent." 

15.  Quam  non  acceperdl.    Plutarch  says,  that  he  was  thought 
to  have   been  the  son  of   a  flute-player.      (Apophthegm,  p.  200, 
Tol.    6,    p.    755,  fd.    Reiske.) — Memoriam  prope  intermortuam, 
&c.       "  To  revive  by  his  own  merit  the   almost  extinct  remem- 
brance of  his  Ime."    Compare  Aseonius,   in   Or.  pro  Scaur. 

16.  Meo  labore  esse  perjectum.     "That  it   had  been  broughi 
about  by  my  exertions,"  i.  e.  that  I  a  men  of  humble  origin,  had 
proved  of  so  much  service  to  my  country,  as  to  cause  low  birth  to 
be  no  longer  regarded  as  a  barrier  to  the  consulship 


L.    MURENA.  383 

Page. 

17.  QU.I  nmi  rnodo  Curtis,  &c.    "  Who  remained  notwithstana-1  Q2 
fng  neglected,  even  though  they  recounted  not  only  the  instances 

of  the  Curii.  the  Catos,  the  Pompeii,  those  worthies  of  former  days, 
men  of  the  greatest  valour,  yet  of  lowly  origin,  but  even  these  ex- 
amples of  recent  times,  the  Marii,  and  Didii,  and  Caelii,"  j.  e.  who 
were  nevertheless  excluded  from  the  consulship,  on  account  of  their 
humble  origin,  or  else  discouraged  from  applying  for  it,  although 
they  could  point  to  many  bright  instances  in  the  past  and  present 
history  of  their  country,  where  men  of  humble  birth  had,  by  reason 
of  signal  merit,  been  advanced  to  the  highest  office  in  the  state. 

18.  Curiis,  Calonibus,  Pompeiis.     The  plural  is  here  used  to 
give  emphasis  to  the  sentence.     Curius  Dentatus,  Cato  the  censor, 
and  Quintus  Pompeius,  are  meant ;  and,  in  the  succeeding  part  of 
the  sentence,  Caius  Marius,  T.  Didius,  C.  Caelius  Caldus. — Manu- 
tius  makes  a  difficulty  here  by  imagining  that  Cicero  means  the 
Quintus  Pompeius,   surnamed  Rufus,  who  was  consul^  A.  U.  C. 
665,  during  the  youth  of  the  orator,  and  who  could  not  well,  there- 
fore, be  ranked  among  the  "  antiqui,"  when  Marius,  Didius  and 
Caelius  are  styled  "  recentes ;"  and  he  thinks  that  for  Pompeiis  we 
should  read  Appiis.     Cicero,  however,  refers,   not  to   Pompeius 
Rufus,  but  to  Pompeius  Nepos.  Compare  Eruesti  and  Schutz,  ad  loc. 

1.  Jacebant.     As  regards  the  peculiar  force  of  this  verb  in  the  JQ3 
present  sentence,  compare  the  remark  of  Ernesti,  (Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.)  : 

"  Jacere  dicuntur  qui  minus  gratiosi  sunt.  Imprimis  autem, 
qui  nullam  s-pem  magistratus  consequendi  halent,  cum  candidati 
sint,  nut,  earn  ipsam  ob  causam,  quia  nihil  sperant,  ne  petunt  quid- 
em."  s  ip  t 

2.  TaiUo  intervallo.     "After  so  long  an  interval."     Compare 
Sallust,  B.    C.  23  :    "  Namque  antes,  pleraque  nobilitas  invidia 
aestuabat,  et  quasi  pollui  consulatum  credebant,  si  eum,  quamvis 
egregius,  hemo  novus  adeptus  faret." 

3.  Claustra  ista  nobilitatis.     "  Those  barriers  of  nobility,"  i.  e. 
those  barriers  so  carefully  guarded  by  patrician  pride. — Ista.  here 
denotes  contempt,  with  a  covert  reference  also  to  the  prejudices  of 
his  opponent :  those  barriers  of  nobility  which  you  would  again  seek 
to  make  an  obstacle  in  the  path  of  Murena. 

4.  Ex  familia  vetere  et  illustri.     The  family  of  Murena,  although 
plebeian  in  origin,  was  nevertheless  an  old  and  distinguished  one. — 
Ab  equitis  RomaniJUio.     Compare  note  15,  page  43. 

5.  Duobtis  patridis.  L.  Sergius  Catilina  and  P.  Sulpicius  Galba. 
— Modestissimo  atque  optima  viro.  "  A  man  of  the  utmost  modesty 
and  probity."     Asconius  (Arg.  Orat.   contra,  compet.)  calls  lam, 
"  vir  sofa-ius  sanctusqve." 


384  ORATJON  'FOR 

Page. 

103  "•  Dignit0*6-  "  In  personal  merit." — Gratia.  "  In  influence,'' 
i.  e.  in  favour  with  the  people.  The  allusion  is  to  that  influence 
which  antiquity  of  family  had  hitherto  claimed  as  its  peculiar  right. 

7.  Quod  si  id  crimen,  &c.     "  Now,  if  this  ought  to  have  been 
alleged  as  a  crime  against  a  man  of  humble  birth,  undoubtedly  of 
that  occasion,  neither  enemies  nor  envious  persons  would  have  beer 
wanting  to  urge  it  against  me." — The  pronoun  id  refers  here  to 
success  in  gaining  the  consulship  ;  and  the  strong  meaning  to  be 
attached  to  crimen  derives  elucidation  from  the  language  of  Sallust, 
referred  to  in  a  previous  note:  " el  quasi  poilui  consulatum  crede 
bant." 

8.  Cujus  cst  magna  in  uiroque  dignitas.     "  Of  which  there  is  a 
large  and  distinguished   share  in  each."     The  Licinian  family,  al- 
though of  plebeian  origin,  is  here  placed  on  a  full  equality  with  the 
line  of  the  Sulpicii. 

9.  Quaesturam  una  petiit,  &c.     These  words  are  supposed  to 
be  spoken  by  Sulpicius. — Cicero  adverts  here  to  another  allegation 
on  the  part  of  the  latter,  namely  that  he  was  declared  quaestor  be- 
fore Murena,  that  is,  preceded  him  in  the  order  of  election.     "  He 
sought  the  quaestorship  along  with  me,  and  I  was  declared  before 
him."     The  order  of  precedence  among  the  successful  candidates 
was  regulated  by  the  number  of  votes  which  each  received ;  and 
Sulpicius  seeks  to  make  this  a  proof  of  his  superiority,  in  point  of 
personal  merit,  to  Murena,  because  when  they  both  were   elected 
quaestors,  the  majority  of  Sulpicius  was  greater  than  that  of  the 
other. 

10.  Non  est  respondendum  ad  omnia.     "  There  is  no  need  of 
answering  every  objection,"  i.  e.  there  is  no  need  of  going  into  a 
long  discussion  respecting  every  objection  which  an  opponent  may 
see  fit  to  raise.     Some  objections  answer  themselves  ;  and  this  is 
one  of  them. 

'i.  Cum  multi,  &c.  "That  when  there  are  many  candidates 
fctfual  in  point  of  merit,  and  only  one  of  them  can  obtain  the  first 
rank,  the  order  of  merit  and  of  announcement  is  not  the  same,"  &c. 
i.  e.  in  announcing  the  names  of  the  successful  competitors,  some 
one  of  them  must  of  course  be  named  first,  and  the  rest  must  follow 
in  a  certain  order,  but  this  is  no  proof  of  relative  merit. — There  is 
more  in  the  argument  of  Sulpicius  than  Cicero  is  willing  to  admit. 
A  greater  number  of  votes  given  for  one  candidate  than  for  another 
even  when  both  succeed  to  office,  must  be  regarded  as  some  proof 
of  the  possession  of  superior  merit  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  give 
those  votes.  Cicero,  it  is  true,  supposes  the  candidates  to  be  all 
equal  in  point  of  merit,  "  pares  dignitate,"  but  this  is  begging  the 


t.    MURBNA.  385 

Page. 

question,  for  it  is  the  very  thing  to  be  proved.  Besides,  he  hiioself,  1  f)O 
when  speaking  of  his  own  case,  attaches,  as  may  well  be  imagined, 
a  great  deal  more  of  importance  to  the  fact,  of  his  having  been  de- 
clared quaestor  one  of  the  first,  first  aedile,  and  first  praetor. 
Compare  Or.  in  Pis.  c.  1  :  "  Me  quum  quaestorem  in  primis,  aedi- 
lem  priorem,  praetorem  primum  cunctis  suffragiis  populus  Roma- 
nus  faciebat ;  homini  ille  honorerr,  non  generi,  &c.,  deferebat." — 
The  student  will  observe,  that  it  is  aedilem  priorem  in  the  passage 
just  quoted,  because  there  were  only  two  aediles,  but  in  our  text  it 
is  quaestor  prior  merely  with  reference  to  Sulpicius  and  Murena, 
because  the  number  of  quaestors  at  the  time  was  quite  large,  and 
if  Sulpicius  had  stood  at  the  head  of  all,  he  would  have  been  called 
quaestor  primus. 

12.  Sed  quaestura,  &c.     "  But,  in  truth,  the  quaestorship  allotted 
to  each  of  you,  was  almost  equally  unimportant."     Literally,  "  the 
quaestorship  of  each  was  almost  of  equal  importance  in  point  of  lot." 
The  provinces,  or  duties  of  the  quaestors,  were  assigned  to  them  by 
lot,  and  Murena  and  Sulpicius  drew  two  of  the  most  insignificant. 

13.  Lege    Titia.     "  Under  the  Titian  law,"  i.  e.  by  the  oper 
ation  of   this   law.     The  Lex    Titia    (proposed   by    the    tribune 
Titius,  A.  U.  C.  448)  ordained  that  the  existing  number  of  quaestors 
should  be  doubled,  and  that  they  should  determine  their  provinces  by 
lot.  By  the  operation  of  this   law,  Murena  obtained  an  unimportant 
province,  in  which  he  had  no  chance  of  distinguishing  himself.  By  the 
operation   of  the  same   law  (i.  e.  by  being  compelled  to  run  his 
chance  in  drawing  lots)  Servius  obtained  a  province  equally  insigni- 
ficant. 

14.  Tu  illam,  &c.      "  You  that  one,  at  which,  when  the  quaes- 
tors are  allotted  to  the  different  provinces,  a  shout  of  ridicule  is  even 
accustomed  to.  be  raised."      The  unlucky  quaestor  who  drew  this 
province,  for  his  sphere  of  operations,  was  exposed  to  the  laughter 
of  those  who  stood  around. 

15.  Ostiensem,   &c.      "The  province  namely  of  Ostia,  not  so 
much,  productive  of  influence,   or  conferring  distinction,  as  full  of 
toil  and  trouble."     The  burdensome  nature  of  this  province  appears 
to  have  arisen  from  the  circumstance  of  Ostia's  being  a  much- fre- 
quented sea-port,  and  also  from  the  salt-works  in  its  vicinity.   (Com- 
pare   Graevius'  ad  loc.)      Ernesti  assigns  a  different  explanation, 
which  we  cannot,  of  course,  mention  here.      Consult  Clav.   Cic.  s. 
v.  Aquarius. 

16.  Consedit.      "  Settled  down  from  public  view,"  i.  e.  passed 
not  the  bounds  of  the  quaestorship. 

17.  In  quo  excurrere,  &c.     "  In  which  your  merit  might  speed 

33 


3#6  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

I  03  forth  and  become  knowp.."     A  meiayhor  borrowed  fron.  chariot- 
races. 

18.  Reliqui  (emporis  spatium,  &c.      "  The  period  of  time   re- 
maining after  this  is  next  made   a  subject  of  comparison,"    i.  e. 
the  mode  in  which  you  have  each  passed  your  time  since  the  expira- 
tion of  your  respective  quaestorships. 

19.  Hanc  urbanam  militiam,  &c.     "This  city  warfare  of  an- 
swering   legal   questions,   of  drawing    up  writings,    of  protecting 
the  interests  of   clients,   full  of  perplexity  and  vexation."      We 
have  here,  arranged  under  three  heads,  all  the  duties  of  a  Roman 
lawyer,  and  the  whole  is  pleasantly  called  urbana  militia,  in  contra- 
distinction to  the  real   warfare  in  which  Murena  is  engaged. — Re- 
spondendi.     Consult  note  16,  page  99. — Scribendi.     This  refers  to 
the   drawing  up  of  contracts,  articles  of  agreement,  &c. — Cavendi. 
The  reference  here  is  to  advice  generally :  how  a  case  is  to  be  ar- 
ranged, an  agreement  to  be  made,  &c.      Compare  Ernes ti,  (Ciav. 
Cic.  s.  v.)  :  Caveo  de  jureconsultis   dicitur,  cum  litigantibus  nut 
aliguid  contrahentibus,   sive  verbo  sive  scriptu,  ostendunt,  quomodo 
Us  instruenda,  resque  contrahenda  sit,  lie  causa  cadant,  aut  decipi- 
antur." — It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  Cicero  refers  in  the  text,  to 
the  Roman  lawyer  or  jurisconsult,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term, 
as  distinct  from  the  orator,  or  pleader  in  the  courts,  Sulpicius  being 
ranked  under  the  former  class. 

20.  Difficullatem  exsorbuit.      "  He  patiently  encountered  every 
difficulty."     The  literal  meaning  of  this  phrase  is  coarse,  but  ex 
pressive.      "  He  gulped  down  every  difficulty,"  and  made  the  best 
of  it. 

104     ^'  ^n  ea  scientia>-     "  ^n  that  branch  of  knowledge."      Alluding 
to  the  civil  or  Roman  law. 

2.  Legatus  L.  Lucullo  fuit.     In  the  Mithridatic  war.     His  father 
had  been  a  lieutenant  of  Sylla's  in  the  same  war. —  Qua  in  legations. 
"  During  which  lieutenancy." 

3.  Signa  contulit ;  manum  conseruit.    "  He  engaged  ;  he  fought 
hand  to  hand  with  the  foe."     Manum  consercre  refers  here  to  tho 
personal  prowess  of  Murena. — Signa  conferre   is   merely   "  to  en- 
gage,"   "to  join    battle,"   but   manum   conserere,    "  to    come  to 
close  quarters,"  "  to  fight  hand  to  hand,"  &c.    Compare  the  Greek 
form  of  expression,   piyvvvai   raj    y^ctpaf. 

4.  Asiam  istam  refer  tam,  &c.     "That  Asia  of  yours,  crowded 
with  riches,  and  the  abode  of  voluptuousness."      The  pronoun  ista 
has  here  its  usual  force  :  that  Asia  which  you  make  a  source  of  re- 
proach to  him,  and  about  his  conduct  in  which  you  are  continually 
declaiming. 


L.     MURENA.  387 

Page. 

ii.  Sic  cat  versatits.  "  He  so  conducted  himself."  laterally,  "  he 
was  so  employed." 

Q^Concessam  licentiam  fingendi.  "  The  privilege  allowed  us 
of  uttering  mere  fictions,"  i.  e.  of  exaggerating  the  services  of  Mu- 
rena. — Publ-kis  literis.  "  By  the  despatches  of  that  commander." 

7.  Summa  in  utroque,  &c.     "  There  is,  then,  in  each  the  highest 
reputation,    the  greatest  personal   merit ;  which,   if  Servius   shall 
allow  me  so  to  do,  I  will  consider  entitled  to  equal  and  similar  praise. 
But  no  such  thing  is  allowed  me.      He  makes  a  brisk  attack  on  the 
military  art,  he  inveighs  against,"   &c. 

8.  Esse.     "Belongs  as  a  matter  of  course."    . 

9.  Mihi.     The  pronoun  is  here  merely  idiomatical,  and  not  to  be 
translated.      Unless,   indeed,  we  paraphrase  it,  as  in  a  previous  in- 
stance.    (Note  12,  page  101.)    It  may  be  then  considered  as  some- 
what analogous  perhaps  to  our  ordinary  expression,    "  Hark  ye,  my 
friend." 

10.  Forum  non attigefis  1      "Did  you  all  that  whHe  not  set  foot 
in  the  forum  1" — Cum  Us,  qui  in  foro,  &c.      "Are  you  going  to 
-.ontend  in  point  of  personal  merit  with  those  who  have  made  their 
very  dwellings  in  the  forum  1" 

1 1.  Positam  in  oculis  esse  gratiam.  "  That  the  favour,  which  my 
conduct  had  won,  was  constantly  before  the  eyes  of  my  country- 
men."   And,  therefore,  they  endured  the  more  patiently  my  appear- 
ing so  often  before  them. 

12.  Mei  satietatcm.    "  The  satiety  arising  from  my  daily  appear- 
ance."    This,  of  course,  is  what  commentators  call  oratorie  dictum, 
and  by  no  means  a  copy  of  Cicero's  secret  thoughts. — Magno  meo 
Lahore.     "  By  great  exertions  on  my  part." 

13.  Desiderium.     "  Occasional  absence."     Literally,  "  the  want 
of  us,"  at  times. 

14.  _4d  studiorum  atque  artium  contentionem.     "  To  the  com- 
parison between  your  respective  habits  and  professions."     Studio, 
is  here  equivalent  to  mores.      Compare  Corn.  Nep.  Yit,  Alcib.  11, 
3  :  "  Postqwm  inde  expulsus  Thebas  verlerit,  adeo  studiis  eorum 
inservisse"  &c.,  and  Fischer,  Ind.  in  Nep.  s.  v. 

15.  Qui.     "How."     Old  ablative  form  for  quo.    More  correctly 
speaking,  qui  is  the  regular  ablative  from  quis,  like  miti  from  mitis, 
or  tali  from  talis.     Consult  the  remarks  of  Perizonius,  ad  Sanct. 
Min.  3,  14.— Vol.  1,  p.  700,  ed.  Bauer. 

16.  Multo  plus  dignitatis.   "  A  much  stronger  claim."  Dignitas 
s  here  a  claim  founded  upon  personal  worth  or  merit. —  VigUas  tu 
•le  nocle,  &c.      An  amusing  comparison  now  follows  between  the 
awver  and  the  soldier,  purposely  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  former 


388  OKATION    FOR 

Page. 

104  ^v  l^e  "awyer  is  here  again  meant  the  jurisconsult,  in  the  stvict 
sense  of  the  term. 

17.  Gallorum.  The  Roman  professional  men  rose  at  an  early 
hour,  to  be  ready  for  their  clients  and  dependants  who  were  very 
early  in  attendance.  (Compare  Horat.  Sat.  1,  1,10.)  So  the  levees 
of  the  magistrates  were  held  at  an  early  period  of  the  morning. 
Sallust  B.  C.  c.  28. 

|K  1.  Buccinarum.  The  trumpet  called  buccina  was  useo  for  chan- 
ging the  watches.  Hence  the  propriety  of  the  term,  on  the  present 
occasion,  to  denote  early  rising  at  the  commencement  of  the  morn- 
ing watch,  or  three  o'clock.  The  night  was  divided  into  four 
watches  of  three  hours  each.  The  first  watch  commenced  at  six 
o'clock  in  the  evening,  according  to  our  enumeration  of  time. 

2.  Tu  actionem  instituis.    "  You  arrange  the  form  of  proceeding 
in  a  case."     Compare,  as  regards  the  meaning  of  actio,  in  this  pas- 
sage, the  explanation  of  Ernesti,  Clan.  Cic.  s.  v.  "Actio  est  for- 
mula, qua  actor  utitur  in  intendenda  rco  lite,  'quae  a  jureconsultis 
fere  petebatur."     It  is  analagous  to  what  we  call,  at  the  present 
day,  the  "  pleadings"  in  a  case,  that  is,  the  carrying  a  case  on,  in 
accordance  with  technical  written  forms,  until  it  is  ready  for  trial. 

3.  Ne  tui  consultores.  "  Lest  they  who  ask  your  advice  be  taken 
in  by  others."     Understand  capianlur. — Capiantur.     "  Be  taken 
by  the  foe." 

4.  Hie  tenet  et  scit,  &c.     "  He  understands  and  well  knows  how 
the  forces  of  the  enemy,  you  how  rains,  may  be  prevented  from 
doing  harm."     The  reference,  in  the  words  aquae  pluviae,  is  to  the 
ancient  action,  "  de  aqua  pluvia  arcenda,"  mentioned  in  the  Digests, 
(lib.  39,  tit.  3.     §  1,  seqq.)  :  "  Si  cui  aqua  pluvia,  damnum  dabit, 
actione  aquae  pluviae  arcendae  avertetur  aqua."     By  aqua  pluvia, 
in  this  species  of  action,  the  Roman  lawyers  meant  either  the  water 
produced  by  heavy  rains,  or  other  water  swelled  by  rains.     Thus 
Ulpian  remarks  :  "  Aquam  pluviam  dicimus,  quae  de  coelo  cadit, 
atque  imbre  excrescit ;  sive  per  se  haec  coelestis  noceat,  ut  Tubero 
ait,  sive  cum  alia  mixta  sit."     The  action  lay,  when  one,  by  erec- 
tions or  works  of  any  kind,  altered  the  course  of  such  water,  or 
made  it  flow  more  rapidly,  or  caused  it  to  rise  by  compressing  it 
within  narrower  limits,  from  all   which  things  danger  was  appre- 
hended by  those  dwelling  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  the  person  who 
did  this  could  be  stopped  in  his  movements.     The  action  also  lay 
when  actual  damage  had  been  done  :  as,  for  example,  when  one 
constructed  an  embankment  to  keep  out  the  waters  of  a  neighbouring 
fen  from  his  grounds,  and  the  waters  of  this  fen,  being  afterward 
swelled  by  rain,  and  unable  to  follow  their  old  direction  by  reason 


L.    MURENA.  389 

P., 

of  the  embankment,  spread  in  an  opposite  course   and  injured  the}  QR 
fields  of  a  neighbour.     (Neratius,  as  cited  by  Ulpian  ad.  loe. — 
Compare  Cic.  Topic,  c.  9.) 

5.  Excrcitatur.     The  common  text  has  exercitatus  est,  but  exer- 
citatur,  which  suits  the  context  much  better,  is  given  by  Quintiliar 
(9,  3,  32)  who  cites  the  present  passage  from  Hie  tenet  to  regendis . 
and  it  is  also  found  in  several  MSS.,  and  early  editions. 

6.  In  propagandas  finibus.     "  In  enlarging  the  boundaries  of  oui 
empire."     Literally,  "  in  carrying  forward." 

7.  In  regendis.     "  In  regulating  those  of  some  field,"  i.  e.  in  an 
action  brought  about  the  boundary  line  of  some  piece  of  ground. 
The  contrast  here,  between  the  operations  of  Murena  and  Sulpicius. 
is   extremely   amusing,    and    must   have  been  most  mortifying  tc 
the  notions  of  self-importance  entertained  by  the  latter. 

8.  Ret  militaris  virtus,  &c.    "  The  excellence  of  the  military  art 
surpasses  that  of  every  other." 

9.  Et  haec  forensis  laus,  dec.     "  And  this  our  reputation  and 
assiduity,  at  the  bar,  lie  sheltered  beneath  the  protection  and  secu 
rity  which  martial  prowess  affords." 

10.  Simul  atque  increpuit,  &c.    "  As  soon  as  the  least  suspicion 
of  any  public  commotion,  has  arisen."     Literally,  "  has  sounded 
forth."     Tumultus  appears  to  be  taken  here  in  a  somewhat  more 
general  meaning  than  its  ordinary  one.     The   signification  which 
this  term  usually  has  is  explained  in  a  previous  part  of  this  volume. 
Compare  note  8,  page  26." 

11.  Artes  nos/rae.     Eloquence  and  legal  science. 

12.  Et,  quoniam,  &c.     "  And,  since  you  seem  to  me  to  fondle 
that  science  of  the  law,  as  if  it  were  a  little  daughter  of  yours." 
Compare  the  explanation,  given  to  osculari  by  Ernesti,  Clam.  Cic. 
s.  v. :  "  Osculari,  nimis  magni  facer  e,  amare." 

13.  Istud  nescio  quid.     "  That,  I  know  not  what,"  i.  e.  that 
something  or  other,  that  really  very  unimportant  matter.     Compare 
note  21,  page  63.     The  reference  is  to  dry,  technical  law-know- 
ledge. 

14.  Contmentia,  gravitate,  justtlia,  Jide.     The  common  text  has 
these  all  as  genitives,  continentiae,  gravitatis,  justitiae,  fidei.     We 
have  made  the  alteration,  with  Schiitz,  after  the  suggestion  of  Lam- 
binus.     In  the  common  reading,  ceteris  omnibus  comes  in  very 
awkwardly,  to  say  nothing  of  the  inelegant  form  of  expression  in 
tirlutibus  continentiae,  &c. 

15.  Quod  quidem  jus  civile  didicisti,  &c.     "  As  to  your  haviiig 
learnt,  indeed,  the  civil  law,  I  will  not  say  you  have  lost  your  labour 
in  BO  doing." 

33* 


390  ORATION    FOR 

4 

Page. 

105  ^'  ^n  *^a  disciplina.     "  In  tliat  branch  of  knowledge."    Disct- 
plina  is  hero  equivalent  to  doctrina.     Compare  the  language  of 
Cicero,  in  speaking  of  Archimedes  (in  Verr.  4,  58)  :  "  Archimedem 
ilium,  sumwa  ingenio  hominem  et  disciplina,"  i.  e.  a  man  of  the 
greatest  talent  and  knowledge. 

17.  Munitam.     "Sure."  By  munila  via  is  meant  a  path  guarded 
from  all  inroad  or  interruption  from  without,  and  free  from  all  obsta 
cles  and  impediments  within,  i.  e.  a  way  that  leads  with  certainty  to 
some  object. 

18.  Et  admirabilem,  &c.     "  Both  a  dignity  calculated  to  excite 
the  admiration  of  others,  and  a  utility  that  will  call  forth  their 
warmest  gratitude.'* 

19.  Quae  sunt  in  imperio,  et  in  statu  civitatis.     "  That  are  con- 
nected with  our  empire  abroad,  and  with  the  condition  of  our  gov- 
ernment at  home,"  i.  e.  both  our  foreign  conquests  and  our  civil 
institutions. 

20.  Consilio  et  periculo.     "  By  their  wise  counsels  and  the  dan- 
gers which  they  encounter,"  i.  e.  by  their  wisdom  and  valour.   Con 
silio  embraces  both  advice  given  at  home,  and  the  skilful  manage- 
ment of  operations  abroad. 

21.  Quae.      Ernesti  says  that  the  words  posse  consilio,  &c.,  do 
not  harmonize  well,  in  point  of  construction,  with  what  precedes, 
and  he  therefore  thinks  that  guae  ought  to  be  struck  out.     The 
whole  difficulty,   however,  is  easily  obviated  by  considering   the 
clause  from  quae  to  deligendo  as  parenthetical,  and  we  have  accord- 
ingly inserted  the  marks  of  parenthesis. — Posse  permotere,  &c. 
"To be  able,  namely,  to  move  with  powerful  effect,"  &c. 

22.  Tribunicios  furores.     "  The  madness  of  the  tribunes."  The 
tribunes  of  the  commons,  as  the  leaders  of  the  popular,  or  demo- 
cratic, party,  were  almost  constantly  at  variance  with  the  patricians, 
and,  in  the  heat  of  these  collisions,  often  proceeded  to  the  most 
extravagant  lengths.     It  was  for  the  consuls,  as  the  organ  of  the 
government  at  large,  and  the  representatives  in  feeling,  most  com 
monly,  of  the  aristocratic  party,  to  curb  these  wild  excesses. 

23.  -Qui  iargitioni  resislat.     "  To  check  the  current  of  corrup- 
tion."— Homines  non  nobiles.     The  same  as  homines  novi. 

106  •*"  ^ urimas  gratias,  &.c.    "The  most  extensive  influence,  the 
firmest  friendships,  the  warmest  feelings  in  our  behalf."       Gratia* 

here  refers  to  those  who  are  under  obligations  for  favours  received, 
and  studia  to  well-wishers  generally. 

2.  In  isto  vestro  artificio.  "  In  that  poor  art  of  yours."  Isto 
here  conveys  a  disparaging  idea.  Vestro  refers  to  the  whole  body 
of  jurisconsults  to  which  Sulpicius  belonged. 


L.    MURENA.  391 

Page. 

3.  In  lam  tenui  scientia.   "  In  so  frivolous  a  science."  Literal^, .  ,-vp 
"  so  weak,"  or  "  feeble." 

4.  Res  enim  sunt  parvae,  &c.       "  For  the  subjects  connected 
with  it  are  insignificant  in  their  nature,  being  almost  wholly  confined 
to  single  letters  and   the  punctuation  between  words,"  i.   e.  the 
punctuation  of  sentences. — Occupatae,  literally,    "  taken  up  with." 
Cicero  refers  in  this  passage  to  the  technical  minutiae  of  the  legal 
forms  of  the  day.       The  special  pleading,  and  the  technicalities  of 
our  own  times,  are  almost  precisely  analogous. 

5.  Enuntiatis  vestris  mysteriis.     "  Now  that  your  mysteries  are 
divulged."     This  is  explained  immediately  after  :  Posset  agi  lege, 
&c. — Totum  est  contemptum  et  abjectum.     "  Is  become  altogether 
contemned  and  degraded,"  i.  e.  has  fallen  into  utter  contempt  and 
disgrace. 

6.  Posset  agi  lege,  necne.     "  Whether  they  could  go'  to  law,  or 
not."     Literally,  "  whether  it  could  be  gone  to  law  by  them,"  &c. 
Agere  lege  is  "  to  go  to  law,'   i.  e.  to  act  in  accordance  with  the 
law  permitting  an  action  or  suit  to  be  brought.     Compare  the  ex- 
planation of, Ernesti,  ( Clav.   Cic.  s.  v.)  :  "Lege   agere,    i. 'e.  ex 
lege  permittente  lege  accusare  vel  petere." — -The   student  will   bear 
in  mind,   that  the  meaning  in  this  passage  is,  not  that  few  persons 
formerly  knew  whether  they  had  a  good  cause  of  action  or  not,  but 
on  what  day  they  could  bring  their  suit,  certain  days  being  set  apart, 
on  which  alone  law-proceedings  could  take  place,   and  these  days 
being  known  only  to  the  lawyers,  who  kept  them  purposely  con- 
cealed, in  order  to  make  their  clients  entirely  dependant  upon  them. 

7.  Fastos  enim  vulgo  non  habebant.       "  For  they  had  no  public 
calendar."      Literally,  "  no  calendar  common  to  all,"  i.  e.  which 
any   one   might  consult.      The    Fasti,  or  Calendar,  contained  the 
days  of  each  month)  with  a  particular  mark  designating  those  on 
which  it  was  lawful  (fas  )  for  the  praetor  to  hold  court.      Hence 
these  days  were  called  dies  fasti,  and  hence  also  the  name  fasti 
given  to  the  calendar  itself,  since  from  this  circumstance  it  originally 
derived  all  its  value.     The  appellation  always  continued  to  be  given 
to  it,  although  it  eventually  became  a  record  rather  of  sacred  than 
of  legal  days. — The  Pontifex  Maximus  and  his  colleague  had  the 
care  of  the  calendar,  and  an  acquaintance  with  its  contents  was  for 
a  long  time  confined  to  the  priests  and  patricians,  the  former  being 
all  of  that  order.     The  early  lawyers,  being  also  patricians,  were  of 
course,  well  versed  in  the  whole  subject. 

8.  Tamquam  a  Chaldaeis.     The  lawyers,   who  were  consulted 
bv  people  respecting  the  proper  days  for  commencing  lawsuits,  are 
here  humorously  compared  to  Chaldaean  astrologers,  who  calcula- 


392  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

106  tec*  nativities,  and  pretended  to  be  acquainted  with  lucky  and  un 
lucky  days. 

9.  Cn.  Flavins.     The  son  of  a  freedman,  and  the  scribe  or  clerk 
of  Appius  Claudius  Caecus,  a  lawyer  of  the  day.      The  latter  had 
arranged  in  writing  the  days  proper  for  commencing  actions,  and 
Flavius  stole  or  copied  the  book,  and  published  it,   A.  U.    C.  440. 
In  return  for  this  favour,  he  was  made  curule  aedile  by  the  pecrple, 
and  afterward  praetor.      The  book  was  called  from  him  Jus  Civile 
Flavianum.     (Liv.  9,  46. — Cic.  de  Orat.  1,  41. — Digest.  1,  2,  2.) 

10.  Qui  cornicum  oculos  confixerit.     "  Who  is  said  to  have  trick- 
ed these  knowing  ones."     Literally,   "  who  is  said  to  have  pierced 
(i.  e.  put  out)  the  eyes  of  these  crows."     The  student  will  note  the 
force  of  the  subjunctive  in  confixerit. — We  have  here  a  proverbial 
form  of  expression,  applied,  it  is  said,  to  those  who  deceived  very 
cunning  persons.     The  crow  being  remarkable  for  keenness  of  sight, 
to  put  out  a  crow's  eyes  was  a  figurative  mode   of  designating  a 
superior  degree  of  keenness  and  craft.     (Compare  Erasmus,  Chil. 
1,  cent.  3,  prov.  75,  sub  fin.)      Camerarius,  and  others,  however, 
give  a  different  explanation  of  this  proverb.     According  to  them, 
birds  of  the  species  here  denoted,  in  fighting  with  other  animals, 
strike  at  their  eyes  ;  and  ought  therefore  to  be  doubly  careful  in 
guarding  their  own.     This  seems  rather  forced. 

11.  Et  singulis  diebus,  &c.     "And   to  have  published,  for  the 
information  of  the  people,  a  calendar,  in  which  each  day  was  marked, 
and  which  they  were  carefully  to  learn."      Literally,   "a  calendar 
for  each  day,  to  be  carefully  learnt."      This  calendar  contained  all 
the  days  of  the  year,  and  distinguished  between  those  on  which  an 
action  could  be  brought,  (dies  fasti,)  and  those  when  no  legal  pro- 
ceedings could  take  place,  (dies  nefasti.) — In  the  construction  of 
this  sentence,  singulis  diebus  is  to  go  vriihfastos. 

12.  Itaque  irati  illi.      "  Thereupon,  the  poor  lawyers,  in  great 
wrath." — Durum  ratione,  &c.     "  Now  that  the  arrangement  of  the 
days  was  published  and  known  to  all." 

13.  Notas  quasdam  composuerunt,  &c.  "  Invented  certain  forma 
in  legal  proceedings,  in  order  that  their  intervention  might  be  ne- 
cessary in  all  cases."     These  forms,  called  notae  because  purposely 
abbreviated,  in  order  that  none  but  the  lawyers  might  understand 
them,    met   eventually    with    no  better   fate    than  the  system  of 
days.     They  were  published  by  Sextus  Aelius  Catus,  and  his  book 
was  named  Jus  Aelianum. — Cicero  quotes  and  ridicules  some  of 
these  forms,  in  the  succeeding  chapter. 

14.  Cum  hoc  fan,  &c.     In  proceeding  to  ridicule  the  legal  forms 
of  the  day,  Cicero  here  imagines  a  controversy  between  two  parties 


L.    MURENA.  393 

Page. 

lespecimg  the  title  to  a  farm  in  the  Sabine  territory.  First  he  sug 
gests  a  simple  form  of  proceeding,  the  plaintiff  claiming,  and  the  de- 
fendant denying  his  claim,  and  the  judge  then  giving  his  decision. 
But  this  way  of  doing  business  does  not  please  the  lawyers.  They 
must  have  their  forms  and  technicalities,  and  Cicero  then  proceeds 
to  show  in  a  very  amusing  way,  what  these  forms  of  proceeding  are. 
— Render  as  follows  :  "  Although  the  following  mode  might  have 
answered  perfectly  well :  '  The  Sabine  farm  is  mine  :'  '  No,  'tie 
mine  :'  and  then  the  decision  of  the  judge  :  the  lawyers  shook  their 
heads  at  this.  '  The  farm,'  says  the  lawyer,  '  which  is  in  the 
country  that  is  called  the  Sabine.'  Verbosely  enough.  Well,  pray, 
what  nextl"  &c. — The  lawyer  and  Cicero  are  here  holding  an 
imaginary  dialogue,  aud  the  former  is  giving  the  legal  mode  Of 
conducting  a  suit,  interspersed  with  occasional  remarks  from  the 
latter. 

15.  Inde  ibi,  &c.     "  I  summon  you  out  of  court,  from  'that  place 
there,  to  contend  with  me  on  the  spot  itself."     Inde  ibi  is  a  legal 
pleonasm,  retained  from  the  old  forms  of  the  language,  and  refers  to 
the  place  where  the   opposite  party  is  supposed  to  be  standing  in 
court.     Ernesti  very  unnecessarily  rejects  ibi  with  Gruter,  and  is 
followed  in  this  by  many  subsequent  editors.-^-The  phrase  ex  jure 
is  based  on  an  old  law-custom.     In  the  earlier  Roman  law,  if  a 
question  arose  about  a  farm,  a  house,  or  the  like,  the  praetor  went 
with  the  parties  to  the  place,  and  gave  possession  to  which  of  them 
he  thought  just.     But,  from  the  increase  of  business,  this  soon  be- 
came impracticable,  and  then  the  parties  called  one  another  from 
court  (ex  jure)  to  the  spot  in  controversy,  a  farm  for  instance,  and 
brought  from  thence  a  turf,  or  clod,  and  contested  about  it  as  about 
the  whole  farm.  It  was  delivered  to  the  person  to  whom  the  praetor 
adjudged  possession.     But  this  custom  also  was  dropped,  and  the 
lawyers  devised  a  new  form  of  proceeding,  which  is  the  one  that 
Cicero  here  ridicules.     The  words  inde  i&i,  &c.,  as  far  as  voco,  are 
supposed  to  be  uttered  by  the  plaintiff,  and  they  are  the  same  with 
those  that  were  used  when  the  parties  actually  went  to  the  contested 
spot.     The  language  remains  after  the  actual  form  has  ceased. 

16.  Manu  consertum.     In  this  old  form  the  supine  is  employed. 
The  expression  is  a  figurative  one,  and  is  thought  by  some  to  have 
originated  at  a  time  when  the  Romans  determined  their  disputes 
with  the  point  of  their  swords.     Others  suppose,  that  the  two  par- 
ties broke  a  rod  before  the  praetor,  in  a  kind  of  mock  fight,  in  order 
that  one  of  them  might  say  he  had  been  ousted,  or  deprived  of  pos- 
session, and  might  claim  to  be  restored.     (Compare  Aul.  Gett.  20. 
10  and  Heineccius,  Antiq.  Rom.  p.  682,  ed.  Haubold.) 


394  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

17.  Hie,  unde  petebatur.     "  He,  of  whom  tKe  claim  was  made," 
i.  e.  the  defendant. — The  plaintiff  was  called  petitor. 

18.  Transit  idem  jureconsultus,  &c.     "  The  same  lawyer  now 
crosses  over,  after  the  manner  of  a  Latin  flute-player."     The  flute- 
players  among  the  Romans  were  usually  natives  of  Latium.     Com- 
pare Livy,  9,  30.— Cicero  alludes  here  to  the  custom  that  prevailed 
on  the  Roman  stage.     The  flute-player  appears  to  have  turned  from 
one  actor  to  another,  aiding  each  in  turn  with  a  cadence  adapted  to 
his  voice,  ajid  the  part  he  was  performing  at  the  time.     In  the  same 
way  the  lawyer,  after  arranging  the  form  of  words  which  one  party 
is  to  utter,  passes  over,  and  does  the  same  kind  office  for  the  other. 

19.  Unde  tu  me,  &c.     "  From  that  place  there,"  says  he,  "  from 
which  you  summoned  me  out  of  court  to  contend,  I,  in  my  turn, 
summon  you."      Unde  does  not  here  denote  an  actual  change  of 
place  in  the  two  parties,  but  only  a  change,  as  it  were,  in  their  legal 
position  towards  each  other,  the   summoned  person  becoming  now 
the  summoner.   The  idea  intended  to  be  conveyed  is  best  expressed 
by  a  paraphrase,  "  as  you  summoned  me,  so  now  I,  in  my  turn,  sum- 
mon you." 

20.  Pulckrum  se  ac  beatum  putaret.     "  Should  think  himself  an 
exceedingly  clever  and  able  personage."     We  have  rendered  these 
words  more  according  to  their  spirit  than  their  literal  meaning. 
Future  se  pulchrum  ac  beatum  is  an  idiomatic  expression,  and  analo- 
gous to  our  English  phraseology,  "  to  have  a  high  notion  of  one's 
self,"  "  to  entertain  .£  happy  opinion  of  one's  own  abilities,"  &c. 

21.  Atque  aliquid,  &c.     The  meaning  intended  to  be  conveyed 
is  this,  lest  the  praetor  should  think  himself  so  clever  and  able  a 
personage,  as  to  make  a  speech  in  his  own  words. 

22.  Carmen.     "  A  set  form  of  words."     Any  set  form  of  words, 
in  prose  or  verse  was   called  carmen. — Cum  ceteris  rebus,  &c. 
"  Both  absurd  in  other  respects,  and  particularly  so   in  what  fol- 
lows."    In  some  MSS.  and  early  editions  the  words  nullo  usu 
occur  in  place  of  illo,  which  Graevius  has  adopted.     But  then  there 
is  nothing  to  answer  to  cum  ceteris  rebus. 

23.  Suis  utrisque  superstitibus,  &c.     "  Their  witnesses  being 
present  for  each,  I  order  the  respective  parties  to  proceed  that  way 
Go,"  i.  e.  in  the  presence  of  your  witnesses  here,  I  order  you  to  go 
to  the  spot  in  controversy. — In  note  15,  we  traced  down  the  legal 
mode  of  proceeding  to  the  bringing  of  a  turf  from  the  cortested 
spot,  and  then  stated  that  this  custom  also  was  dropped  in  course  of 
time.     The  new  mode  is  now  referred  to.     The  praetor  tells  the 
parties  to  go  to  the  spot,  and  they  make  an  appearance  of  going, 
headed  by  the  lawyer  to  point  out  the  way.     Then,  after  a  shot* 


L.    MURENA.  395 

Page. 

interval,  the  praetoi  says,  "  return,"  and  they  come  back  as  it  were, 
and  are  supposed  to  bear  a  turf.    If  it  appeared  that  one  of  the  parties 
had  been  dispossessed  by  the  other  through  force,  the  praetor  de- 
creed according  to  one  form  ;  if  not,  according  to  another.     The 
possessor  being  thus  ascertained,  then  the  action  about  the  right  of 
property  commenced.     The  person  ousted,  first  asked  the  defendant 
if  he  was  the  lawful  possessor  ( Quando  te  in  jure  conspicib  postulo 
an  sies  auctor,  i.  e.  possessor.)     Then  he  claimed  his  right,  and  in 
the  meantime  required  that  the  possessor  should  give  security  not 
10  do  any  damage  on  the  farm,  &c. 

24.  Super stitibus.     The  common  text  has  praesentibus  added 
after  this  word,  but  this  is  a  manifest  pleonasm,  as  superstes  itself 
means  a  present  witness.     Compare  Festus,  "  Superstites  tcstes 
praesentes  significat,  &c.,  p.  244,  ed.  Lind.,  and  Servius,  ad  Aen. 
3,  339,  who  refers  to  this  same  passage,  and  explains  superslitibus 
by  praesentibus. 

25.  Praesto  aderat,  &c.     "  The  sage  jurisconsult  was  close  at 
hand."     Consult  note  23. — Redite  viam.     Consult  note  23. 

26.  Haec  jam  turn,  &c.     "  These  forms  appeared  even  at  that 
day,  I  believe,  ridiculous  in  their  nature,  among  those  bearded  per- 
sonages themselves,"  i.  e.  the  very  lawyers,  who  invented  them, 
laughed  I  believe  in  secret  at  them. — Barbatos.     A  long  beard  was 
regarded  by  the  vulgar  as  a  type  of  wisdom.     Hence  the  expres- 
sions, "  barbati  philosophi,"  "  ba.rba.ti  magistri,"  &c.     In  the  early 
days,  however,  to  which  Cicero  alludes,  the  wearing  of  beards  was 
an  ordinary  custom,  and  hence  barbatos  in  the  text  carries  with  it 
the  blended  idea  of  antiquity  and  pretension  to  superior  wisdom. 

1.  Homines,   cum  recte,  &c.     "For  persons,  when   they  ha 
piaced  themselves  properly  enough,  and  in  a  particular  spot,  to  be 
ordered  to.  go  away,"  &c. 

2.  Ilia  omnia,  &c.     "All  those  other  forms." — Injure.     "In 
court."     Consult  note  23,  page  106. 

3.  Anne  tu  dicis  causa  vindicaveris  1     "  Have  you  made  this 
claim  for  mere  appearance'  sake  1"  i.  e.  have  you  made  it  for  mere 
appearance  sake,  or  have  you  a  good  right  1 — The  plaintiff  is  thus 
interrogated  by  the  defendant,  who  is  desirous  of  ascertaining  what 
grounds  of  action  he  may  have,  that  he  may  be  able  to  meet  the 
claim.     Such  at  least  is  the  explanation  of  .Ursinus.     But  the  true 
meaning  of  this  detached  law-form  is  allowed  by  commentators  to 
be  very  difficult  to  ascertain,  although  the  solution  given  by  Ursinus 
appears  the  most  plausible. — Dicis  causa  is  an  old  form  of  expres- 
sion,  equivalent  here  to  in  speciem.     Compare   Ernes ti,    Clam. 
Cic  B.  v 


396  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

107  ^'  ^  mani^us  jottata  et  excussa.  "Well  handled  and  exam- 
ined." Excutio  gets  the  meaning  of  "  to  examine"  from  its  primi- 
tive import"  to  shake  out  the  contents  of  any  thing,"  and  ascertain 
in  this  way  what  it  contains. 

5.  InarMsima  prudentiae.     "  Totally  devoid  of  sense,"  i.  e.  of 
any  rational  meaning. 

6.  Nam  rum,  &c.     "  For  although  very  many  admirable  princi- 
ples have  been  laid  down  by  our  laws." — Ingeniis.     "  By  the  irge- 
nuity." 

7.  InfirmU&tem  consilii.     "  A  natural  weakness  of  judgment." 
-In  tutorui"-  potestate.     "  Under  the  control  of  guardians." 

8.  Quae  potestate  mulierum,  &c.     These  appear  to  have  been 
the  guardians  whom  the  woman  chose  ex  testamento  viri.     (Cujas, 
Qbserv.  8,  11.)     Alciatus  thinks,   that  they  had  slaves  of  theirs 
made  public  ones,  and  then  appointed  them  their  guardians.  These, 
although  not  exactly  slaves  any  longer,  in  the  full  sense  of  the  term, 
as  regarded  ft  private  owner,   were  yet,  o»  the  other  hand,   not 
actually  free,  because  the  public  was  their  master.     Such  persons 
were  still,  from  their  previous  relation  to  the  former  owners,  more 
or  less  under  their  influence  and  control,  even  after  the  ownership 
had  been  transferred.     (Alciat.  Perierg.  9,  19.) 

9.  Sacra.     "  The  sacred  rites  connected  with  families."  Among 
the  Roman«,  each  gens  had  certain  sacred  rites  peculiar  to  itself, 
which  the  father,  or  head  of  each  familia  composing  the  gens,  was 
bound  to  parjbrm.     These  rites  went  with  the  inheritance.     Com- 
pare Cic.  pro  dom.  13  :  "  Quid?  sacra  Clodiae  genlis  cur  intereunt, 
quod  in  te  est  ?"     So  also,  de  Leg.  2,  9  .   Sacra  privata  perpetua 
manento,"  to  which  Cicero  gives  the  following  interpretation  (c. 
19)  :  "  De  sacris  haec  sit  una  senlentia  ut  cmserventur  semper,  et 
deinceps  familiis  prodantur,  et,  ut  in  lege  posui,  perpetua  sint 
sacra." — What  was  called  "  detestatio  sacrorum"  took  place,  when 
it  was  announced  to  an  heir  or  legatee,  that  he  must  adopt  the 
sacred  rites  that  followed  the  inheritance. 

10.  Ad  coemptiones  faciendas.     "  To  make  purchases  of  estates 
encumbered  by  these  rites/'   •  Literally,  "  for  the  purpose  of  making 
purchases."     In  order  to  remove  the  incumbrance  of  family  rites, 
a  fictitious  sale  of  the  property  was  made  to  some  old  and  childless 
person,  and  then  the  same  property  was  purchased  back  fiom  him. 
In  this  way  the  law  was  completely  evaded,  there  being  no  heir  or 
devisee  who  was  to  maintain  the  family  rites  in  the  present  case. 
—This  custom  is  very  neatly  alluded  to  by  Curius,  one  of  Cicero's 
friends,  in  a  letter  to  the  orator.     (Ep:  ad  Fam.  7,  29.)     "  Sum 
•^pfiaet  iilv  tuus,  (trfjjci  Jt  Attici  nostri  :  ergo  frur.tus  cat.  Ivux,  man- 


L.    MURENA.  397 

Page. 

vtptu-m  illius  ;  quod  quidem  si  inter  series  coemlionales 
•.rjpserit,  egerit  nonmultum." 

11.  In  omni  denique,  &c.     "  In  fine,  throughout  the  whole  com- 
pass of  the  civil  law,   they  have  abandoned  the  spirit,  have  retained 
Hie  mere  letter."     Literally,  "the  mere  words  themselves." 

12.  In  alicujus  libris.     "  In  the  writings  of  some  lawyer." 

13.  Id.  nomen.     Caia.    According  to  Cicero's  humorous  explana 
ti.n,  -hev  found  the  name  Caia  applied,  in  the  works  of  some  law- 
yer or  other,  to  a  female  who  had  contracted  matrimony  by  the  rite 
called  coemptio.      Now  this  happened  to  be  her  true  name.      But 
they  thought  tnere  was  a  great  mystery  concealed  under  the  appel- 
lation, and  hence,  in  all  legal  proceedings  connected  with  the  rite 
termed  ccemplio,  every  female  about  to  contract  matrimony  in  that 
way  was  called  by  them  Caia. — It  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  the 
ridicule  here  is  a  good  deal  overstrained.       Cains,  as  applied  to  the 
male,  and  Caia  to  the  female,  were  mere  terms  of  convenience  in 
the  old  Roman  law -forms. 

14.  Quae  coemptioncmjacerent.      "  Who  contracted  matrimony 
by  the  rite  termed  coemptio."   There  were  three  modes  of  contract- 
:ng  marriage  among  the  Romans,  termed  respectively,  confarreatio, 
usus,  and  coemptio.      By  the  last  of  these  was  meant  a  kind  ol 
mutual  purchase,  when  a  man  and  woman  were  married  by  deliver 
ing  to  one  another  a  small  piece  of  money,  and  repeating  certain 
words.      What  these  words  were  is  not  clearly  ascertained.     Boe- 
thius  (ad,  Cic.   Top.  3)  "gives  rather  the  meaning  than  the  actual 
form  of  expression.      .(Heinecc.  Antiq.  Rom.  p.  183,  ed.  Haubold.) 
It  is  more  than  probable,  from  the  language  of  Cicero  in  the  text, 
that   one  of  the  forms  was  that  which  is  generally,  though  perhaps 
erroneously,  thought  to  have  been  common  to  both  confarreatio  and 
coemptio.      "  Ubitu^Caius,  ibi  ego  Caia,"  i.  e.   '  Where  you  are 
master,  I  am  mistress." 

'  5.  Jam  illud.  "  The  following  too."  Compare  as  to  th« 
peculiar  force  of  jam,  in  this  clause,  note  3,  page  86. 

16.  Utium  diem  terlium,  &c.  "  Whether  the  expression  '  third 
day,'  or  'day  after  to-morrow;'  'judge1  or  'arbiter,'  'action,'  or 
'  suit,'  ought  to  be  employed."  This  is  another  unfair  hit  at  the 
lawyers.  In  the  cautious  and  guarded  language  of  the  ancient 
pleadings,  as  in  those  of  modern  times,  two  terms  were  frequently 
used  to  designate  the  same  thing.  Thus  they  would  say,  "  ZHem 
terlium  sive  perendinum :" — "judicem  arbitrumve :" — rem  "  sive 
litem."  These  forms  were  commonly  given  by  the  ancient  juris- 
consults in  ah  abbreviated  style.  Thus,  I.  D.  T.  S.  P.  which  is  the 
•ame  as  In  diem  tf.rt.ium  sive  perendimim.  T.  I.  A.  V.  P.  V.  D. 
34 


398  ORATro.v 

Page. 

107"  ecluivalent  to  Tempore  judicem  arfatrumee  peto  ut  des.  And  again 
Q.  R.  S.  L.  D.  O.  for  Quam  rem  sive  litem  dicere  oportet.  (Con- 
sult Brissonius,  de  formulis,  &c.) 

17.  Perendinum.      From  pcrendie,  "  Quasi  peremta  die,"  says 
Charisius,  that  is,  the  day  after  a  whole  intervening  day  has  passed. 
Perendinus  is  equivalent  to  tertius  dies,  since  the  Romans,  in  count- 
ing,  always  included  the  day  from,  and  the  day  to  which  they 
rounted. 

18.  Dignitas   consularis.      "  Any  title  to  the  consulship,"   i.  e. 
it  never  has  carried  with  it  that  degree  of  merit,  which  could  claim 
the  consulship  as  its  peculiar  right. 

19.  Ex  rebus  fictis  commenticiisque.      "  Of  fictions   and   subtle 
devices." — Gratiae  vero  multo  etiam  minores.      "  And   far  fewer 
claims  still  to  the  favour  of  others,"  i.  e.  far  less  of  what  might  lay 
others  under  obligations  to  you,  and  in  this  way  secure  their  favour 
and   interest. 

20.  Gralum.     "  Calculated  to  gain  influence,"  i.  e.  so  peculiarly 
acceptable  to  either  party,  as  to  lead  him  to  regard  it  in  the  light  of 
a  special   favour  done  him,   and  to  induce  him  to  cherish  friendly 
feelings  in  return. 

21.  Sed  etiam  illud,    &c.       "  But  even   that  form  of  address, 
which  was  for  some  time  customary,  '  May  I  consult  you'?"      This 
form  of  words,   Licet  consulere  1  used  to  be  uttered  by  the  client, 
when  he  came  to  consult  the  lawyer  ;  and   the  formal  reply  of  the 
latter  was  "  Consule."      Cicero  alludes  in  the  text  to  this  fashion 
being  now  out  of  date,  meaning  to  imply,  in  a  playful  way,  that  the 
lawyers  were  not  regarded  by  their  clients  with  as  much  veneration 
and  respect  as  formerly,  and  that  there  was  now  more  of  familiarity 
in  addressing  them. 

22.  In  ea prudentia.     "In  that  branch  of  knowledge."     In  that 
species  of  wisdom. — Rebus  prolatis.      "  During  a  vacation  of  the 
courts,"  i.  e.  when  the  courts  of  law  are  closed,  and  the  aid  of  the 
lawyer  is  not  at  present  needed.      Rebus  prolatis  literally  means, 
"  when  matters  are  put  off,"  i.  e.  to  the  next  opening  of  the  courts. 
Compare  as  regards  its  general  meaning,  Plautus,  (Captiv.  1,1, 
10)  :  "  Ubi  res  prolatae  sunt,  cum  rus  homines  ewnf." 

23.  $t  perpaucis,  &c.      "  Within  the  compass  of  both  a  very 
few  and  by  no  means  obscure  words."     The  allusion  is  to  the  writ- 
ten law,  or  jus  scriptum.     Compare  Manutius  :  "  Loquitur  de  jure 
tcripto :  quod  cum  et  breve  sit,  et  minime  obscurum,  cognosci  ab 
omnibus  facile  possit." 

108     !•  Homini  vehementer  occupato.      "  Although  a  man  completely 
engrossed   by   other  affairs." — Stomachum  moveritis.     There  is 


I..     MURENA  399 

Page. 

some  humour  in  this.    Cicero  will  only  meddle  with  the  civil 
case  he  is  provoked  to  the  step,  since  otherwise  he  would  not  take 
the  trouble  of  bestowing  a  single  thought  upon  it. — We  must  r.ot, 
however,    suppose  that  these  were  his  real  sentiments.     From  his 
own  account,  the  civil  law.  at  one  time,  occupied  a  large  share.of 
his  attention.      Compare  Cic.  Brut.  89  :  "  Ego  autem  juris  civilis 
studio  mullum  operae  dabam  Q.  Scaevolae,  P.  F.,  qui  quamquam 
nemini  se  ad  doccndu.ni  dabat,  tamen,  constdcntibus  respondcndo, 
studiosos  audiendi  doccbat. 

2.  Elenim  quae  de  scnpto  aguntur,  &c.       "  For  all  that  relates 
to   matters  of  writing  has  been  reduced  by  this  time  to  written 
forms,"  i.  e.  all  the  writing  business  of  the  profession  is  contained 
in  certain  forms  already  reduced  to  writing. 

3.  Tarn,  anguste.     "  In  terms  so  concise."      Referring  to  the 
abbreviations  so  much  indulged  in  by  the  Roman  lawyers,  and  some 
specimens  of  which  have  been  given  under  note  16,  page  107. — 
Quo  egb  non  passim,  &c.  "  That  I  cannot  tell  about  what  it  treats." 
— Qua  de  re  agilur  is  a  law-phrase,  denoting,  when  applied  to  a 
written  form,  the  nature  and  object  of  that  form  ;  and  when  re- 
ferring to  a  suit  or  controversy,  the  point  on  which  that  controversy 
turns.     Compare  Cic.  Brut.  79. 

4.  Qiiae  consulunlur  autem,   &,c.     "  While,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  matters  about  which  advice  is  asked,  are  replied  to  at  very  little 
risk." — The-explanation  which  Cicero  immediately  subjoins  is  ex- 
tremely amusing.      If  you  answer  as  you  ought,  you  will  pass  for  a 
second  Servius  ;  if  otherwise,  men  will  give  you  credit  for  a  pro- 
found acquaintance  with  the  controverted  points  of  the  law,  which 
leads  you  thus  to  differ  in  opinion  from  others. 

5.  Etiam  controversum  jus,  &c.     "  You  will  even  appear  to  be 
•well  versed  in  the  knowledge  and  handling  of  the  controverted  points 
of  the  law."     Laterally,  "  the  controversial  law."     Compare  Manu- 
tius :  "  Controversum  jus,  quod  interpretationis  est  dubiae,  et  de 
quo  disputare  licet  in  utramque  partem." 

•6.  Isti  ventrae  exercitationi.  "  That  profession  of  yours."  Ves- 
trae  refers  to  the  whole  body  of"  jurisconsults. — Ad  konorem.  "  For 
advancement  in  the  state."  For  the  enjoyment  of  public  honours. 

7.  Initio.  "  In  the  beginning  of  their  career." — Hoc.  Eloquence 

8.  Istuc  potissimum  sunt  delapsi.      "  Have  slid  down  generally 
•peaking  into  that  vocation  of  yours."      Literally,  "  into  that  place 
where  you  are." 

9  In  Graecis  artificibus.  "  In  the  case  of  the  G^eek  musicians." 
Artifex  is  a  general  term  for  one  who  exercises  an  art  or  employ- 
ment of  any  kind.  Hence  artifices  sccnid,  "  players,"  artifex 


ORATION     FOR 
Page. 


s,  "a  rhetorician  ;"  and  so,  as  regards  its  usage  in  the 
present  case,  we  have  the  following  in  Quintus  Curtrus,  5,1:"  Non 
vales  modo,  sed  eliam  artifices  cnmjiilibus  sui  generis  ibant." 

10.  Auloedos.      Some   few  editions  have  auletas.      The  form 
citharoedos  is  given  by  Quintilian  (8,  3)  and  most  early  editions.  — 
Citharoedi.      "  Performers  on  the  harp."      The  citharislae  merely 
played  upon  the  harp  ;  the  citharoedi  accompanied  the  playing  with 
their  voice.     The  Greek  etymology  is  in  accordance  with  this  :  mO- 
apioSds  from  KtOdpa  and  <m<5&). 

11.  Devenire.      This  verb  appears  to  imply  here,  that  they  come 
to  the  study  of  the  law,  because,  they  cannot  do  any  better.     Com- 
pare the  language  of  Ernesti,  in  explaining  the  force  of  devenio,  (ad 
Or.  in  Verr.  5,  48.)  :  "  Devenire  rede  dicitur  de  Us,  qui  aliquo  veni- 
unt  perfugii  causa,  supplicandi  causa,"  &c. 

12.  Magnus  dicendi  labor,  &c.      "  Great  is  the  toil  that  qualifies 
for  public  speaking,  great  the  art  itself,  great  its  dignity,  and  most 
great,  too,  the  influence  connected  with  it." 

13.  Salubritas  quaedam.     The  meaning  of  Cicero  is,  that  what 
the  lawyer,  or,  as  we  would  say,  special  pleader,  does  for  his  client., 
conduces  to  safety,   whereas  the  orator  ensures  safety  itself.     The 
lawyer  prepares  what  may  have  a  salutary  effect  on  the  issue  of  the 
case,  and  may  conduce  to  a  successful  defence  ;  but  the  orator  ac- 
complishes that  issue,  and  establishes  that  defence.     The  idea  then, 
intended  to  be  conveyed  by  salubrilas  quaedam  is  best  expressed  by 
a  paraphrase  :  "  What  may  conduce  to  safety,"  while  by  salus  ipsa 
ts  meant  "  safety  itself."     The  language  is  figurative,  and  is  borrow 
ed  from  the  condition  of  the  human  frame,  at  one  time  enjoying  "  a 
kind  of  health,"  at  another  "  health  itself." 

14.  In  qua  si  satis  profecissem.     "  Had  I   made  any  great  prog- 
ress in  this-  art,"   i.  e.   in  the  art  of  public  speaking;  in  oratory. 
This,  of  course,  is  the  mere  language  of  assumed  modesty.      Cice- 
ro's secret  vanity  suggested  far  different  ideas  in  reality. 

15.  Artes.  "  Professions."  —  Quae  possunt  locare,  &c.    "  Which 
are  capable  or  placing  men  in  the  highest  degree  of  personal   con- 
sideration," i.  e.  of  raising  them  to  the  highest  piace  in  public  esti- 
mation.   By  dignitas  is  here  meant  public  esteem  founded  on  private 
worth. 

16.  Ceterae  tamen  virtutes,  &c.      "  The  other  kinds  of  merit  it 
is  true  avail  much  of  themselves,  namely,  justice,  good  faith,"  &c. 
Virtutcs  is  here  used  in  the  sense,  not  of  virtues,  but  meritorious 
qualities,  for  eloquence  and  military  talent  are  included  in  the  number. 
—  Ipsae  per  se.     "  Even  apart  from  eloquence."      Compare  Manu- 
tius  •  "  Separatim  singulae,  etiam  sine  eloquentia." 


L.      MURENA.  401 

Page. 


17.  Sed  nunc  disputo.     "  But  I  am  now  arguing.'1  —  Insita  cu- 
jusqiv;  virlute.    "  The  innate  worth  of  each  particular  individual." 
Compare  Manutius  :  "Nam  neque  ars  imperatoris,  ncque  bonifa- 
cullas  oratoris  virtutes  insilae  sunt,  sed  extrinsecus  assumuntur." 

18.  Aliquis.     In  some  editions  aliqui.  —  Bellicum  canere.     "  To 
sound  forth  the  signal  for  war."    With  bellicum  supply  carmen.    The 
term  denotes  the  blast  of  the  trumpet  summoning  to  arms.       Com- 
pare Livy,  (35,  18.)  :  "  A  Macedonia  Philippum  ubi  primum  belli- 
cum cani  audisset,  arma  capturum." 

19.  Iiigeniosus  poeta  et  auctor  valde  bonus.      "  An  ingenious 
poet  and  excellent  writer."     Ennius  is  meant,  and  Cicero  then  pro- 
ceeds to  quote  from  him.  —  Procliis  promulgatis.     "  When  battles 
are  proclaimed."     This  expression  has  somewhat  of  a  poetical  tinge, 
and  is  probably  imitated  or  altered  frorfl  some  lost  passage  of  Ennius. 
As  it  stands  now,  it  could  not  of  course  find  its  way  into  an  hex- 
ameter line. 

1.  Pellitur  e  media.      Cicero  quotes  from  the  8th  book  of  the  1QQ 
Annals  of  Ennius.     The  full  passage  is  given  by  Aulus  Gellius, 

(20,  10,)  and  we  will  cite  it  here  in  order  to  make  the  references,  on 
the  part  of  the  orator,  more  intelligible  :  — 

"Pellitur  e  media  sapientia  ;  vi  geritur  res; 

Spernitur  orator  bonus  ;  horridus  miles  amatur; 
,  4*       Maud  doctis  dictis  certantes,  sed  maledictis, 
Miscent  inter  sese,  inimicitias  agitantes  : 
Non  ex  jure  manu  consertum,  sed  mage  ferro 
Rem  repetunt,  regnumque  petunt,  vadunt  solida  w.v 

The  words  are  given  more  according  to  the  earlier  orthography, 
by  Hesselius,  in  his  edition  of  the  fragments  of  Ennius,  p.  79,  seq. 
In  the  second  line,  the  final  s  in  horridus  is  elided  in  scanning,  be- 
fore the  initial  consonant  of  miles.  The  early  Romans  did  not 
sound  the  final  *  in  words,  if  the  next  word  began  with  a  consonant. 
The  practice  began  to  disappear,  however,  about  the  time  of  Cicero. 
The  last  traces  of  this  elision  are  found  in  some  parts  of  the  poetry 
of  Lucretius,  Catullus,  and  Cicero  himself.  —  So  in  the  5th  line, 
.some  read  magis  in  place  of  mage,  making  in  the  scanning  the  eli- 
sion magi'.  Others  read  at  once  horridu1  miles,  and  mqg?  ferro,  as, 
for  example  Hesselius.  —  The  other  various  readings  in  these  lines, 
such  as  Tollitur  for  Pellitur,  and  manum  foi  manu,  need  not  be 
dwelt  upon  here. 

2.  Ista  vestra,  &c.     "  That  wordy  and  counterfeit  wisdom  of 
yours."  More  literally,  "  that  wordy  counterfeiting  of  wisdom,"  &c 
The  allusion  is  to  the  unmeaning  forms  and  subtleties  of  the  law. 

34* 


402  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

109     **'  ^on  9O^um  odiosus,  &c.     "  Not  only  he  who  is  disagreeable 
in  speaking,  and  a  mere  talker,  but  even  the  good  one." — Horridus 

miles  amatur.     "  The  rough  soldier  is  caressed." — Totum  jacei. 

"  Lies  entirely  neglected."     Compare  as  to  the  force  of  jaceo  here,, 

note  1,  page  103. 

4.  Mage.     An  old  form  for  magis.     Perizonius  maintains,  that 
both  magis  and  mage  were  originally  adjectives  of  the  positive  de- 
gree, like  potis  and  pote.     (Ad  Sanct.  Min.  2,  10. — Vol.  1,  p.  280, 
ed.  Bauer.) 

5.  Stilus.     This  was  the  ordinary  instrument  for  writing.     It 
was  sharp  at  one  end,  and  broad  at  the  other.     They  wrote  with  it 
on  tablets  covered  with  wax.  When  they  wished  to  correct  any  thing 
which  they  had  written,  they  turned  the  stilus,  and  smoothed  the 
wax  with  the  broad  end.     Hf  nee,  saepe  stilum  vertas,  "  make  fre- 
quent corrections."     (Herat.  Sat.  1,  10,72.) 

6.  Umbra  soli.     "  The  shade  of  retirement  to  the  beams  of  the 
sun,"  i.  e.  the  retired  life  of  the  lawyer  to  the  active  one  of  the 
soldier.     So  vita  umbratilis  is  applied  to  a  retired,  studious,  or  com- 
paratively inactive  life,  (Cic.  Tusc.  2,  11,)  and  oratio  umbratilis  to 
a  philosophical  discourse,  (Cic.  Or  at.  19,)  as  marking  the  contrast 
between  the  retired  habits  of  the  philosopher  and  the  more  active 
life  of  the  public  speaker.     So  in  the  present  case  the  lives  of  the 
lawyer  and  soldier  are  contrasted. 

7.  Prima.     "  First  in  importance." — Omnium princeps.     "The 
first  of  all."     Alluding  to  the  glorious  results  of  the  Roman  arms. 

8.  Ha.ec.   "  These  services  of  Murena." — Demonstrat.  "  Strives 
to  show." — Cum  mulierculis.     "  With  mere  women."     The  tern! 
mulierculcLf  the  meaning  of  which  we  have  here  softened  down,  re- 
fers to  the  effeminate  and  dissolute  habits  of  the  Asiatics  generally, 
and  the  enervating  effects  which  resulted  from  them. 

9.  Neque  enim,  &c.     "  And  only  a  few,  for  the  merits  of  the 
cause  are  not  contained  in  this."     Supply  before  neque  the  words, 
et  pauca  modo,  or  something  equivalent. 

10.  Cum  Graecis.     As  the  Romans,  during  the  Mithridatic  war, 
came  in  contact  principally  with  the  Asiatic  Greeks,  Cicero  here 
makes  mention  of  their  other  wars  with  the  Greek  nation  generally. 
— For  an  account  of  the  different  individuals  mentioned  by  tho 
speaker,  consult  Historical  Index. ' 

11.  Ille  hostis.     Referring  to  Mithridatea.     It  is  the  same   tti 
effect,  as  if  he  had  said,  "  and  such  a  foe  as  Mithridates." 

12.  Antiocho.     Antiochus  is  here  brought  in  as  an  Af  iatic  mon- 
arch, and  the  war  that  was  waged  with  him  is  allude  r  to  as  an 
Asiatic  one.     ••."• 


1..    MITRENA.  403 

I'age. 

13.  L.   Scipio.     Consul  with  Laelius,  A.  U.  C.  562,  and  s 
named  Asiatkus  for  his  success  in  this  war. — Partita  cum  Public. 
&.c.     The  allusion  is  to  Publius  Cornelius  -Scipio  Africanus,  the 
conqueror  of  Hannibal.  He  volunteered  to  serve  as  Lieutenant  tinder 
his  brother,  L.  Scipio,  in  this  war  against  Antiochus,  and  hence  the 
glory  of  the  contest  is  said  by  Cicero  to  have  been  shared  between 
them. —  We  have  adopted  partita,  the  emendaticr.  of  lambinus,  in 
place  of  parla,  as  given  by  the  common  text.     There  can  be  no 
doubt  as  to  the  superiority  of  the  former,  although  the  latter  is  advo- 
cated by  Ernesti. 

14.  Cognominc  ipso.     Alluding  to  his  surname  Africanus.    Pub- 
lius Scipio  was  the  first  Roman  general  who  took  his  name  from  a 
conquered  country. — Ex  Asiae  nomine.     Alluding  to  the  surname 
of  Asiaticus,  bestowed  on  L.  Scipio. 

15.  M.  Catonis.     Cato  the  censor. — Ut  ego  mini  staluo.     "Aa 
1  imagine."     The  editors  make  a  difficulty  here,  when  none  in  fact 
exists.     Beck,  following  some  of  the  MSS.  and  early  editions,  reads 
statuam,  which  is  only  a  softer  way  of  expressing  the  meaning  of 
statue,  and  equivalent  to  ut  judicem  de  sensu  meo.     Schiitz,  on  the 
other  hand,  thinks  the  words  ut  ego  mihi  statuo  a  corruption,  and 
suggests   the  following  emendation  for  the  whole  clause,  "  quum 
esset  tn  eo  aninu  status  talis,  qualcrn  in  te  esse  video."     This, 
however,  is  re-writing,  not  correcting. 

16.  Nunquam  esset  profectus.     The  common  text  has  cum  Sci- 
jrione  after  nunqv-am,  which  is  an  historical  blunder,  originating  Very 
probably  from  some  idle  gloss.  In  the  war  against  Antiochus,  M.  Cato 
accompanied  M.  Acilius  Glabrio,  not  Scipio.  Compare  Livy,  36,  21. 

17.  Neque  vero  cum  P.  Africano,  &c.     "  Nor  would  the  senate, 
in  truth,  have  engaged  Publius  Africanus  to  go  as  lieutenant  to  his 
brother."     The  elegance  of  the  phraseology,  egisset  cum  Africano 
ut  projicisceretur,  (literally,  "  have  arranged  with  Africanus  that  he 
should  go,")  atones  in  some  degree  for  its  want  of  historical  correct- 
ness.    Scipio  was  not  requested  by  the  senate  to  accompany  his 
brother  as  lieutenant ;  but,  when  a  difficulty  was  about  to  arise  in 
that  body  respecting  the  provinces  of  the  new  consuls,  L.  Scipio 
and  Laelius,  he  declared,  that  if  they  would  give  his  brother  the 
province  of  Greece,  he  would  go  with  him  as  his  lieutenant.     This, 
of  course,  settled  the  question.    Compare  Livy,  37,  1  :  "P.  Scipio 
Africanus  dixit,  '.S'z  L.  Scipioni,  fratri  suo,  prminciam  Graeciam 
decrevissent,  se  legalum  iturum.'1    Haec  vox,  magno  adsensu  audita, 
•ustodit  certamen." 

1.   Quid  Mithridates  potuerit,  <kc.    Cicero's  oration  in  favour  of  J  J Q 
(be  Manilian  law  is  the  best  commentary  on  this  whole  passage.- 


-104  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 


fuerit-      '  What  kind  of  man  he  was."     Qui  is  here  e^e- 
gantly  used  for  qualis. 

"2.  Pugna  excitatnm.  "  Only  aroused  to  more  vigorous  efforts 
by  the  loss  of  a  battle."  Sylla  had  defeated  Archelaus,  a  general 
of  Mithridates,  with  great  loss,  at  Chaeronea.  (Plut.  Vit.  Syll.  c. 
16.)  —  'The  true  reading  here  is  extremely  doubtful.  We  have 
adopted  that  given  by  Ernesti. 

3.  Non  rudis  imperator.     "  No  raw  commander."     This  is  what 
Grammarians  call  a  litotes  (AITODK,)  where,  by  a  negation  of  the 
contrary,  more  is  implied  than  expressed.  Sylla  was  in  fact  eminent 
for  military  talents. 

4.  Bella  invectum,   &c.     "  After  having  traversed  all  Asia  in 
hostile  array."     The  common  text  has  cum  hello,  but  we  have  re- 
jected the  preposition  with  Ernesti  and  others. 

5.  Cum  pace  dimisit.     This  is  mere  oratorial  exaggeration.   Sylla 
granted  peace  to  Mithridates,  not  because  he  found  it  impossible  to 
conquer  that  monarch,  but  because  his  own  presence  was  required 
in  Italy,  where  the  opposite  faction  had  raised  fresh  troubles.     Com- 
pare Ernesti,  ad  loc. 

6.  Rationes  et  capias  belli.     "  His  revenues  and  armies."  —  Oce- 
anumcum  Ponto.     His  object  was  to  attack  the  Romans  on  the  east, 
while  Sertorius,  in  Spain,  did  the  same  on  the  west.      Compare  the 
Oration  for  the  Manilian  law,  chapter  4. 

7.  Duobus  consulibus.     Lucullus  and  Cotta,  A.  U.  C.  679.  —  Ita. 
"  WitH  this  view."  —  Alter  Mithridatem,  &c.  Alluding  to  Lucullus. 

8.  Alterius  res  calamitosae.     "The  disastrous  operations  of  the 
one."     The  reference  is  to  Cotta.     This  commander,  thinking  that 
he  had  a  fair  opportunity  of  gaining  a  victory  before  Lucullus  could 
join  him,  gave  battle  to  Mithridates,  but  was  defeated  both  by  sea 
and  land,  with  the  loss  of  60  ships  and  all  their  crews,  as  well  as 
4000  land  forces.     (Plut.  Vit.  Lucull.  c.  6.) 

9.  Nam,  cum,  &c.      "  For  when  the  fury  of  the  whole  war  had 
centred  beneath  the  walls  of  the  people  of  Cyzicus."     Compare  the 
Oration  for  the  Manilian  law,  chapter  8. 

10.  Asiae.     Referring  to  the  Roman  province,  as  appears  from 
what  follows   immediately  after,    "  tola  pateret  provincial      Aa 
regards  the  limits  of  the  province  of  Asia,  consult  note  1  2,  page  72. 

11.  Et  omnes   copiae,    &c.       Compare  note   11,  page  77.  —  Et 
amnes  is  the  emendation  of  Graevius,  from  one  of  his  MSS.,  in 
olace  of  the  common  reading  ut  omnes. 

12.  Pugnam  navalem,  &c.     Compare  note  14,  page  77.  —  Con- 
tento  cursu,   &c.      "  In  rapid  course,  under  the  fiercest  leaden  " 
Compare  note  15,  page  77. 


r,.  MURENA.  405 

Page. 

13.  Nffms  opibus,  &c.     Compare  note  2,  page  78.  110 

14.  Sed  non  id  agimus.  "  But  that  is  not  our  present  object." 
More  literally,  "  we  are  not  now  endeavouring  to  do  that." 

15.  Senatus  et  populus  Romanus.     The  senate  passed  a  decree, 
relative  to  the  declaring  of  war  against  Mithridates,  and  the  people, 
with  whom  alone  rested   the  power  of  actually  declaring  war,  con- 
firmed that  decree  by  a  vote  in  the  comitia. 

1.  Populus  Romanus.     The  people  alone  are  named  here, 
they  passed  the  Manilian  law,  which  gave  the  command  to  Pompey. 

2.  Vel  acerrima  mihi  videtur  ilia,  &c.     This  is  the  famous  night 
engagement  fought  near  the  Euphrates,  an  account  of  which  is  given 
by  Plutarch,    Vit.  Pomp.  c.  32. — Compare  Dio  Cassius,  36,  32 
—Florus,   3,  5,  23. 

3.  Bosporum.      The  Cimmerian  Bosporus  is  meant,  now  the 
straits  of  Jenikali.      Compare,  as  regards  the  flight  of  Mithridates. 
the  account  given  by  Plutarch,  (Vit.  Pomp.  c.  35.) 

4.  Etiam  extrema  for  tuna,  &c.     The  eulogium  passed  by  Cicero 
on  the  character  and  abilities  of  Mithridates  is  well   deserved.     In 
point  of  talent  and  resources  he  was  certainly  the  most  formidable 
monarch  with  whom  the  Romans  had  ever  to  contend. 

5.  Tamen  tantum,  &c.      "  Attached  so  much  importance  not- 
withstanding to  the  life  of  a  single  individual,"  i.   e.  to  the  mere 
circumstance  of  Mithridates'  remaining  alive. — Hie.     "  The  other." 
Mithridates. 

6.  Arbitraremur*      All  the  MSS.  have  arbitraretur,  in  the  pas- 
sive.    But  still  Ciceronian  usage  and  latinity  demand  arbitraremur, 
which  we  have,  consequently,  not  hesitated  to  give.     Ernesti,  who 
retains  however  arbitraretur,  is  strongly  in  favour  of  arbitraremur, 
observing  of  the  common  reading,  "  Istae  sordes  sunt  latinae,  in- 
dignae   Cicerone,  praesertim  in  oratione  quae  in  foro  dicta  est,  out 
condone  sen&tuve."      Two  instances,  it  is  true,  of  arbitro,  as  an 
active  verb,  occur  in  Plautus,  (Pseud.  4,  2,  57. — Stick.  1,  2,  87,) 
but  this  is  the  usage  of  a  poet,  not  of  a  prose  writer,  and,  it  may  be 
too,  a  specimen  of  vulgar  not  classical  usage.      At  all  events,   the 
pages  of  a  comic  writer  can  furnish  no  argument  either  way  in  a 
question  relative  to  Ciceronian  prose. 

7.  Defendimus.       "  We  contend."       Literally,  "  we  allege,"  or 
"  maintain,  in  his  behalf."     Defendere  means  here  to  bring  forward 
in  the  way  of  defence,  or  as  Facciolati  explains  it,  "  allegare  in  de- 
fensionem." 

8.  Hanc  ejus   operam.     "That    thes^    services   of  his." — Non 
minus    digmlatis.     "  No   less   strong  a  claim."     Dignitas  here 
again  denotes  a   claim   or  title    founded  on   merit  or  fitness 


406 

Page. 

Ill  "•  ^'  cmwl>  &c-  Cicero  here  proceeds  to  answer  another  argu- 
ment advanced  on  the  part  of  Sulpicius  At  the  comitia  for  the  elec- 
tion of  praetors,  Sulpicius  was  higher  on  the  list  of  successful 
candidates  than  Murena,  that  is,  the  majority  of  the  former  exceed- 
ed that  of  the  latter.  And  this  is  now  urged  as  a  proof  of  the 
superior  estimation  in  which  Sulpicius  was  held  by  the  people,  and 
a  sure  indication  that,  had  there  beenjio  bribery  on  the  part  of  Mu- 
rena, the  other  would  have  defeated  him  at  the  consular  election. 
Cicero's  answer  is  a  very  adroit  one. 

10.  Pergitisne  vos,   &c.     "  What  1  do  you  proceed  to  deal  with 
the  people,  as  if  by  virtue  of  some  written  obligation  1"  i.  e.  as   if 
they  were  tied  down  by  the  terms  of  some  bond,  and  had  no  free 
agency  left  them. — We  have  here  a  very  artful  evasion  of  the  argu- 
ment adduced  on  the  opposite  side.    What  1  if  the  people  have  done 
a  thing  once  in  a  particular  way,  are  they  bound  to  do  it  always  in 
that  way  1  the  people,  too,  who  are  so  notorious  for  their  fickle  and 
changeable  character  1 

11.  Sy?igrapha;     By  this  is  meant  a  bond  or  obligation,  by  which 
a  creditor  got  security  from  his  debtor  for  the  payment  of  a  sum  of 
money  ;  or  by  which   one  person  bound  himself  to  another,  for  the 
performance  of  some  particular  act.      It  was  generally  signed  and 
sealed  by  both  parties,  and  a  copy  given  to  each,  whence  the  name, 
eroyypa^if  from  <rvyyp<z0(j.     The  phrase  agere  ex  syngrapka  then  de- 
notes, to  exact  something  from  another,  as  if  it  were  the  payment 
of  a  debt  on  bond,  or  the  performance  of  some  express  written  cov- 
enant. 

12.  Reliquis  honorilus.      "  In  the  case  of  the  other  honours  he 
may  seek." — Debeat.     Supply  dare. 

13.  Quod  enim  f return,  &c.       "  For  what  strait,  what  Euripus, 
has  as  many  changes,  as  violent  and  as  varied  fluctuations,  as  are 
the  powerful  tossings  and  impetuous  tides  which  the  comitia  from 
their  very  nature  possess  1"     Literally,  "  as  the  system,"  or,  "plan 
of  the   comitia  has." — We  need  hardly  point  to  the  beauty  and 
justice  of  the  allusion.     The  whole  passage  is  cited  by  Quintilian, 
8,  6,  29. 

14.  Euripum.      The  Euripus,  or  strait  between  Euboea  and  the 
main  land  of  Greece,  was  famed  in  the  popular  belief  for  its  frequent 
changes.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 

5.  Totam  opinionem  commutat.  "  Produces  "an  entire  change 
of  opinion,"  i.  e.  respecting  the  merits  of  a  candidate  for  public 
favour. — Fit  aliud  atque  exislimainus,  &c.  "  Something  is  done 
directly  contrary  to  what  we  think  is  to  be  the  result,  so  tliat  even 
the  people  themselves  wonder,"  <Stc. 


t,.     MUREISTA.  407 

Page. 

i'6.    Nihil  fallacius  ratione  tola   cormctornm.     "  Nothing  more  J  J  J 
deceptive  than  the  whole  course  of  tilings  at  the  oomitia,"  i.  e.  than 
the  issue  of  public  elections. 

1.  Opera.    Philippus  was  not  only  a  public  man,  but  an  eminent  J 1  O 
speaker,  and  hence  his  aid  was  often  given  in  the  forum,  at  trials, 

to  his  friends  and  others.  With  opera,  therefore,  we  may  supply 
forensi,  as  Gruter  directs,  and  render  the  term  by  "  application  at 
the  bar."  Compare  Ernesti  ad  loc.  :  "  Est  ea  quae  alias  industria 
proprie  dicitur." — Cicero  alludes  to  the  defeat  of  Philippus  by  He- 
rennius,  in  the  Brutus,  c.  45. 

2.  Q.  Calulum.     This  was  the  famous  colleague  of  Marius,  in 
the   contest   with   the    Cimbri.     Consult   Historical   Index. — Cn. 
Mailio.     A  man  of  ignoble  birth.     The  common  text  has  Manlio. 

3.  Hominem  gravissimum.     "  A  man  of  the  greatest  weight  of 
character."     The  individual  referred  to  is  the  celebrated  M.  Aemi- 
lius  Scaurus. — Q.  Maximo.     Q.  Fabius  Maximus,  surnamed  Ebur- 
nus.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

4.  Sacpe  ccrto  aliquo,  &c.     "  Are  oft-times  aroused  by  the  in- 
fluence of  some  particular  constellation."     This  was  an  article  of 
lixed  and  popular  belief  on  the  part  of  the  Romans. — Quintilian  (8, 
3,  80)  remarks,  that   Cicero  expresses  himself  here   with  almost  a 
poetical  spirit :  "jam  paene  poetico  spirilu." 

5.  Saepe  ila,  &c.     We  have  inserted  causa  after  obscura,  on  the 
conjecture  of  Lambinus,  but  have  not  adopted  his  other  emendation 
of  ejus  after  saepe,  as  this  seems  quite  unnecessary. 

6.  Si  est  reddenda  ratio.     "  If  a  reason  must  be  given,"  i.  e.  a 
reason  for  Mureha's  apparent  want  of  popular  favour,  compared 
with  the'  other  successful  candidates,  who  had  received  larger  ma- 
jorities in  the  application  for  the  praetorship. 

7.  Duae  res,  &c.     "The  want  of  two  things  was  severely  felt 
in  this  application  for  the  praetorship,  both  of  which  proved  of  ser- 
vice to  Murena  when  suing  for  the  consular  office."    More  literally, 
"  two  things  were  very  greatly  missed  in  the  case  of  the  praetor- 
ship," &c.     Cicero's  meaning  is,  that  two  circumstances  were  de- 
ficient in  Murena's  canvass  for  the  praetorship,  both  of  which  after- 
ward occurred,  and  were  of  use  to  him  when  a  candidate  for  the 
consulship. 

8.  Exspectatio  muneris,  &c.  "  The  expectation  of  public  shows, 
which  had  been  increased  as  well  by  certain  rumours,  as  by  the 
zealous  efforts  and  language  of  his  competitors."     Murena  had  not 
borne  the  office  of  aedile,  and  had  therefore  exhibited   no  public 
shows,  as  was  customary  with  those  who  filled  that  station.     There 
was  no  expectation  consequently  of  his  exhibiting  any  in  case  h« 


408  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

112 were  ekcted  praetor,  whereas  rumour  spoke  loudly  of  what  his 
competitors  would  do  in  the  way  of  public  exhibitions,  and  they 
themselves  gave  confirmation  to  these  rumours  by  their  conduct  and 
language.  All  this,  of  course,  would  tend  to  lessen  very  materially 
the  number  of  votes  given  for  Murena,  and  it  was  no  wonder,  if  tho 
majorities  of  his  competitors  were  larger  than  his  own. 

9.  Altera.     The  second  reason  was,  that  the  troops  whom  be 
had  commanded  in  Asia  had  not  yet  returned  home,  by  which  cir- 
cumstance he  lost  a  number  of  votes,  as  well  from  these  persons 
themselves,  as  from  others  who  would  be  influenced  by  their  com- 
mendations of  Murena. 

10.  Comitiis.     This   is   the   conjectural   emendation   of  Hoto- 
mannus,   which   Lambinus   first  adopted    into  the   text,   and  ot 
which  Beck,  Schiitz.  and  others  approve.     The  common  text  has 
comes.  , 

11.  Munus  ampCissimum.  "  The  very  splendid  shows."  Murena, 
having  obtained  the  office  of  Praetor   Urbanus,  was  called  upon  to 
give  the  Ludi  Apoltinares,  which  he  did  with  great  splendour.     It 
will  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  magistrates  who  gave,  or,   in  other 
words,  presided  at,  public  exhibitions  and  shows,  generally  lavished 
upon  them  a  prodigious  expense,  to  pave  the  way  for  future  prefer- 
ments.    Compare  Cic.  de  Off.  2, 1 6,  where  he  speaks  of  a  magnifb- 
cenlissima  aedilitas,  and  of  Pompey's  magnificentissima  munera  in 
his  second  consulship. 

12.  Voluntas  militum.    "  The  good  will  of  the  soldiery." — Quae 
cum  per  se,  &c.     Compare  note  9. — Turn  vero  multum  auctorila- 
tis  habel.     "  And  also  possesses  great  influence." 

13.  Verborum  interpretes.     "  Mere  interpreters  of  words,"  i.  e 
mere  expounders  of  law  forms  and  phrases. 

14.  Quare  gravis  esl  ilia  oratio.     "  Of  great  weight  therefore  is 
language  like  the  following." — Me  saucium  recrcavit.     A  soldier  is 
supposed  to  be  here  speaking  of  his  commander  to  the  by-standers 
who  are  about  to  vote  at  the  consular  comitia. 

15.  Cumfortis,  turn  etiamfelix.    "  As  fortunate  as  he  is  brave." 
Literally,  "  both  brave  and  also  fortunate." 

16.  Hoc  qucmti  putas,  &c.     "  Of  how  much  importance  (3o  you 
imagine  all  this  is,  as  regards  the  reputation  of  individuals,  and  the 
favour  of  others  1" 

17.  Etenim,  si  tanta,  &c.     "  For  if  the  influence  of  a  religious 
feeling  is  so  strong  at  those  comitia,  that,  even  to  the  present  day, 
the  omen  afforded  by  the  century,  which  is  first  called,  has  always 
exerted  an  effect  on  the  election,  why  is  it  surprising,  that,  in  the 
case  of  this  individual,  the  reputation  of  his  good  fortune,  and  the 


I..    MURK.VA  409 

Page. 

language   of  his  soldiers  produced  a  similar  result  V     Valuisse, 
literally,  "  prevailed." 

18.  Omen  praerogatimim.  At  the  comitia  centuriata,  where  the 
consuls  were  chosen,  ftie  centuries  were  called  to  give  their  votes 
by  lot.  The  names  of  the  centuries  were  thrown  into  a  box,  and 
ihe  century  which  came  out  first  was  called  praerogativa,  because 
it  was  asked  for  its  vote,  that  is,  consulted,  before  the  rest  (prut 
and  rogo.)  Its  vote  was  regarded  as  a  kind  of  omen  of  the  result 
of  the  election. 

1.  Leviora.     "  As  of  too  trifling  a  nature  to  be  mentioned." — J  JJJ 
Quae  sunt  gravissima.     "  Which  are  in  fact  of  very  great  impor- 
tance."    More  freely,  "  though  they  are,"  &c. 

2.  Et  hanc  urbanam,  &c.     "And  prefer  the  votes  of  citizens 
here   to  those   of  the  soldiery,"   i.  e.  consider  them  as  carrying 
greater  weight,  as  more  worth  having,  &c. 

3.  Ludorum  hujus,  &c.     "  The  elegance  of  the  shows  exhibited 
by  this  individual,  and  the  magnificence   of  his  scenery."     Under 
the  head  of  ludi  are  meant,  not  only  games,  but  also  scenic  exhibi- 
tions,  (ludi  scenici.)     Sometimes   the  latter   were  regular  plays. 
Thus,  the  plays  of  Terence  were  acted  on  these  occasions  ;  at 
other  times,  what  were  called  pegmata  were  exhibited.   These  were 
large  stages  or  wooden  machines,  of  several  stories,  which  were 
raised  or  depressed  at  pleasure,  and  were  magnificently  adorned. 
They  were  intended  to  represent  detached  scenes  of  an  interesting 
nature,  such  as  a  conflagration,  the  descent  of  a  deity,  &c.     Pliny 
says  that  Murena  and  his  brother  Caius  were  the  first  who  exhibited 
one  of  these,  and  that  it  was  richly  adorned  with  silver.     (H.  N. 
33,  3.)     This  is  very  probably  the  argentea  scena.  mentioned  a  little 
farther  on. 

4 .  Profuerunt.     They  proved  of  great  service  to  him  in  concilia- 
ting the  favour  of  the  people. 

5.  Quamquam  huic  causae,  &c.     "  Although  the  fact  itself  is 
sufficient  for  the  purposes  of  the  present  case,"  i.  e.  to  serve  as  a 
basis  for  my  present  argument. 

6.  Negotiis.     "  By  the  calls  of  business." — In  ipsa  occupatione. 
"  In  employment  itself." 

7.  Oblectamur  et  dticimur.     "  Are  gratified  and  attracted." — 
Quid  tu  admirere,  &c.     "  Why  need  you  wonder  at  this,  in  the 
case  of  the  unlearned  multitude  7" 

8.  L.  Otho.     Lucius  Roscius  Otho,  who  was  tribune  of  the  com- 
mons A.  U.  C.   686.— Equestri  ordini,  &c.     The  allusion  is  to 
the  Roscian  law,  proposed  by  Otho,  by  which  the  fourteen  seats 
next  to  those  of  the  senators,  in  the  theatre,  were  appropriated 

36 


410  ORATION    FOR 

Page 

lc  l^e  equestrian  order.  Consult  Legal  Index. — From  Ciceio's 
employing  the  term  restituit  acre,  it  has  been  inferred,  that  the 
equites  had  previously  possessed  separate  seats  in  some  conspicu 
ous  part  of  the  theatre,  from  which  they  had  been  dislodged.  Unless 
we  suppose,  what  is  not  very  probable,  that  the  term  restituit  is  here 
employed,  after  the  manner  of  the  Roman  lawyers,  in  the  sense  of 
ded.it  or  praestitit.  Compare  Ernesti,  ad  Ind.  Leg',  s.  v.  Rose-la. 
The  Roscian  law  is  the  one  that  occasioned  the  famous  disturbance 
at  Rome.  Consult  Historical  Index,  s.  v.  Otho. 

9.  Voluptatem.     "  The  means  of  gratification,"  i.  e.  in  beholding, 
with  more  ease  and  comfort,  the  representations  of  the  stage. 

10.  Cum  splendore,  fructus  quoque  jucunditatis .     "  Along  with 
the   splendour  of  their  rank,  the    enjoyment   also  of  their  diver- 
sions." 

11.  In  mea  petitione.     "  In  my  application  for  the  consulship." 

12.  Nam  nos  quoque,  &e.     "  For  we  too  had,  on  the  part  of  our 
opponent,  a  scene  so  splendid   to  contend  against,  that  it  actually 
seemed  to  be  itself  a  competitor."     We  have  here  been  compelled 
to  express  by  a  paraphrase,  what  the  Latin  gives  in  the  compass  of 
a  few  brief  words.      The  phraseology  of  scenam  competitricem  is 
peculiar  and  forcible. — The   nature  of  the  allusion  is  as  follows  : 
Antonius,  who  was  Cicero's  colleague  in  the  consulship,  had  been 
also  his  colleague  in  the  aediLship,  and  had,  while  filling  this  latter 
office,  exhibited  in  the  public  shows,  at  which  he  presided,  a  splendid 
piece  of  scenery,  loaded  with  silver.     This  gained  him  great  popu- 
larity, and  insured  him  a  strong  vote  when  he  applied  for  the  con- 
sulship.    Cicero  was  his  competitor  on  that  occasion,  and  adopts  a 
very  forcible  mode  of  expression  in  the  text,  to  show  how  much 
advantage  Antonius  had  derived,  in  his  opinion,  from  the  silver 
scene  which  he  exhibited.     Antonius,  it  is  well  known,  was  elected 
to  the  consulship  along  with  Cicero. 

13.  Trinos  ludos.     "  Three  different  kinds  of  solemn  shows." 
The  first  in  honour  of  Ceres  and  Bacchus  ;   the  second  of  Flora  ; 
the  third  of  Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva.     (In  Verr.  5,  14.) 

14.  Commovebar.    "  Was  alarmed." — Casu.    "  From  the  opera 
tion  of  lot."     The  praetor  urbanus,  whose  duty  it  was  to  preside  at 
the  Ludi  Apollinares,  was  appointed  by  lot ;  that  is,  the  two  praetors, 
after  their  election,  determined   by  casting   lots,  which  of  them 
should  be  praetor  urbanus,  which  praetor  peregrimis>  and  which 
should  exercise  the  other  jurisdictions. 

15.  Nihii  a&versata*n.     "  Proved  of  no  injury,"  i.  e.  in  your  ap- 
plication for  the  consulship.     Cicero  asks,  whether  Sulpicius  does 
not  chink  that  the  silver  scene,  which  Murcna  exhibited  when  praetor, 


L.    MURENA.  411 

Page. 

gained  the  latter  numerous  voles,  and  facilitated- his  election  to  thel  1  ^J 
consular  office.     Compare  note  12. 

16.  Sit  par  forensis  opera  militari,  dec.     "  Let  the  labours  of 
the  bar  be  equal  to  those  of  the  camp,  let  the  vote  of  the  citizen  be 
equal  to  that  of  the  soldier." 

17.  Inter  tuam  et  is  tins  sortem.     "  Between  your  allotted  duties 
and  his."     Compare  note  14. 

18.  Hujus  sors  eafuit,  &c.    "  The  sphere  of  duty,  which  fell  to 
his  lot,  was,  what  all  of  us  your  friends  wished  might  be  yours,  that 
of  dispensing  justice."     Murena,  as  has  already  been  remarked,  ob- 
tained by  lot  the  station  of  praetor  urbanus,  an  office  which  opened 
up  for  him  a  path  to  extensive  popularity. 

19.  Gloriam  conciliat,  &c.     "  The  importance  of  the    charge 
gains  high  consideration  for  the  individual,  and  the  dispensing  of 
liberal  justice,  the  favour  of  others."     By  aequitas  is  here  meant 
a  decision  according  to  the  spirit,  rather  than  the  strict  letter,  of  the 
law.     Compare  Manutius  :  "  Recte  largitionis  nomen  ad  aequitatem 
adjunxit,  nam  saepe  quod  jits  negat,  aequitas  largitur." 

20.  Aequainlitate  decernendi.     "  By  the  impartiality  of  his  deci- 
sions."— Lenilate   audiendi.     "  By  the  affability  with  which  he 
listens  to  all." 

1.  Ad  exlremum,  &c.  "  Is  terminated  at  last  by  the  gratification  J  J  ^ 
derived  from  public  spectacles,"  i.  e.  after  having  received  the  ap- 
plause of  others  for  the  equity,  uprightness  and  affability  which 
characterize  his  deportment,  the  magistrate  in  question  crowns  all 

by  a  splendid  exhibition  of  public  shows. 

2.  Quid   tu-a  sors  ?      Sulpicius  drew  for  his  lot  the  presiding  at 
trials  de  pecululu,  or  embezzlement  of  the  public  money. — Besides 
the   praetor  urbanus,  and   praetor  peregrinus,   there  were   other 
praetors  who  each  presided  at  particular  trials  throughout  the  year  ; 
namely,  one  at  trials  concerning  extortion  (de  repetundis)  ;  another 
concerning  bribery  (de  ambitu) ;  a  third  concerning  crimes  against 
the  state  (de  majestate) ;  a  fourth  about  defrauding  the  public 
treasury  (de  peculatu)  ;  &c. 

3.  Trisiis,  atrox,  &c.      "  A  gloomy,  a  harsh  one  :  the  trial  of 
questions  of  embezzlement."      Literally,  "  inquiry  into  embezzle- 
ment."    Quaestio  is  the  technical  term  for  each  of  the  special  juris- 
dictions mentioned  in  the  previous  note,  and  as  these  were  assigned 
each  to  a  particular  praetor,  for  an  entire  year,  they  were  hence 
termed  Quaestiones  perpetuae. 

4.  Squaloris.     Referring  to  the  squalid  and  neglected  garb  of  the 
accused,  assumed  by  him  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  commiseration 

5    Ex  altcra.     Referring  to  the  side  of  the  accusers.—  Plena  cat- 


ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

enarum  0-tquc  indicum.      "  Full  of  imprisonment  and  common  In- 
formers." 

6.  Cogendi  judices  inviti.      <:The  reluctant  judges  to  be  foiced 
to  sit."     The  judices,  called  also  assessores,  formed  the  council  of 
the  praetor.     Compare  note  4,  page  49. 

7.  Scriba  damnalus,   &c.      "  A  scribe  condemned  ;  the  whove 
order  in  consequence  alienated."      A   scribe  had  been  condemned 
by  Servius  for  embezzlement  of  the  public  money,  and  this  lost  him 
the  votes  of  the   whole  order  in  his  application  for  the  consulship. 
As  regards  the  scribes,  compare  note  3,  page  44. 

8.  Sullana  gratificatio  reprehensa.     "  Sylla's  bounty  disapproved 
of,"  i.  e.  condemned  or  reversed.     Several  of  Sylla's  adherents  had 
received  from  him  gifts  of  money  from  the  public  treasury.      This 
proceeding  was  now  adjudged  to  be  illegal ;  and  regarded  as  pecul~ 
atus. 

9.  Prope  pars.     "  Almost  an  entire  part."     Schu'tz  makes  this 
the  same  as  magna  pars  ;  and  Lambinus,  dimidia  pars. 

10.  Lites  severe  aestimalae.     "  Damages  heavily  assessed,"  i.  e. 
a  heavy  amount  of  damages  imposed.     The  allusion  is  to  damages, 
or  a  fine  awarded  by  the  praetor,  in  favour  of  the  state,  against  in- 
dividuals who  had  been  convicted  of  embezzlement.     As  the  amount 
of  damages  rested  with  the  praetor,  Servius  made  many  enemies  by 
imposing  heavy  sums. 

11.  Cui  placet,  obliviscitur.      "  He  to  whom  it  affords  pleasure, 
soon  forgets  it."     The  reference  is  to  the  accuser. — Cui  dolet  memi- 
nit.      "  He  to  whom  it  occasions  pain,  long  remembers  the  circum- 
stance," i.  e.  he  that  is  condemned. 

12.  ii.  Murenae  provincia.      Transalpine  Gaul,  of  which  he  had 
charge  after  his  praetorship. — Mullas  bonas  gr alias,  &c.     "  Brought 
with  it  many  opportunities  of  conferring  important  favours,  together 
with  the  highest  reputation  to  himself." 

13.  Dedit  ei  facultalem  liberalitatis      "  Put  it  in  his  power  to 
exercise  indulgence,"  i  e.  in  excusing  some  from  military  service. 
The  state  of  public  affairs  (respublica)  allowed  him  this  opportunity. 

14.  Quae  municipiis,  &c.     "  Which  are  composed  of  the  muni- 
cipal towns  of  Umbria." — Ipsa  autem  in  Gallia.      This  is  the  very 
neat  emendation  of  Ernesti,  in  place  of  the  common   leading  ipse 
aiitcm  in  Gallia.     The  province  of  Gaul  is  here  opposed  to  Umbria. 
through  which  he  was  proceeding  to  the  former. 

15.  Ut  nostri  homines,  &c.  r  "  He  enabled  our  countrymen  by 
his  equity  and  application  to  recover  sums  of  money  which  were  by 
this  time  despaired  of,"  i.  e.  debts  considered  by  this  time  as  des- 
nerate.      This  result   was  brought,  about  by  mild  and  yet  effectua' 


i..    MURENA.  413 

Page. 

remedies  on  the  part  of  Murena,  so  that  he  often  made  both  j>arties, 
and  not  merely  the  creditor,  his  friends. 

16.  Scilicet.      "It  is  true." — Fateor.      "This  I  am  willing  to 
allow." — Nonnullorum  amicorum,  &c.        The  zeal  of  such  friends 
cools  because  their  patrons,  by  refusing  a  province,  have  put  out  of 
their   hands   the  means  of  being  serviceable  to  their  followers  and 
dependants. 

17.  Disparem  fortunam.      "  Unequal  good  fortune  as  regarded 
the  affairs  of  a  province."      Murena  held  an  important  province. 
Sulpicius  declined  altogether  going  to  his. 

18.  Amisso  jam  tempore.     •'  The  occasion  having  now  gone  by." 
Compare  Manutius :    "  Cum  praeterierit  occasio." — Re  Integra. 
"  While  the  matter  ,vas  as  yet  undetermined,"  i.  e.  before  the  elec- 
tion took  place. 

19  In  Us  rebus  ipsis,  &c.  Referred  to  immediately  after. 
"  Primum  accusandi  terrores,  &c.  The  part  Sulpicius  here  acted 
was  no  doubt  a  patriotic  one,  and  showed  "  a  spirited  senator,"  but 
it  was  not  that  of  "  a  politic  candidate." 

20.  Accusandi  terrores  et  minae,  &c.     Referring  to  the  language 
of  Sulpicius,  before  the  comitia  had  taken  place,  and  while  private 
canvassing  was  going  on.      He  expressed,  it  seems,  his  firm  de- 
termination to  impeach  any  one  of  his  competitors  who  should  have 
recourse  to  bribery.     Cicero  says  that  this  course  showed  the  man 
of  spirit,   but  it  led  the  people  to  expect  that  he  would  fail  in  his 
election,  because  he  acted  as  if  he  had  lost  all  hope  of  success,  and 
it  made  his  friends,  also,  less  zealous  in  his  behalf. 

21.  A  spe  adipiscendi.     "From  any  hope  of  obtaining  office,  on 
the  part  of  the  candidate,"  i.   e.   as  cherished  by  the  candidate. 
Spe  adipiscendi  does  not  refer  to  the  people,  but  to  the  particular 
candidate  himself,  who  seems  by  his  desperate  conduct  and  language, 
and  by  his  threats  of  impeachment,  to  have  lost  all  hope  in  his 
own  case. 

22.  In  uno  aut  altero.     "  In  one  or  two,"  i.  e.  in  the  case  of  one 
or  two  candidates  merely. — Honorem  desperasse.      "  To  have  de- 
spaired of  the  office  to  which  he  aspires." 

1.  Quid  ergo?  &c.      Cicero  now  proceeds  to  meet  anargu- 
ment  that  might  be  urged  by  Sulpicius  in  justification  of  his  con- 
duct ;  namely,  that  he  was  prompted  to  the  course  in  question  by  a 
wish  to  retaliate  upon  his  opponents,  for  the  injury  they  had  done 
him  by  their  unfair  proceeding. 

2.  Aliud  tempus   est   petendi,   &c.     "  There  is  one  time   for 
soliciting  the  consulship,   another  for  prosecuting,"    i.  e.  for  im- 
peaching candidates  who  have  been  guilty  of  corruption. 

35* 


414  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

lit)  •*•  Magms  lopivs.  "With  great -numbers  attending  him,"  i.  e 
numerously  attended  by  friends  and  clients.  The  candidates  were 
accustomed  to  go  down  occasionally  into  the  Forum  and  Campus 
Martius,  to  show  themselves  to  the  people  and  gain  votes.  They 
were  accompanied  at  these  times  by  large  numbers  of  friends  and 
dependants.  To  escort  a  candidate,  in  this  way,  was  called  dedu- 
cere,  and  his  escort  deduclores. 

4.  Inquisitio  candidati.     "  A  prying  into  the  conduct  of  a  fellow 
candidate,"   i.  e.  to  obtain  matter  for  impeachment. —  Comparatio 
"A  procuring." 

5.  Declamatio  potius  quam  persalutatio.     "  Declamatory  accusa- 
tions  rather  than  assiduously  paying  court  to   the  people,"  i.  e. 
angry  denunciations  against  rival  candidates,  and  accusations  of  bri- 
bery, when  one  ought  to  be  going  round  and  soliciting  votes. — The 
old  reading  was  salutalio,  until  changed  by  Gruter  to  the  present 
one,  which  is  much  stronger,  and  is  equivalent  to  assidua  salutatio 
— For  a  long  time  before  the  day  of  election,  the  candidates  endeav- 
oured to  gain  the  favour  of  the  people  by  every  popular  art,  by  go- 
ing round  to  their  houses,  shaking  hands  with  those  whom  they  met, 
saluting  every  one  by  name,  &c.     This  last  was  esteemed  a  very 
great  compliment,   and  hence  the  candidate  commonly  had  along 
with  him  a  monitor  or  nomendator,  who  whispered  in  his   ears 
every  body's  name.     In  this  way,  salutatio  and  persalutatio  become 
general  terms  for  all  kinds  of  canvassing,  though  literally,  they  only 
mean  the  latter. 

6.  Et  ex  vuflu  candidatorum  faciant,  &c.       "  And  try  to  make 
out  from  the  looks  of  the  candidates,  how  much  of  hope  and  re- 
sources each  may  appear  to  possess." — Animit  literally,  "of  spirit," 
or  "  courage,"  for  the  approaching  contest. 

7.  Jacet.     "  He's  down."     Used  here  in  a  familiar  and  colloquial 
sense.      Compare  note  1,  page  103. — Abjecit  has  las.       "He  has 
given  up  the  day."     Literally,  "he  has  flung  the  spears  aside."     A 
figurative  mode  of  expression,   borrowed  from  the  movements  of 
those  who  confess  themselves  vanquished  in  battle,  and,   in  con- 
sequence, throw  away  their  arms.     This  is  what  the  Greeks  called 
fiiipaairis.     Compare  Erasmus,  Chil.  2,  3,  97,  p.  415. 

8.  Alium  faciam.     "  I'll  make  another  my  candidate." 

9.  Debilitantur.      "  Are  dispirited."      Literally,  "  are  enfeebled 
in  their  efforts." — Testatam.     "  As  manifest  and  known  to  all." 
The  true  reading  here  has  been  much  disputed.      Ernesti   retains 
testatam,  but  suggests  desperatam,     Lambinus  prefers  lotam.     It 
is  a  case,  however,  where  no  emendation  whatever  appears  necessary 

10.  Operain  ct  gratiaw.     "  Their  aid  and  influence." 


L.    MURKNA  415 

1'aae 

11.  Totum  an.'mum.     "  His  whole  spirit." — Nonpossit  partere 
"  Cannot,  when  so  situated,  employ."     The  reference  is  still  to  a 
candidate  who  despairs  of  success,  and  is  now  thinking  of  an  im- 
peichment  against  his  competitors. 

12.  Nonparva  res  &c.     "  No  small  matter  in  itself,  but  in  real- 
ity the  most  important  of  all. 

13.  Comparare  ea.      "To  get  together  those  things,"  i.  e.  to 
supply  yourself  with  the  means  of  driving  out,  &c. 

14.  Etiam per  alienos.     "  Even  by  mere  strangers."   From  feel- 
ings  of  natural  commiseration.      This  is   explained  immediately 
after. 

15.  In  capitis  periculis.     "  When  their  lives  or  privileges  are  in 
danger."      Perieulum  capitis  means  not  only  "  a  capital  trial,"  in 
our  sense  of  the  term,  but  also  one  involving  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  a  citizen,  where,  for  example,  the  punishment  in  case  of  convic- 
tion would  be  exile,  and  not  loss  of  life.     We  have  been  compelled, 
therefore,    to  give  it  a  general  translation  here,   embodying  both 
meanings.       Compare   the   remark  of  Ernesti,  (Ciav.    Cic.  s.  v. 
caput,)  :  "  Causae  capitales  porro,  res  capitalcs,  in   quibus  caput 
Jiomims  agitur,  sunt,  cum  aliquis  in  judicium  vocatus  est  publicum, 
quo  ccndemnatus  locum  in  senatu,  aut  alia,  sui  ordinis  commoda, 
civitatein,  libertatemve  amittit,  solum  vertere  cogitur,  aut  vitam  adeo 
perdit.      Itaque  quoties  formula  hujusmodi  apud  Latinos  occurrit, 
semper  de  quibus  hominibus,  de  quibusque  causis  serrno  sit,  viden- 
dum,  et  quibus  ex  legibus  causa  agatur,  iisque  quae  poenae  propo- 
sitae  fuerint.   Nam  ita  demurn,  capitis  quae  sit  vis,  intelligi  poterit." 

16.  Sic  intcllexi.     "  Have  perceived  this." — In  petendo  studium, 
&c.  _  "  That  in  suing  for  office  there  is  the  most  unremitted  ardour  ; 
in  defending  another,  the  most  anxious  zeal ;    in  accusing,  the  most 
active  exertion,"  i.  e.  that  suing  for  office  requires  the  most  unre- 
rnitted  ardour,  &c. 

17.  Sic  statuo.     "  I  maintain  this."      The  literal  idea  of  statuo, 
when  taken  in  this  sense,  is  to  set  or  place  a  thing  in  a  particular 
position,  with  the  determination  of  keeping  it  there  as  far  as  wo 
may  be  able. 

18.  Ut  idem,  &c.      "  That  the  same  individual  can,  wita  suf- 
ficient diligence,  prepare  the  materials  for  an  impeachment,,  and  ar- 
range an  application  for  the  consulship,"  i.  e.  at  one  and  the  same 
time. — Ailornare  accusationem  literally  means,  to  furnish  or  supply 
an  accusation  with  what  may  be  requisite  for  its  success. 

1!).    Unum.     "  The  weight  of  merely  one  of  these." 
1.    Cum   le  de  curricula,  &c.      "When  you  turned 
the  career  of  a  candidate."    Curriculum  properly  denotes  a  charict- 


416  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

1  |  (j  course,  or  race,  and  is  here  figuratively  applied  to  the  contest  fen 
'he  consulship.       ':•.'-•>• 

2.  In  islam  accusandi  denuntiationem.      "  Upon  that  announce- 
ment  of  your  intention  to  accuse." — In  ista  rations.     "  In  that 
employment,"  i.  e.  in  getting  ready  the  materials  for  an  impeachment. 

3.  Legem  ambitus,  &c.     "  You  earnestly  solicited  a  law  agains 
bribery  ;  although  there  was  one  already  for  you,"  i.  e.  although 
there  was  a  law  of  this  nature  already  in  existence,    namely  the 
Calpurnian. 

4.  Erat  enim,  &c.      "For  there  was  the  Calpurnian,  couched 
in  terms  of  very  great  severity/'     Passed  A.  U.  C.  686.     Compare 
chapter  32,  and  consult  Legal  Index. 

5.  Oestus  est  mos.     "  Regard  was  paid."     More  literally,  "  obe- 
dience was  paid,"   i.  e.   a  new  law  was  passed,  as  you  entreated. 
This  new  law  against  bribery  was  the  Tullian,  proposed  by  Cicero 
himself,  and  which  inflicted,  in  addition  to  the  punishments  ordained 
by  the  previous  laws  on  this  subject,  the  penalty  of  ten  years  exile. 
Consult  Legal  Index. 

6.  Sed  tola  Ma  lex,  &c.      "  Now  that  whole  law  would  per- 
haps have  armed  your  accusation  with  new  terrors,  if  you  had  had 
an  accused  person  to  deal  with,  who  was  actually  guilty  :  as  it  was, 
however,  it  only  served  to  oppose  your  application  for  the  consul- 
ship," i.  e.  if  you  had  had  a  real  offender  to  impeach,  and  not  Murena, 
the  Tullian  law  might  have  done  some  good,  in  making  your  accusa- 
tion the  more  formidable,  and  his  punishment  the  more  severe.    But, 
having  only  an  innocent  man  like  Murena  to  threaten  with  the  penal- 
ties of  that  law,  you  merely  injured  your  cause  with  the  people,  wl. 
regarded  your  conduct  toward  my  client  as  the  offspring  of  a  vin 
dictive  spirit. 

7.  Gravior.    He  means  more  severe  than  that  already  prescribed 
by  the  Calpurnian  and  other  laws. — In  plebem.     Referring  to  those 
of  the  common  people,  who  should  suffer  themselves  to  be  corrupted 
by  any  candidate. 

8.  Commoti  animi  tenuiorum.      "  The  minds  of  the  lower  orders 
were  alarmed."     The  consequence  was  that  he  lost  their  votes. 

9.  Exsilium  in  nostrum  ordinem.     "  The  penalty  of  exile  was 
entreated  by  you  against  our  own  order,"  i.  e.  against  those  senators 
who  should  be  guilty  of  bribery. — Concessit.      The  punishment  of 
ten  years  exile  was  ordained, 

10.  Sed  non  libcnter,  &c.     "  But  it  was  with  reluctance  that,  in 
accordance  with  your  suggestion,   they  decreed   greater  severity 
against  the  order  at  large."     Literally,  "  they  unwillingly  established 
*  harsher  condition  for  our  common  fortune." — Fortunae  commun. 


I..    MUKENA.  417 

.....  Page 

refers  to  the  common  condition  of  the  order,  and  not,  as  some  er- 
roneously  explain  it,  to  the  lower  classes  of  the  people.  We  must 
supply  omnium  senatorum  after  fortunae  communi,  as  Sylvius  does. 
11.  Morbi  excusationi,  &c.  "A  punishment  was  annexed  to 
every  excuse  of  illness."  The  allusion  here  is  extremely  -doubtful, 
and  we  have  nothing'  to  guide  us  but  mere  conjecture.  Manutius 
thinks,  that  Servius  got  a  law  passed  with  the  consent  of  the  senate, 
ordering  all  persons  to  be  present  at  the  consular  comitia,  and 
directing,  that  the  excuse  of  illness  should  not  be  received,  to  ac- 
count for  a  person's  absence,  but  that  he  should  be  punished  for 
non-attendance.  Emesti,  however,  gives  a  more  reasonable  inter- 
pretation. He  thinks  that  the  enactment  in  question  was  aimed  at 
the  judges,  witnesses,  and  others,  whose  presence  might  be  deemed 
of  importance  in  a  trial  for  bribery.  These  were  punished  if  they 
stayed  away,  and  the  excuse  of  illness  was  not  taken.  The  object 
of  the  law  was  to  guard  against  any  improper  collusion,  which  might 
defeat  the  ends  of  justice. 

,  12.  Voluntas  offensa  multorum,  &c.  "  The  friendly  feelings, 
which  many  had  entertained  towards  you,  were  hurt  at  this,  since 
they  must  either  exert  themselves  to  attend  court  to  the  detriment 
of  their  health,  or  else,  in  addition  to  the  evil  of  illness,  the  other 
advantages  of  life  must  be  abandoned  by  them,"  i.  e.  the  other  ad- 
vantages of  life  besides  health. — From  the  language  here  employed 
by  Cicero,  Ernesti  thinks,  that  the  penalty  to  be  inflicted  on  those, 
who  gave  the  excuse  of  illness,  was  an  exclusion  from  office  and 
from  the  other  rights  and  privileges  of  citizens. 

13.  Haec  quis  tulit  ?      "  Who  proposed   the  law  enacting   all 
this  1"     Literally,  "  who  proposed  these  things  1"      The  answer  of 
course  is  Cicero  himself. — From  this  passage  it  would  appear,  that 
all  the  enactments  which  have  just  been  enumerated  by  Cicero, 
were  contained  in  the  provisions  of  the  Tullian  law. 

14.  Is  qut,  &c.     Cicero,  as  consul,  proposed  the  law  in  question 
to  the  people,  in  accordance  with  the  direction  of  the  senate  and  the 
wishes  of  Sulpicius,  although  he  himself  by  no  means  approved  of 
the  measure.      Hence  we  have  adopted  Schiitz's  emendation,  gm 
minime  probarat,  in  place  of  the  common  reading  cui  minime  prod- 
erant.     Ernesti  retains  the  common  lection,  but  condemns  it  in  his 
notes  as  incorrect.     "  Vulgatum  quidem  verum  non  est.    'Ciceroni 
yuidem  ista  non  nocebant,  nut  nocere  poterant." 

15.  Ilia,  quae  mea  summa  voluntate,  &c.  *  "  Think  you  that  the 
following,  which  a  crowded  senate  rejected  to  my  very  great  satis- 
faction, were  only  moderate  impediments  to  your  application  for  the 
consulship ?"     Literally,  "opposed  you  in  a  moderate  degree.* 


418  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

116  ^6.  Confusimem  suffragiorum.  "A  promiscuous  intermingling 
of  votes."  The  usual  arrangement  at  the  comitia  centuriata,  was 
for  the  centuries  of  the  first  class  to  give  their  votes  in  order,  and 
then  the  centuries  of  the  other  classes,  after  them.  This  was 
favourable  to  bribery  ;  for  if  a  majority  of  votes  had  been  purchased 
in  any  century,  it  could  easily  be  ascertained  by  the  vote  of  that 
century,  on  the  day  of  election,  whether  it  had  fulfilled  its  share  of 
the  bargain  or  not.  In  order  to  prevent  this,  Servius  proposed  to 
the  senate,  that  all  the  votes  of  all  the  centuries  should  be  consider- 
ed as  thrown  into  common,  that  is,  that  the  old  order  of  calling  up 
the  centuries  in  succession  should  not  be  observed,  but  that  the  in- 
dividual citizens  should  be  called  upon  for  their  votes,  in  no  regular 
order  whatever,  but  as  it  were  confusedly.  Hence  the  expression 
confusionem  suffragiorum.  Two  advantages  would  result  from  this 
new  arrangement.  First,  it  could  not  be  ascertained  how  a  par- 
ticular century  voted,  the  different  individuals  composing  it  being 
scattered  throughout  the  great  body  of  voters ;  and  in  the  next 
place,  the  vote  of  each  citizen  counted  equally,  which  was  not  the 
case  under  the  old  system.  Compare  note  17,  page  71. — The 
senate  rejected  the  proposition. 

1 7.  Prorogationem  legis  Maniliae.  "  An  extension  of  the  Mamh- 
an  law,"  i.  e.  which  amounted  in  fact  to  an  extension  of  the  provisions 
of  the  Manilian  law.  By  prorogalio  legis  is  meant  the  extending  of  the 
provisions  of  a  law,  so  as  to  make  these  same  provisions  apply  in 
some  other  case,  not  originally  contemplated  by  those  who  passed 
the  law  in  the  first  instance. — Servius  had  not  asked  for  an  exten- 
sion of  this  law,  but  Cicero,  in  order  to  excite  some  degree  of  odi- 
um against  the  former  says  that  his  proposition  about  blending  the 
votes  was  equivalent  to  an  extension  of  this  statute.  The  Manilian 
law,  here  alluded  to,  was  proposed  by  the  same  Manilius,  who 
brought  forward  the  other  law  of  the  same  name,  for  investing  Pom- 
pey  with  the  charge  of  the  Mithridatic  war.  The  Manilian  law, 
which  we  are  at  present  considering,  however,  allowed  freedmen  to 
vote  in  all  the  tribes,  whereas,  previously  to  this,  they  voted  in  some 
one  of  the  four  city-tribes  only.  This  law  was  very  unpopular 
with  the  upper  classes  at  Rome,  since  it  made  the  freedmen  equal 
with  the  free  citizens,  and  the  favour  of  the  former  would  have  to 
be  sought  as  carefully  at  elections,  by  the  haughty  patricians,  as  that 
of  the  latter.  (Ascon.  in  Or.  pro  Cornel.)  Now  the  proposition 
made  by  Servius,  about  confounding  together  the  votes,  would  have 
had  the  effect  of  making  the  votes  of  the  lowest  of  the  people  equal 
to  those  of  the  highest,  and  in  this  sensa  Cicero  says  it  would  have 
been  in  fact  an  extension  nf  tho  Manilian  law,  which  made  the  votes 


I,.     MURENA  419 

i'Rge. 

of  freedmen  equal  to  those  of  freemen.      This  is  merely  said,  how- J  Jg 
ever,  to  bring  Sulpicius  into  odium  with  those  who  regarded  the 
Manilian  law  itself  in  so  unfavourable  a  light. 

18.  Aequationem  gratiae,  &c.     "  An  equalizing  of  influence,  of 
rank,  of  suffrages."     Such  would  have  been  the  result,  according 
to  Cicero,  of  the  proposition  of  Servius  ;  amounting,  in  effect,  to  a 
perfect  levelling  system. 

19.  Homines  honesti.  "  Men  of  honourable  standing." — Gratiosi. 
"  Of  influence." 

20.  Dignitatis  et  gratiae.     "  Of  rank  and  influence."     By  dig- 
nitas  is  here  meant  the  degree  of  consideration  in  which  an  individ- 
ual would  be  held,  who  had  exerted  his  influence  in  favour  of  any 
particular  candidate,  in  case  that  individual  were  elected  to  office  ; 
and  gratia  denotes  the  influence  so  exerted.     Compare  Manutius, 
ad  loc. 

21.  Idem  editicios  judices,  &c.     "  You  likewise  wished,  that  the 
judges  should  be  named  by  the  parties."  The  Judices,  or  "judges," 
as  the  term  is  accustomed  to   be  translated,  were  in  fact  a  kind  of 
jury,  though  far  more  numerous.    They  formed  a  species  of  council, 
over  which  the  praetor  presided,  and  were  called  his  assessores.    In 
ordinary  cases,  they  were  chosen  by  lot.     But  sometimes  the  law 
allowed  the  accuser  and  defendant  to  select  them,  in  which  case 
they  were  said  judices  edere,  and  the  judges  themselves  were  called 
editicii.     Thus,  by  the  Servilian  law  against  extortion,  the  accuser 
was  ordered  to  name  100  from  the  whole  number  of  persons  who 
were  liable  to  be  called  upon  as  judices  for  that  year,  and  from  that 
100  the  defendant  was  to  choose  50.     By  the  Licinian  law,  de  soda- 
litiis,  the  accuser  was  allowed  to  name  the  judices  from  the  people 
at  large.     Whatever  checks  there  might  be  on  this  strange  practice, 
we  should  view  it  at  the  present  day  as  one  of  the  surest  means  of 
subverting  all  justice. — Servius  wished,  according  to  Cicero,  this 
mo.le  of  selecting  judices  to  be  extended  to  trials  of  bribery,  and 
the  latter  immediately  after  states  the  evil  that  would  have  resulted 
from  such  an  arrangement. 

22.  Ut  occulta  odia,  &c.     "  In  order  that  the  private  animosities 
of  citizens,  which  are  now  confined  within  the  bounds  of  silent  dis- 
like might  break  forth,"  &c.     Cicero  means,  that,  if  an  accuser 
were  to  be  allowed  to  select  the  judices,  it  would  te  a  very  easy 
matter  for  persons  to  accuse  and  effect  the  condemnation  of  illustri- 
ous individuals,  who  chanced  to  have  incurred  their  hatred. 

23.  Adipiscendi  obsaepiebant.     "  They  obstructed  that  of  attain- 
ing to  the  consulship."     After  adipisceridi  supply  consulatum. 

24    Ex  omnibus  ilia  plaga   maxima.     "  That  greatest  of  all 


420  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 


wounds,"  i.  e.  that   mortal   blow.  —  Hortensio.     Hortensius   and 
Crassus  were,  as  has  already  been  remarked,  engaged  on  the  same 
side  with  Cicero  in  this  case. 

-   25%  Durior  locus  dicendi.     "  A  more  difficult  task  in  speaking." 

117     !•   Ego  in  extremo,  &c.     "  I,  in  closing,    should  not  have  to 

handle  merely  some  particular  part  of  the  case,  but  to  state  what- 

erer  might  seem  fit  to  me,  respecting  the  affair  at  large,"  i.  e.  I,  as 

the  closing  speaker,  when  Hortensius  and  Crassus  have  gone  over 

the  whole  case  with  so  much  ability,  should  be  compelled  to  follow 

in  the  same  track,  and  not  be  allowed  to  discuss  merely  some  par- 

ticular head  of  this  cause,  although  the  latter  arrangement  would  be 

easier  for  me,  ,  and  certainly  more  agreeable  to  you. 

2.  Itaque  in  iisdem,  &c.  "  Wherefore,  I  am  now  occupied  with 
almost  the  same  topics  that  they  were,  and,  as  far  as  lies  in  my  pow- 
er, I  strive  to  facilitate  the  decision  which  you  in  your  wisdom  will 
make."  Cicero  means,  that,  being  compelled  to  go  over  the  same 
ground  which  had  been  travelled  by  his  predecessors,  he  endeavours 
to  do  this  in  such  a  way,  that  it  may  serve  as  a  brief  recapitulation 
of  the  most  important  points  in  the  cause,  and  thus  render  their  task 
the  less  burdensome  in  coming  to  a  decision.  —  Lambinus  found 
sapietati  in  one  of  his  MSS.,  which  has  been  found  also  in  another 
and  hence  conjectured  satielati,  so  that  occurro  satielati,  &c.,  wil 
mean,  "  I  strive  to  diminish  as  much  as  I  can  the  satiety  you  must 
necessarily  feel,"  i.  e.  having  to  go  over  the  same  topics,  I  do  so  as 
briefly  as  possible.  There  is  a  good  deal  to  be  said  in  favour  of  this 
reading,  although  it  is  condemned  very  decidedly  by  Ernesti,  and  is 
followed  by  a  very  few.  Ernesti,  however,  is  wrong  in  the  explana- 
tion which  he  gives  of  the  whole  passage,  as  may  be  seen  from  the 
remarks  of  Schiitz.  —  The  verb  occurro,  it  must  be  remembered,  is 
here  used  in  the  sense  of  juvo. 

3.Quam  te  securim,  &c.  "  What  an  axe  do  you  think  you  laid," 
i.  e.  only  think  what  an  axe  you  laid. 

4.  Deposila  alque  abjecta  petitione.     "  Your  application  for  the 
consulship  being  given  up,  and  cast  aside  as  of  no  value,"  i.  e.  as 
quite  hopeless.       This  retiring  from  the  contest,  on  the  part  of  Sul- 
picius,  would  cause  Catiline's  party  to  rally,  and  inspire  them  with 
the  hope  of  success,  and  would  alarm  many  lest  that  hope  might  be 
realized.      These  last  would  therefore  throw  the  weight  of  their 
influence  into  the  scale  of  Murena  and  Silanus. 

5.  Inquirere.  "  Collecting  information."  —  Obscrvation.es.  "Your 
investigations,"  i.  e.  your  inquiries  as  to  who  had  given  and  who  re- 
ceived bribes.       Compare  Manutius  :  "  Quis  largiretur,  qttis  ac- 
eiperet." 


1.    MURENA.  421 

Page. 

6.  Tesnficaliones.     "  The  depositions  that  were  made." — • 
iuctiones  testium.     "  The  taking  aside  of  witnesses,"  i.  e.  the  be- 
ing closeted  with  them,  in  order  to  arravigc  their  testimony  for  the 
approaching  trial. 

7.  Secessionem  subscriptorum.      "  The  consultations-  of  the  ac- 
cusers."     jUterally,    "  the   going  apart  of   the  accusers."      The 
principal  accuser  was  called  accusator,  and  those  who  joined  in  the 
accusation  subscriptores,  from  their  sul>scribing  their  names  to  the 
impeachment. 

8.  Indicibus   atque   sicariis.      "  By   informers   and   assassins." 
Graevius  finds  it  difficult  to  understand  who  are  meant  by  "  inform- 
ers'* in  this  case.       The  answer  is  an  easy  one.      They  were  false 
accusers  and  at  the   same  time  worthless  persons,  whom  Catiline 
kept  around  him  for  the  purpose  of  harassing  and  intimidating  the 
good.       Compare  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  and  Cicero's  language 
respecting  Clodius,  (pro  Sext.  44)  :   "'  Qni  stipatus  semper  sicariis, 
stptus  o.rmatis,  munilus  indicibus  fuil." 

9.  Collcgae   mei.      Antonius.       Compare  Sallust,   (5.  C.  21): 
"  Petcre  consulatum  C.  Anlonium,  quern  sibi  collegam  fore  spera- 
ret,  hominem  et  familiarem."  &c.,  and  also,  (c.  26)  :  "  Ad  hoc  col- 
legam suum  Antonium,"  &c. 

10.  Arretinorum  et  Fesulanarum.     Compare  Or.  in  Cat.  2, 9.~- 
Quam  turbam,  &c.     "  Which  crowd,  most  motley  in  its  character, 
certain  individuals,  who  had  been  sufferers  by  the  calamities  of  Syl- 
la's  times,  served  to  diversify,"  i  e.  one  might  see  scattered  through- 
out this  motley  group,  and  serving  to  make  the  contrast  more  con- 
spicuous, certain  persons  who  had  lost  their  all  during  the  proscrip- 
tions of  Sylla,  and  who  were  now,  as  desperate  men,  following  a 
desperate  leader. 

11.  Perculsi.     The  common  text  has  percussi.      But  perculsi  is 
the  true  reading.       When  speaking  of  the  blow  of  calamity,  where 
the  mind  and  feelings  are  of  course  involved,  the  Roman  writers  use 
percello  ;  when  referring  to  mere  bodily  injury  they  employ  percutio. 
Hence  the  distinction  which  Bentley  lays  down,  ad  Horat.  Epod, 
11,   2,    that  percu/ere  is   the  weaker  term,  and  denotes  merely  to 
strike,  whereas  percellere  means   "  to  stun,"  "  to  prostrate"  as  it 
were. 

12  Dami  conditus.  "  Laid  up  for  him  at  home."  A  forcible 
expression.  The  consulship  appeared  to  Catiline  to  be  as  fully  in 
his  possession  as  anv  article  of  property  under  bis  own  roof, 
and  all  that  remained  for  him  to  do  was  to  put  forth  his  hand  and 
take  it  when  the  occasion  required. 

13.  Accusitorem  suum.  Because  Sulpicius  had  declared  his 
36 


422  ORATION   KOK 

Page. 

J  J[  "y  intention  to  bring  to  trial  every  one  who  should  employ  improp 
er  means  in  canvassing  for  the  consulship. 

14.  Reipublicae.      "Of  the   public   welfare." — Foetus   essct. 
Supply  consul. 

15.  Percrcbuissent.    "  Had  spread  abroad." — In  condone  domes- 
tica.     At  the  house  of  Laeca.     Or.  in  Cat.  1,  4. 

16.  Eum,  qui  ipse  miser  esset.      Alluding  to  himself.      The 
student  will  mark  the  use  of  the  subjunctive  here  by  Cicero,  who  ia 
quoting  the  sentiments  and  language  of  Catiline.      So  negasset  in 
the  previous  clause. 

17.  Integrorum  et  fortunatorum.      "  Of  those  who  were  unin- 
jured and  fortunate."      Meaning  the  upper  classes  and  the  wealthy. 
Integrorum  is  here  opposed  to  saucios,  and  fortimatorum  to  miseros. 

18.  Consumpta  replere.     "  To  repair  their  exhausted  fortunes." 
— Erepta.      "  What  had  been  wrested  from  them,"  i.  e.  by  the  op- 
pression and  power  of  the  aristocracy.      Compare  Catiline's  speech 
in  Sallust,  (B.  C.  c.  20) :  "  Itaque  omnis  gratia,  potentia,  honos, 
divitiae  apud  illos  sunt,"  &c. 

J  ]  Q  1 .  Referente  me.  "  On  my  motion."  More  literally,  "  I  re- 
ferring the  matter  to  them  for  their  consideration."  Cicero,  as  con- 
sul, laid  this  subject  before  the  senate.  Compare,  as  regards  the  af- 
fair to  which  he  alludes,  note  5,  page  3. 

2.  Catilinam  excitavi.      "  I  called  upon  Catiline."      The  literal 
force  of  excitavi,  "  I  caused  to  rise,"  has  reference  to  the  custom 
that  prevailed  in  the  Roman  senate  of  a  member's  always  rising 
when  he  had  any  remark  to  make,  and  his  remaining  up  until  he  had 
finished  the  observations  he  had  to  offer. 

3.  Aperlissimus.      "  Very  open  in  his  declarations." — Indicamt 
atque  induit.     "  Owned  the  charge  and  plunged  into  the  very  midst 
of  the  snare."      Indicare  differs  from  confileri  in  denoting  a  volun- 
tary and  ready  confession.      Compare  the  remark  of  Donatus,  (ad 
Terent.   Adelph.  prol.  4)  :  "  Indicat  is  qui  de  sc  volens  aliquid,  et 
de  aliis  etiam,  -prod.it :  sed  conjitetur,  qui  de  se  tantum,  et  qui  in- 
vitus." — With  regard  to  induit,  in  this  passage,  it  may  be  remarked, 
that  it  is  a  metaphor  taken  from  the  deer  plunging  into  the  nets  set 
for  it.      Catiline  plunges  into  the  very  midst  of  the  danger,  boldly 
and  fearlessly,  although  he  sees  it  full  before  him.     Compare  Or.  in 
Vcrr.,  (4.  42) :  "  Videte  in  quot  se   laqueos  induerit,  quorum  ex 
nullo  se  unquam  expediret." 

4.  Duo  corpora,  &c.      Compare  note  5,  page  3. —  Unum  debilt, 
&c       The  first  of  these  denotes  the  senatorial  party  with  Cicero  at 
its  head ;  the  other  the  advocates  for  a  change  of  affairs,  who 
Catiline  promises  shall  not  be  without  a  head. 


L.     MURENA.  4^3 

Page. 


0.   Congcmuil  senatus  frequens.       "A  crowded  senate  broke 
forth  into  one  groan  of  indignation."     The  student  will  note  the 
force  of  the  compound  verb.  —  Pro  rei  indignitate.      '•  Considering 
the  indignity  of  the  insult." 

6.  Turn  erupit  e  senalu,  &c.      What  the  senate  decxeed  against 
Catiline,  on  this  occasion,  does  not  appear,  but  most  probably  from 
the  words  here  employed,  and  from  his  going  to  the  Campus  Martius 
as  a  candidate,  no  measures  of  any  importance  were  taken  against 
him.      Dio  Cassius,  indeed,  says  that  he  did  not  venture  to  persist 
in  his  application  for  the  consulsl.jp,  being  deterred  by  the  law  which 
had  been  passed  against  bribery,  but  Sallust  (c.  26)  merely  -emarks 
that  his  application  proved  unsuccessful.      Plutarch  states  express- 
ly, that  he  stood  for  the  consular  office  on  this  occasion.      (Vit. 
Cic.  c.  14.) 

7.  Faucis  ante  diebus.      Sallust  states  that  Catiline  uttered  the 
threat  here  alluded  to  on  the  occasion  of  Cicero's  first  oration  against 
him.      Cicero's  authority,  however,  is  of  greater  weight,  and  he 
gives  the  same  account  in  his  Orator,  37,  129.      Florus  and  Vale- 
rius Maximum  agree  with  Sallust. 

8.  Sed  ruina.      "  But  by  ruins."      Alluding  to  the  custom  of 
stopping  the  progress  of  a  fire,  when  ordinary  means  fail,  by  de- 
molishing the  buildings  in  the  vicinity. 

9.  Et  cum  ilia  lata,  &c.     Compare  note  3,  page  5.  —  Non  quae 
me  tegeret.     "  Not  that  it  might  protect  me."     When  Cicero  says 
that   Catiline  aimed  only   at  the  head  and  neck  of  his  victims,  he 
must  be  understood  as  alluding  figuratively  to  his  cruel  conduct 
during  the  proscription  of  Sylla,  when  the  heads  of  their  political 
antagonists   were  brought  in  by  the  assassins  of  party.     Consult 
Historical  Index,  s.  v.  Catilina. 

10.  Remissiorem.     "  Relaxing  your  ardour." 

11.  Magna  est  autem,  &c.     This  appears  at  first  view  harsh  La- 
tinity,  since  two  epithets  are  seldom  if  ever  employed,  unless  one 
of  them  come  in  as  a  participle.     Magna,  however,  is  not  in  fact  an 
epithet  of  inclinatio,  but  a  predicate  of  repenlina  inclinatio.      "Of 
great  importance  is  a  sudden  turn  of  popular  feeling,"  &c.       Com- 
pare Ernesti  ad.  loc. 

12.  Ad  vimm  bonum.      Such  as  Murena  is.  —  Multis  aliis  adju- 
mentis,  &c.     These  are  enumerated  immediately  after. 

1.  Modeslissima.     "  Characterized  by  the  utmost  self-control."  J  J  Q 
—  Legatione.     "  His  lieutenancy  under  Lucullus." 

2.  Praetura  probata  in  jure,  &c.     The  praetorship  of  Murena  is 
here  considered  in  its  three  different  aspects,  the  dispensing  of  jus- 
tice, the  exhibiting  of  public  shows,  and  the  province  that  followed 


424 


ORATION    FOR 


Page. 

1 1 9  Render,  "  approved  of  as  regarded  the  discharge  of  its  judicial 
duties,  acceptable  for  the  public  shows  connected  with  it,  supplied 
with  every  thing  requisite  as  regarded  the  province  that  succeed- 
ed." By  ornare  provinciam  is  meant,  to  supply  a  province  with 
every  thing  that  may  tend  to  give  it  efficiency  in  its  several  opera- 
tions, and  consideration  in  the  eyes  of  those  who  come  under  its 
jurisdiction.  Compare  the  explanation  of  Facciolati :  "  Ornare  pro- 
vinciam est,  ex  Senatus  consullo  decernere  certum  militum  numerum, 
et  Us  stipendium,  item  viaticum  in  legates  et  comitatum,  terminare 
ipsius  provinciae  fines,  jurisdictionis  forma.ru.  modumque  pracscri- 
bere,  et  hujusmodi  alia,  quae  honori  et  ornatui  erant  turn  provinciae 
ipsi,  turn  magistratui  cam  regenli."  Consult  also  Ernesti,  Clav. 
Cic.  s.  v.  ornare. 

3.  Perpurgatus.      "  Fully  cleared  up." — Ab  Us  qui  ante,  &c. 
Referring  to  Hortensius  and  Crassus. 

4.  Postumius.     Associated  in  the  accusation  with  Sulpicius  and 
Cato.     Consult  Introductory  remarks. 

5.  De   divisorum  indiciis,   &c.      "  Concerning  the  disclosures 
made  respecting  the  distributors  of  bribes,  and  the  sums  of  money 
that  had  been  seized  in  their  hands."     The  divisores  were  persons 
employed  by  the  candidates  to  distribute  bribes.      This,   though 
illegal,  was  often  done  ;  and  was  practised,  on  one  pccasion,  against 
Caesar,  with  the  approbation  of  Cato  himself. 

6.  Ser.  Sulpicio.     Son  of  Sulpicius,  the  accuser,  and  one  of  the 
subscriptores.       Compare   Manutius :  "  Quis  non   intelligit,    Ser. 
Sulpicii  filium  significaril  qui  et  cum  Postumio  et  Catone,  patri, 
Murenam  accusanti  subscripserat." 

7.  De   equitum   centuriis.       These  are  centuries  that  composed 
the  whole  body  of  the  equites.      They  were  eighteen  in  number, 
and  voted  in  the  first  class.     If  unanimous  in  their  agreement  with 
that  class,  the  election  was  decided.      (Compare  note  17,  page  71.) 
Hence  the  importance  attached  to  their  vote  by  the  respective  can- 
didates.     L.  Natta,  Murena's  step-son,  had  invited  them  to  a  ban- 
quet, and  this  was  alleged  to  have  been  done  with  the  view  of  se- 
curing their  vote. 

8.  A  studiis  ambitionis.      "  From  the  pursuits  of  ambition."-— 
Secuti  sunt.     "  Have  courted." 

9.  Ncque  hujus  evenlum  fortuii/amque.      "  Nor  the  fate  and  con- 
dition of  my  friend,"  i.  e.  the  hard  lot  which  is  his. 

10.  Unum  adscendere  gradum,   &c.      The  father,  the  grand- 
father, and  others  of  the  progenitors  of  Murena,  had  held  the  office 
of  praetor ;  but  the  consulship  had  not  hitherto  been  attained  to  h» 
any  of  the  family. 


L.     MURF.NA.  423 

Tage. 


11.  Ea  qua*,  relicta,  &c.      The  honourable  name  left  him  by  his 
fathers.  —  Haec  quae  nb  ipso,  &c.      The  honours  conferred  for  pre- 
vious services  rendered  to  his  country  by  Murena  himself,  exclusive 
of  the  consulship. 

12.  Propter  studium  novae  laudis.      "  On  account  of  his  eager 
pursuit  of  a  new  honour."     Literally,  "  of  a  new  source  of  praise." 
The  reference  is  to  the  consulship.      Compare  note   \0.  —  Veterif 
fortunae.     The  honours  he  had  enjoyed  previous  to  the  consulship, 
and  which  have  already  been  alluded  to,  in  the  words   "  haec  quae 
ab  ipso  parta  sunt." 

13.  Odio  inimiciliarum.      "  Through  the  hatred  engendered  by 
private  animosity."  —  Qui  studio   accusandi,    &c.       Cicero  means, 
that  Murena's  old  friends  have,  through  their  ill-timed'  and  misdirec- 
ted zeal  for  impeaching,  been  induced  to  become  his  accusers. 

14.  Non  injuria  L.  Murcnae,  &c.     "  Not  by  any  personal  injury 
received  from  Licinius  Murena,  but  by  a  contest  with  him  for  pre- 
ferment." 

15  Paternus  amicus.  "  An  hereditary  friend,"  i.  e.  whose 
father  and  Murena's  had  been  friends.  The  sons  inherited  the  friend- 
ship of  their  parents.  —  Some  commentators  make  Postumius  him- 
self a  friend  of  Murena's  father,  and  translate  patcrnus  amicus 
"  his  father's  friend."  This,  however,  cannot  be  correct,  since 
Postumius  was  younger  than  Murena  the  son. 

16.  Qui  neccssitudinis,  &c.  "Who  has  assigned  in  fact  very 
many  grounds  for  intimate  friendship  between  them,  has  been  un 
able  to  mention  a  single  one  for  enmity,"  i.  e.  in  all  that  he  has  said 
on  this  .  part  of  the  subject,  Postumius  has  only  shown  the  more 
clearly  that  he  and  Murena  were  intimate  friends,  and  consequently 
that  he  ought  not  to  be  here  as  his  accuser. 

1.  Ser.   Sulpicius.      Son  of  Sulpicius  the  accuser.  —  Sodalis~l*)i\ 
fdii.     "  The  companion  of  his  son,"  i.  e.  of  Murena's  son.     The 

son  of  Sulpicius  and  the  son  of  Murena  the  accused  had  been  com- 
panions 

2.  Ua,jus  ingcnio,  &c.      "  By  the  exercise  of  whose  talents  all 
his  father's  friends  ought  only  to  be  rendered  the  more  safe."     The 
reference  is  to  the  son  of  Sulpicius,  who  ought  not,   according  to 
Cicero,  to  be  here  accusing,  and  endangering  the  safety  of  an  old 
friend  of  his  father's,  but  ought  rather  to  exert  himself  in  behalf  of 
that  friend.      The  reproof  is   extremely  delicate.      The  son  of 
Sulpicius,  when  he  finds  his  father  at  variance  with  an  old  friend, 
ought  to  do  his  best  in  order  to  reconcile  them  to  each  other. 

3.  Alienus.       "  Enstranged  in  feeling."  —  Multis  cliam  alienis- 
simit.      "  To  many  who  were  even  the  merest  strangers  to  him," 


426 


ORATION     FOR 


1 20  '•  e>  °f  wh°m  ho  knew  nothing  at  all. — Exitio.     "  Detrimental.'* 
The  heathen  doctrine  of  doing  our  utmost  to  retaliate  upon  and  in- 
jure our  private  foes,  heeds,  of  course,  no  comment  here. 

4.  Qui,  nescio  quo  pacto,    &c.      '"  Who,  I  know  not  how  it  is, 
seems  to  me,  being  himself  a  candidate  for  the  praetorship,  to  run 
full  against  a  competitor  for  the  consular  office,  just  as  if  a  vanlter 
on  horseback  should  leap  into  a  four-horse  chariot." — Postuinius, 
himself  a  candidate  for  the  praetorship,  desists  from  his  own  can- 
vass, turns  off,  and  accuses  one  of  the  competitors  for  the  consul- 
ship.   This  is  strange  enough.     Why  did  he  not  rather  accuse  some 
one  of  his  own  rival  candidates,  and  not  interfere  in  a  case  where 
his  presence  was  unnecessary  1   This  is  the  same,  remarks  Cicero,  a? 
if  a  vaulter  in  the  sports  of  the  circus,  who  is  accustomed  to   leap 
from  the  back  of  one  horse  to  that  of  another,  should  on  a  sudden 
vault  from  a  steed  into  the  seat  of  a  chariot.      What  has  such  a 
vaulter  to  do  with  a  chariot  1     And  what  has  Postumius  to  do  with 
the  present  impeachment  1 — With  desultorius  supply  eques.      The 
desultorius,  or,  as  he  was  more  commonly  called,  desultor,  leapt 
from  one  horse  to  another  as  they  were  both  proceeding  at  full 
speed. 

5.  Cujus  competitor 'es,   &c.       "  If  his   competitors  have   been 
guilty  of  no  act  of  delinquency,  he  yielded  to  their  superior  merit, 
when  he  desisted  from  being  a  candidate  ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary, 

ome  one  of  them  has  been  guilty  of  bribery,  then  it  seems  some 
friend  "is  to  be  sought  to  prosecute  another's  injuries  rather  than  his 
own."  All  this  is  said  to  show  that  Postumius  has  nothing  what- 
ever to  do  with  the  present  impeachment,  and  ought  to  be  away. 
If  he  yielded  to  his  own  opponents  for  the  praetorship,  because 
their  claims  to  personal  merit  were  superior  to  his,  for  the  very  same 
reason  he  ought  not  to  be  here  accusing  Murena,  since  the  merit 
of  the  latter  is  equal  to  that  of  Sulpicius.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
abandoned  his  own  canvass  because  some  one  of  his  competitors 
had  been  guilty  of  bribery,  and  he  left  it  to  some  one  of  hi«  friends 
to  prosecute  this  offence,  when  he  ought  to  have  done  it  in  person, 
in  this  case  also,  he  should  not  have  taken  part  in  the  present  im- 
peachment, because  the  man  who  cannot  advocate  his  own  rights,  is 
a  very  unfit  person  to  appear  as  an  advocate  for  those  of  ar.other. 

6.  Venio  mine.      The  replies  to  Postumius  and  the  younger  Sul 
picius  do  not  appear  in  the  MSS.,  and  their  absence  is  indicated,  in 
our  text,  by  the  asterisks  after  persequatur.     It  has  been  thought  by 
some  that  they  were  suppressed  by  Cicero  himself,  in  the  copies  of 
the  speech  prepared  by  him.  and  published.      The  younger  Pliny  re 
fers  to  this  oration  with  several  others,  in  one  of  his  letters,  ( 1 ,  20  ) 


L.    MURENA.  427 

Page. 

and  remarks  :  "  Ex  kis  apparel  ilium  pcrmulta  dixisse ;  cum  ede-\')(\ 
ret,  omisissc." — Cicero  wrote  down  his  speeches  after  delivery,  and 
does  not  appear  to  have  prepared  them  in  writing  beforehand.     Com- 
pare what  he  himself  says,  on  this  subject,  (T#sc.  4,  25):  "Jam, 
rebus  transactis  et  praeteritis,  orationesscribimus." 

7.  Quod  est  firmamentum,  &c.     "  And  this  forms  the  main  sup- 
port and  strength  of  the  whole  accusation,"  i.  e.  Cato's  weight  of 
character  makes  Sulpicius  and  his  friends  regard  this  as  the  strong- 
hold of  their  case. 

8.  Qui  tamen,  &c.     "  Who,  notwithstanding,  is  so  powerful  and 
vehement  an  accuser,  that  I  fear  his  weight  of  character  far  more 
than  his  accusation."      The  peculiar  force  of  ita  is  lost,  however 
in  a  literal  translation.     A  paraphrase  will  convey  Cicero's  meaning 
more  clearly  :  "  Who,  notwithstanding  the  heavy  and  vehement  at- 
tacks which   he  has  made  against  Murena  on  the  present  occasion, 
appears  to  me  far  more  formidable  for  his  general  weight  of  charac- 
ter, than  for  any  thing  he  has  alleged  against  my  client. 

9.  In  quo  accusatore.      "  In  the  case  of  this  accuser,"  i.  e.  as 
far  as  this  accuser  is  concerned. — lllius.      Referring  to  Cato. — 
Expcctatio  Iribunatus.     Cato  was  then  tribune  elect." 

10.  P.  Africanus.     The  younger  of  this  name. 

11.  In  ipso  imperio,  &c.      The  pronoun  ipso  is  not  expressed  ir. 
some  MSS.,  and  early  editions.       It  appears,  however,  in  the  bes. 
modern  editions,  and  imparts  force  to  the  clause. 

12.  L.  Cottae  profuisse.      This  prosecution  is  also  referred  to  in 
the  oration  for  Fonteius,  c.  16,  and  in  that  against  Caecilius,  c.  21. 
Some  farther  details  are  given  by  Valerius  Maximus,  8,  1,  11,  but 
the  same  reason  is  assigned  for  his  acquittal,  although,  to  quote  the 
words  of  the  last-mentioned  writer,  "  gravissimis  criminibus  erat 
confossa." 

13.  Cad.tr e  in  judicio.      Compare  note  3,  page  100. — Abjectus. 
"  Borne  down."      Abjectus  is  here  equivalent  to  dejectus  or  pro- 
stratus.     Compare  (Cic.  in  Verr.  7.  54)  :  "Ad  tribunal  antepede* 
tuos,  ad  tcrram  virgis  et  terberibus  abjectum ;"  and  (Senec.   de 
benef.  5.  3)  :  "  Luctator  ler  abjectus  periidit  palmam." 

14.  Ser.  Galbam.      Servius  Sulpicius  Galba  was  accused  by  L. 
Libo,  a  tribune  of  the  commons  of  having  slain  a  large  number  of 
the  Lusitani,  in  violation  of  his  own  plighted  word.     He  was  an  an- 
cestor of  the  emperor  Galba.     Valerius  Maximus  says,  that,  having 
assembled  the  inhabitants  of  three  cities  of  Lusitania,  under  the 
pretext  of  conferring  with  them  in  relation  to  their  common  interests, 
he  disarmed  them,   and  seized  nine  thousand  of  the  flower  of  their 
vmjth.  whom  he  partly  slew  and  partly  sold  as  slaves.     (  Val.  Max. 


428  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

1208'  6>  2")  .Suetonius  (Vit.  Galb.  3)  says,  that  he  massacred  thirty 
thousand,  and  that  this  was  the  cause  of  the  war  of  Viriathus. 
(Compare  Oros.  4,21.)  Libo  applied  for  a  bill,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  bring  Galba  to  trial  before  the  people,  although  he  was  not 
expressly  named  in  it.  Cato,  then  at  a  very  advanced  age,  sup- 
ported the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  a  short  time  before  his  death  pro- 
nounced a  long  oration  against  Galba,  which  he  inserted  in  his  work 
entitled  Origines.  (Cic.  Brut.  23.) 

15.  Eripuit.  In  his  Brutus,  c.  23,  Cicero  ascribes  the  acquittal 
of  Galba  to  the  commiseration  felt  by  the  people  at  the  sight  of  the 
young  children  of  Galba,  who  were  brought  into  public  for  this  pur- 
pose ;  and  he  quotes  Cato  to  the  same  effect :  "  Isque  se  turn  eripuit 
ftumma,  proptcr  pueros  misericordia  populi  commota,  sicut  idem 
scriptum  reliquit  Cato.'"  Compare  also  Cic.  de  Oral.  1,  53,  where 
some  more  details  are  given  of  this  same  transaction. 

121      ^"  Multum  in  posterum  prospicientes.     "  Looking  far  into  the 
future  for  the  good  of  a  coming  age." 

2.  Nolo  accusator,  &c.     "  I  do  not  like  an  accuser  to  bring  with 
him  to  trial  any  degree  of  power,  nox  any  greater  force  than  ordinary, 
nor  any  superior  weight  of  character,  nor  too  extensive  influence." 

3.  Valeant  haec  omnia,  &c.      "  Let  all  these  things  have  their 
full  force  for  the  safety  of  the  innocent,"  &c.,  i.  e.  when  exerted 
for  the  safety,  &c. 

4.  Nisi  prius  de  causa  judieassel.      "  If  he  had  not  previously, 
judged  this  cause  in  his  own  mind." 

5.  Judicium  accusatoris,  &c,      "  That  the  judgment  passed  by 
an  accuser  upon  the  accused  ought  to  operate  as  a  judicial  precedent 
against  him."      By  praejudicium  is  meant  a  judgment  or  sentence 
which  affords  a  precedent  to  be  afterward  followed.      Compare  As- 
conius,  (in  Or.  contra  Caecil.  c.  4) :  "  Praejudicium  dicitur  res,  quae 
cum  statuta  fuerit,  affert  judicaluris.  exemplum,  quod  sequantur." 

6.  Tuum  consilium.     "  Your  determination  in  the  present  case," 
i.  e.  to  turn  accuser  against  Murena. — Propter  singulars  animi,  &c. 
"  On  account  of  the  high  opinion  I  entertain,"  &c. 

7.  Conformare  et  leviter  emendare.      "  To  mould  and  slightly 
amend  it."     Cicero  means  to  say,  that  although  his  high  respect  for 
Cato  prevents  him  from  blaming  his  conduct,   still  he  has  a  little  re- 
proach to  make  against  him. 

8.  Non  multa  peccas,    &c.      "You  do  not  often  go  wrong, 
says  the  aged  preceptor  in  the  play  to  a  very  valiant  hero,  but 
when  you  do,  I  am  able  to  set  you  right."  These  words  are  thought 
to  have  been  quoted  by  Cicero  from  some  well-known  play  of  En- 
nuis or  Attius,  where   Phoenix,  the  governor  of  Achilles  is  convex 


I..    MURFNA.  429 

Page. 

ting  with  and  imparting  instruction  to  his  pupij. — Ille  senioi  magis- 
ter.  We  have  endeavoured  to  express  the  peculiar  force  of  the  pro- 
noun ille  in  this  clause.     Its  literal  meaning  is  "  that  well-known," 
i.  e.  he  that  is  known  to  all  from  the  play  that  we  have  seen  so  of- 
ten represented. 

9.  Ut   corrigendus,   &c.       "  As  to  appear  to  require  to  be  made 
straight,  rather  than  to  be  only  slightly  bent,"  i.  e.  as  to  stand  in  need  of 
correction  rather  than  gentle  admonition.     Corrigere  is  to  straighten 
what  is  quite  crooked ;  inflectere  to  bend  back  to  a  straight  form  what 
is  only  a  little  curved,  and  what  therefore  requires  only  a  slight  degree 
of  inflection  to  restore  it  to  its  previous  state. 

10.  Accessit  istuc.     The  common  text  has  accessit  his  tot,  where 
tot  cannot  possibly  be  correct.      One  of  the  MSS.  has  istuc  which 
Ernesti  commends  in  one  of  his  notes.     The  peculiar  force  of  istuc, 
as  applying  to  the  person  who  is  addressed,  makes  the  correction  a 
very  plausible  one. 

11.  Nee  mitis,   &c.      "Nor  yet  at  the  same  time  mild  in  its 
character,  but  as  appears  to  me  a  little  too  harsh,  and  more  intract- 
able than  either  truth  or  nature  allow." 

12.  Cum,  &c.      "  In  the  presence  of  an  illiterate  multitude." 
Scheller  has  doubts  respecting  the  correctness  of  this  use  of  cum, 
and  suggests  coram  in  place  of  it.     In  his  Latin  Lexicon,  however, 
he  gives  this  as  one  of  the  meanings  of  cum,  and  quotes  the  follow- 
ing passage  from  Caesar,   (B.    G.  7,  47)  :  "  Legionisque  decimac, 
quacum  erat  concionatus."      All  the  MSS.  of  Caesar  confirm"  this 
reading,  but  the  editors  have  thought  fit  to  substitute  for  quacum 
crat  concionatus  the  lection  qua  turn  erat  comitatus.      The  author 
of  the  Greek  translation  of  Caesar  sanctions,  however,  the  common 
reading,  for  he  has  voog  5  avrds  iorturf/npf^Kci. 

13.  Imperita  muhitudine.     It  is  curious  to  observe  how  Cicero 
sometimes  adapts  his  language  to  circumstances,  and  to  the  exigen 
cies  of  the  case  in  hand.     The  very  same  individuals,  whom  he  here 
praises  for  their  intelligence,  he  actually  calls  an  illiterate  class  of 
persons,  on  another  occasion,  when  he  was  no  longer  pleading  before 
them.     Thus,  in  the  fourth  book  of  the  treatise  de  Finibus,  c.  27, 
where  he  is  supposed  to  be  conversing  in  private  with  Cato,  about 
the  merits  of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  Cicero  remarks  :  "  Non  ego  te~ 
cum  jam  ita  loquar,  ut  iisdem  his  de  rebus,  quum  L.  Murena.m,  te 
accusante,  defenderem.     Apud  imperitos  turn  ilia  dicta  sunt ;  aliquid 
etiam  car onae  datum :  nunc  agendum  est  subtilius."     On  another 
occasion  again,  he  even  makes  a  precept  out  of  this  docility  of  the 
imagination,  and  lays  it  down  as  a  rule,  that  the  first  duty  of  an  orator 
is  to  please  the  people.     (Brut.  50.) 


430  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

_O1      14.  titudiis  humanitatis.     Compare  note  16,  page  48. 

•*••*•*•  15.  Hacc  bona  divina  et  egregia.  "  That  these  divine  and  ad- 
mirable qualities."  Bona  literally  "  goods,"  i.  e.  excellences. — Quae 
nonnunquam  requirimus.  The  verb  requiro  is  here  taken  in  the 
sense  of  reprehendo.  Compare  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  and  Schiitz, 
Ind.  Lai. 

16.  Fuit  enim  quidam,  &c.     The  art  with  which  Cicero  man- 
ages to  attack,  not  the  character  and  authority,  but  the  doctrines 
of  Cato,  has  often  been  a  theme  of  remark.     He  is  highly  praised 
for  it  by  Quintilian,  (11,  1,  68.)     In  the  treatise  de  Finibus,  (4,  27) 
already  alluded  to  in  a  previous  note,  Cicero  acknowledges  that  he 
had  been  too  severe  in  his  remarks  on  the  Stoic  sect. 

17.  Zeno.    Consult  Historical  Index. — Oujus  inventorum  aemuh. 
"  The  followers  of  whose  discoveries."     Aemulus  is  here,  not  a 
rival,  but  a  zealous  follower.     Compare  Liv.  1 ,  28  :     "  Qucm  juve- 
num  aemulantium  studio,  coetus  habuisse  constat,"  where  H.  Homer, 
in  his  Gloss.  Liv.  -explains  aemulantium  by  sequentium.      So  Ta- 
citus, Hist.  3,  81 :     "  Musonius  Rufus,  Equestris  ordinis,  studiun 
philosophiae  et  placita  Stoicorum  aemulatus." 

18.  Stoici.     The  name  is  derived  from  the  porch  (orod)  where 
Zeno  was  accustomed  to  lecture  to  his  pupils.     Hence  "  Stoics" 
are  literally,  according  to  the  import  of  the  term,  "  the  men  of  th<» 

porch,"  o!  a?ro  riff  (rroof. 

19.  Stntentiae  ct  praecepta.     "  The  tenets  and  maxims." 

20.  Sapientem,  &c.     Cicero,  in  order  to  throw  ridicule  on  the 
Stoic  doctrines,  advances  here  some  of  the  extrava'gant  assertions 
which  the  Stoics  were  accustomed  to  make  respecting  their  wise 
man.     For  example,  that  he  feels  nei.her  pain  nor  pleasure  ;  that 
he  exercises  no  pity  ;  that  he  is  free  from  all  faults  ;  that  he  is 
divine  ;  that  -he  can  neither  deceive  nor  be  deceived  ;  that'  he  does 
all  things  well ;  that  he  alone  is  noble,  great,  ingenuous ;  that  ke 
alone  is  free  ;  that  he  is  a  prophet,  a  priest,  and  a  king  ;  and  the 
like. — In  order  to  conceive,  however,  the  true  notion  of  the  Stoics 
concerning  their  wise  man,  it  must  be  clearly  understood,  that  they 
did  not  suppose  such  a  man  actually  to  exist,  but  that  they  framed, 
in  their  imagination,  an  image  of  perfection,  towards  which  every 
man  should  constantly  aspire.     All  the  extravagant  things  which  are 
to  be  met  with  in  their  writings  on  this  subject,  may  be  referred  to 
their  general  principle  of  the  entire  sufficiency  of  virtue  to  happiness, 
and  the  consequent  indifference  of  all  external  circumstances. 

21.  Gratia  nunquam  moveri.  ~  Because  all  external  things  are 
matters  of  indifference  to  him. — Nunquam  cujusquam  delicto  ignos- 
eere      Because  every  fault,  great  or  small  is  a  deviation  from  tho 


L.    MURENA.  431 

Page. 

etnct  and  unerring  rule  of  right  reason,  which  must  ever  be  rn&st 
implicitly  obeyed. — Nemincm  misericordcm  esse.  To  show  pity  is 
to  let  feeling  triumph  over  reason,  and  external  things  have  sway. 

1.  Solos  sapienlcs,  &c.     "That  the  wise,  even  though  they  be 
most  distorted  in  appearance,  are  alone  beautiful  ;  rich,  though  in 
the  most  abject  poverty  ;  though  in  the  lowest  degree  of  slavery, 
kings."     All  this  follows  from  the  Stoical  premises  of  the  indiffer- 
ence of  external  things.     True  beauty,  riches  and  royalty  are  the 
beauty,  riches,  and  royalty  of  reason  and  virtue. — Horace  humor- 
ously ridicules  these  paradoxical  vauntings.     Sat.  1,  3,  sub.  fin.*— 
Ep.  1,  1,  106. 

2.  Si  servitutem  seroiant.     The  accusative  is  often  added  to  an 
intransitive  verb,  like  an  adverb,  especially  if  the  noun  be  of  the 
same  root.     The  object  of  this  construction  is  to  impart  force  to  the 
passage.     Thus  we  have,  besides  the  instance  in  the  text,  such  forms 
as  vivere  vitam,  som.nia.re  somnium,  pvgnare  pugnam.     In  English, 
the  construction  is  also  found,  "  to  live  a  life,"  "  to  dream  a  dream," 
&c.     So  in  Greek,  ffiuvat  Biov,  &c.     (Zumpt.  L.  G.  p.  257,  Ken- 
rick's  transl. — Buttman,  G.  G.  p.  360,  Robinson's  transl. ) 

3.  Ontnia  pecc&ta.  esse  pana.     According  to  the  Stoic  doctrine, 
every  virtue  being  a  conformity  to  nature,  and  every  vice  a  deviation 
from  it,  all  virtues  and  vices  are  equal. 

4.  Nihil  opinari.     "  Assents  to  nothing  without  full  conviction." 
Compare  Ernesti,   Clav.   Cic.  s.  v.     "  Opinari,  h.   e.   rei  incertae 
asscnliri." — Sententiammutarenunqttam.     This  follows  of  course, 
from  his  never  making  up  his  mind  about  any  thing  until  the  matter 
has  become  perfectly  clear  to  him. 

5.  Auctoribus  eruditissimis.     The  various  writers  on  the  Stoic 
doctrines,  such  as  Zeno,   Chrysippus,   Cleanthes,  &c. — Arripuit. 
"  Has  eagerly  caught  at." — Sed  ita  vivendi.     "  But  of  living  in 
accordance  with  them."     Ita  literally,  "in  such  a  way"  as  they 
prescribe. 

6.  Petunl  aliquid  publicani  1     "  Do  the  farmers  of  the  revenue 
petition  for  some  abatement  7"     The  allusion  is  to  cases  where  the 
farmers  of  the  public  revenues  have  suffered  in  their  contracts  by 
reason  of  war,  or  any  other  calamity,  and  have  requested  some  abate- 
ment in  the  terms  of  the  agreement.     These  applications  were  made 
to  the  senate.     It  seems  that  such  requests  were  very  often  nega- 
tived by  that  body,  and  that  Cato's  influence  was  very  instrumental 
in  producing  such  a  result.     The  evil  policy  of  this  opposition  to  the 
wishes  of  the  equestrian  order,  who  were  the  farmers  of  the  revenue, 
soon  displayed  itself.     The   equites   applied   to  Caesar,  when  in 
power,  for  relief  from  a  disadvantageous  contract  respecting  the 


432 

Page. 

1 22  Asiat>c  revenues,  and  that  artful  leader,  by  granting  them  the  faroca 
which  they  could  not  obtain  from  the  regular  authority,  turned  in 
effect  the  resources  of  the  republic  against  itself,  the  disunion  of  the 
senate  and  equites  only  serving  to  strengthen  the  more  his  usurped 
power,  and  pave  the  way  for  the  downfall  of  freedom.  Compare 
Cic.  de  Off.  3,  22  :  "  Ego  etiam  cum  C atone  mco  saepe  disse.nsi. 
Nimis  nnhi  praefractum  videbatur  aerarium  vectigaliaque  de- 
fendere,  omnia  puUicanis  negare,  multa  sociis."  Consult  also 
Heusinger,  ad.  loc, 

7.  Cave  quidquam,  &c.     "  Take  care  lest  favour  have  any  weigh? 
with  you."     A  wise  man  feels  no  favour  or  bias  towards  any  indi- 
vidual. 

8.  Dixisti  quidpiaml  &c.     "Have  you  said  any  thing  1     It  is 
fixed  and  determined  :"  i.  e.  have  you   once   said  a  thing,  &c.     A 
wise  man  does  all  things  well,  and  whatever  he  once  says  cannot  be 
improved. 

9.  Non  re  ductus,  &c.     "  But  you  were  influenced  in  what  you 
said,  not  by  a  careful  consideration  of  the  case,  but  only  by  a  casual 
opinion."     This  is  supposed  to  be  addressed  to  the  Stoic,  (repre- 
sented here  by  Cator)  in  order  to  induce  him  to  change  his  mind. 
The  answer  is,  sapiens  nifnl  opinatur.     "  A  wise  man  never  acts 
from  mere  opinion  ;"  ire.  never  assents  to  any  thing  uncertain  in  its 
nature,  but  is  always  guided  by  the  unerring  rules  of  reason.    Opin- 
ions are  liable  to  error,  because  they  are  based  on  what  is  merely 
speculative  ;  the  deductions  of  right  reason  are  true  and  unalterable. 

10.  Errasti  aliqua  in  re,  &c.     "  You  were  wrong  in  something 
or  other :  he  conceives  himself  calumniated  by  the  remark,"  i.  e. 
does  any  one  tell  the  Stoic  that  he  has  gone  wrong  in  any  particular 
matter  1  the  latter  is  indignant  at  a  charge  which  strikes  at  the  very 
root  of  his  peculiar  doctrines,  and  he  conceives  himself  calumniated 
and  called  a  false  Stoic.     For  a  wise  man  can  never  go  wrong. 

1 1.  Hac  ex  disciplina,  &c.       "  From  this  system,  of  philosophy 
we  obtain  the  following  results  :    I  declared  in  the  senate,  says  Cato, 
that  I  would  impeach  some  consular  candidate.     O,  but  you  said 
this,  Cato,  when  you  were  angry.     A  wise  man,  replies  he,  is  never 
angry."     Cicero's  object  is  to  lessen  the  weight  of  Cato's  charge 
against  Murena,  by  showing  that  the  former  was  induced  to  come 
forward  as  an  accuser,  not  so  much  on  account  of  any  known  crim- 
inality in  Murena,  as  in  obedience  to  the  peculiar  doctrines  of  his 
sect.     Cato  accuses  him,  not  because  he  had  done  any  thing  con- 
trary to  law,  but  because  the  Stoic  had  declared,  in  the  senate,  that 
he  was  resolved  to  impeach  some  consular  candidate.     Any  other 
person,  not  infected  with  the  obstinacy  of  Stoicism,  would,  accord- 


A.      MURENA.  433 

Page. 

tr.g  to  Uicero's  meaning,  have  made  no  scruple  of  owning,  that  he  J22 
was  angry  when  he  said  this,  and  therefore  now  chose  to  drop  his 
design.     But  such  an  acknowledgment  was  by  no  means  to  be  ex- 
pected from  Cato,  who  would  thereby  seem  to  deviate  from  the 
gravity  and  firmness  of  a  wise  man.     Murena,  therefore,  must  be 
impAiched,  because  the  Stoics  thought  anger  inconsistent  with  the 
character  of  a  wise  man,  and  Cato  claimed  that  character  as  belong- 
ing to  himself. 

12.  Dixi.     On  account  of  this  form,  in  the  present  clause,  Man- 
utius  conjectures  iratus  dixi,  in  the  succeeding  one.      But   the 
emendation  impairs  the  force  and  spirit  of  the  passage. 

13.  At  temporis  causa.     "Well  then,  you  said  it  perhaps  on 
account  of  the  particular  conjuncture,"  i.  e  this  threat  was  uttered 
by  you,  perhaps,  under  particular  circumstances ;  you  were  very 
probably  engaged  at  the  time  in  speaking  for  some  friend. — 'The 
answer  to  this  is  in  full  accordance  with  the  Stoic  tenets  :  a  wise 
man  never  deceives,  never  changes  his  opinion,  &c. 

14.  Nostri  autem  illi.  .   "Those  masters  of  ours,  however." 
Cicero  here  proceeds  to  show  how  directly  opposite  to  the  doctrines 
of  the  Stoics  were  the  milder  systems  of  philosophy  from  which  he  had 
culled  his  principles  and  rules  of  conduct.     And  he  cites,  in  partic- 
ular, Plato,  the  founder  of  the  Academic,  and  Aristotle  the  great 
head  of  the  Peripatetic  sect. 

15.  Valere  aliquando.     "Doe*  sometimes  exercise  an  influence." 
— Viri  boni  esse  misereri.     "  That  it  is  the  part  of  a  good  man  to 
show  compassion."     The  substantive  verb  is  emphatic  in  this  and 
the  succeeding  clauses. 

16.  Hominem  constantem.     "  One  that  is  firm.'1     The  idea  in- 
tended to  be  conveyed  by  the  clause  is,  that  firmness  of  purpose  is 
not  inconsistent  with  clemency. 

17.  Saepe  aliquid  opinari,  &c.    "  Oft-times  hazards  a  mere  opin- 
ion respecting  that  about  which  he  knows  nothing  for  certain,"  i.  e. 
frequently  contents  himself  with  opinions,  where  he  finds  it  impos- 
sible to  arrive  at  absolute  certainty, 

1.  Omncs  tirtutes,  &c.     "  That  all  virtues  are  regulated  by 
certain  degree  of -moderation,"  i.  e.  that  moderation  is  an  essential 
feature  in  the  character  of  every  virtue,  meaning  by  moderation  that 
barrier,  beyond  which  we  approximate  to  what  is  excessive  and 
immoderate.     This  is  nothing  more  than  the  well-known  maxim  of 
Horace,  "  Est  modus  in  rebus,"  &c.     There  is  a  mean  in  all  things. 

2.  Has  ad  magistros,  &c.     "  If,  with  those  natural  advantages 
that  you  possess  any  lucky  fortune  had  brought  you  to  instructors 
8-ich  as  these." 

37 


>*34  ORATION    FOR 

3.  Paullo  ad  lenitatem  propensior.  He  would  have  had,  ac- 
cording to  Cicero,  less  of  the  austere  and  rigid  character  with  which 
the  Stoic  doctrines  had  unfortunately  invested  him. 

4.  Pudentissimum  hominem.     The  epithet  pudenlissimum,  be- 
sides the  idea  of  modesty,  carries  with  it  here  the  general  one  also 
of  moral  worth. 

5.  In  ejusdem  anni  custodia.     "  Under  the  care  of  the  same 
year."     Cato  would  be  tribune,  and  Murena  consul,  during  the  en- 
suing year. — Aliquo  reipublicae  mnculo.     "  By  some  political  tie." 

6.  Seposuisses.     "  Would  have  put  aside,"  i.  e.  would  hava 
suppressed.     Instead  of  aut  seposuisses  aut  Lambinus  gives,  on  the 
conjecture  of  Hotomannus,  aut  si  potuisses. 

7.  Praeceptorum.     The  Stoics. — Jam  usus  fleclet,  &c.     "  Ex- 
perience will  one  day  bend,  time  soften  down,  age  bring  to  milder 
views." 

8 .  Paullo  longiust  quam  nalura  vetlet.     It  was  this  that  made  so 
many  of  the  Stoics  philosophers  in  words,  rather  than  in  actions. 
And  hence  their  adversaries  found  so  much  room  for  satirical  ridi- 
cule and  invective  against  Stoical  pride  and  hypocrisy.     Nor  is  it 
surprising  that  this  should  have  happened.     For  a  system  of  philos- 
ophy, which  attempts  to  raise  men  above  their  nature,  must  com- 
monly produce  either  wretched  fanatics  or  artful  hypocrites.     (En- 
field's  Hist.  Phil.  vol.  1.  p.  322.) 

9.  Ut,   cum  ad  ultimum,  &c.      "  So  that,  although  we  should 
strive  in  thought  to  reach  the  farthest  limit,  we  ought  nevertheless 
to  stop  where  it  behooves  us  so  to  do,"  i.  e.  our  desires  should  prompt 
us  indeed  to  -aim  at  the-  highest  perfection,  yet  we  should  ever  stop 
at  the  point  marked  out  by  reason. — The  common  text  has  opor- 
teret,  for  which  we  have  substituted  oportet,  with  Gruter  and  Grae- 
vius. 

10.  Nihil  ignovens.     "  Pardon  nothing,  you  say."     Cicero  in 
this,  and  what  follows,  quotes  several  of  the  Stoic  maxims,  and 
subjoins  his  own  replies.     In  other  words,  he  proceeds  to  contrast 
the  doctrines  of  Stoicism  wkh  those  which  he  himself  has  pursued. 
The  student  will  mark  the  use  of  the  subjunctive  as  a  softened  form 
for  the  imperative. 

11.  Immo  aliquid,  non  omnia.  "  Nay,  indeed,  pardon  some  things, 
not  dl." 

12.  Immo  resisttto,  &c.     "  Nay  indeed,  resist  favour,  when  duty 
and  honour  shall  demand  this,"  i.  o.  not  so :  resist  it  when  it  cornea 
in  contact  with  what  duty  and  honour  prescribe ;  but  allow  it  to  have 
some  influence  on  other  occasions. 

13.  Eliam ;  in  dissolvenda  scveritale,  &c.     "Certainly;  when. 


L.     MURENA.  435 

Page 

'jca  example,  wholesome  seventy  would  be  relaxed  ;  but  still  there  is 
some  oraise  attendant  on  the  exercise  of  humane  feelings,"  i.  e.  it 
is  certainlv  right,  not  to  yield  to  compassion,  in  those  cases,  where, 
by  so  yielding  we  may  relax  a  wholesome  severity  ;   but  still,  on 
maiiv  occasions,  humanity  is  praiseworthy; 

14.  In  sententia,  permaneto,  &c.  "  Adhere  to  your  opinion. 
True ;  unless  some  better  one  shall  triumph  over  it,"  i.  e.  some 
u.ore  correct  one,  founded  on  a  clearer  view  of  the  subject. 

16.  Scipio.  The  younger  Africanus.  Compare  Cic.  de  Off.  2, 
22,  and  Heusinger,  ad  loc. — Eruditissimum  hominem.  The  Stoic 
Panaetius.  He  was  not,  however,  a  strict  follower  of  all  the  doc- 
trines of  Zeno,  but  seems  rather  to  have  borrowed  opinions  and 
sentiments  with  much  freedom  from  philosophers  of  every  sect. 
(Enfield,  Hist.  Phil.  vol.  1,  p.  360.) 

16.  Cujus  oratione  et  praeceptis.     "  By  whose  converse  and  pre- 
cepts."    Literally,  "  by  whose  language,"  &c. 

17.  Eadem.      Not  exactly,   however.      Consult  note  15. — C. 
Laelio.      C.  Laelius,  surnamed  Sapiens,   or  "  the  wise,"  the  well- 
known  friend  of  the  younger  Scipio,  as  his  father  had  been  the 
friend  of  the  elder.     He  was  also  a  hearer  of  the  Stoic  Panaetius. 

18.  L.  Philo.      The  common  text  has  L.  Philippo,  but  as  L. 
Philippue  was  not  remarkable  for  any  great  advances  in  learning  and 
philosophy,  Manutius  conjectured  L.  Philo,  which  has  been  adopted 
by  Beck,  Matthiae,  and  Schutz.      The  reference  will  then  be  to  "L. 
Furius  Pbilus.     Compare  Agr.  2,  24.^Z>e  Oral.  2,  37. 

19.  C.  Gallo.     C.  Sulpicius  Gallus.     Consult  Historical  Index. 

20.  Catone.       Cato  the    Censor. Comm.od.iar em.      "Milder." 

Compare   Ernesti,  (Clan.  Cic.  s.  v)  :  "  Commodus,  mitis,  qui  nee 
facile  in  rebus  levibns,  nee  nimis  irascitur."      It  has  also  the  kin- 
dred meanings  of  "  affable,"  "  polite,"  "  obliging,"  &c.,  and  appears 
analogous  to  the  Greek  cvdppotrros. 

21.  Comiorem.      "More  unassuming  in  manners."      Compare 
Ep.  ad  Fam.  4,  4. — Corn.  Nep.   Vit.  Att.  3. — Graevius,   Beck, 
and  others  give  communiorem  from  some  MSS 

1.  Moderatiorem  ad  omnem  rationem  humanitatis. 
within  due  bounds  as  regarded  all  the  social  relations  of  life." 

2.  Te  habere  dixisti.      "  You  told  us  that  you  had  in  him." — 
Est  illud  quidem,  &c.     "  It  is  true  indeed,  that  this  example  of  his 
has  been  set  up  for  you  at  your  own  home." — Naturae  similitude 
illius.     r'The  resemblance  of  his  natural  endowments." 

3.  Comitatem  et  facilitatem.       "  Unassuming  and  affable  deport- 
ment."    The  presence  of  comitatem  here,  as  applied  to  Cato,  is  an 
argument  in  favour  of  the  reading  comiorem  already  referre'l  to 


436 


ORATION    FOR 


124     4.  Ista.      "Those  qualities  of  yours." — Cond-tta  jucundt     , 
"  More  agreeably  seasoned,"  i.  e.  more  amiable. 

5.  Tolle  mihi,  &c.     "  Away  for  me  with  the  name  of  Cato  ft. -.A 
this  cause  :  remove  and  pass  by  an  authority,  which  either  ought  to 
have  no  weight  at  all  in  trials,  or  else  ought  to  tend  to  the  safety 
of  individuals  :  join  issue  with  me  upon  the  charges  themselves." 
The  first  part  of  this  sentence  is  addressed  to  each  individual  who 
hears  him,  especially  among  the  judiccs.      The  last  clause,  from 
congredere,  is  addressed  to  Cato. — Congredere,  literally,  "  come  to 
action  with,"    "  enter  the  lists  with." 

6.  Quid  accusas.      "  What  do  you  accuse  him  of." — Quid  ar- 
guis.      "  What  do  you  seek  to  prove  1" — Non  defendo.      "  I  have 
no.  defence  to  urge  for  such  a  crime,"  L  e.  if  your  charge  be  true,  I 
have  nothing  to  say.     But  is  it  true  1  can  you  prove  it  so  1 

7.  Me  reprehcndis,  &c.     "  You  blame  me,  for  seeking  to  defend 
the  very  same   offence  which  I  have  punished  by  a  law,"  i.  e.  you 
blame  me  for  defending  bribery,  when  I  myself  proposed  a  law  fat 
the  punishment  of  bribery. 

8.  Punivi  ambitum,  &c.      Cicero  here  draws  the  proper  distinc- 
tion.    My  law  was  for  the  punishment  of  the  guilty,  not  of  the  in- 
nocent.     Murena  is  an  innocent  man :  therefore  the  law  can  never 
affect  him. 

9.  Ambitum  vero  ipsum,  &c.      Cicero  means,  that  to  such  a  de- 
gree does  he  disapprove  of  bribery,  as  to  be  willing  to  turn  an  ac- 
cuser of  it,  along  with  Cato  himself. 

10.  Si  mercede  corrupti,  &c.      "  That  if  persons  corrupted  by  a 
bribe  should  go  to  meet  any  candidate  for  office  ;  if  persons  hired 
for  that  purpose  should  attend  upon  them  ;  if  at  gladiatorial  shows 
places  had  been  assigned  to  the  people  gratuitously,  and  arranged  by 
tribes  ;  and  also  if  entertainment.1'  had  been  given  to  the  populace^ 
all  this  seemed  done  in  violation  of  the  Calpurnian  law." 

11.  Corrupti.      Some  of  the  Oxford   MSS.,  and  a  few  edi 
tions  have  conducti.      Both  corrupti  and  conducti  are  probably 
mere  glosses. 

12.  Locus  tributim.     Certain  places  might  be  assigned  to  certain 
individuals  at  the  games,  free  of  any  charge.      But  this  could  not 
be  done  to  the  people  by  tribes,  without  incurring  the  suspicion  of 
an  attempt  to  bribe.     Graevius  ad  loc. 

13.  Si  facto,  sint.      "  Only  in  case  they  have  been  committed." 
— Decernit  quod  nihil  opus,   &o.       "  They  decree  \»/iat  is  not 
needed,  when  they  comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  candidates  them- 
selves."     The  candidates  in  this  very   election  asked   for  this 
senaius-consultum.      Of  course,  the  senate  could  not  be  said  to 


L.    MURENA.  437 

Page 

have  decreed  against  them,  when  it  only  decreed  in  order  to  please  J 24 
them. 

14.  Nam  factum  sit,  &c.      "  For  the  great  question  is,  whether 
the  act  was  committed  or  not.      If  it  has  been  committed,  then  no 
one  can  doubt  but  that  it  is  in  violation  of  the  law."    Cicero  insists, 
of  course,  that  Murena  has  committed  no  act  of  bribery  in  the 
present  case. 

15.  Atqui  id  deccrmtur.      "  Now,  the  decree   in  question  is 
passed."     We  have  given  atqui,  the  conjecture  of  Pantagathus,  as 
cited  by  Ursinus.     The  ordinary  reading  is  atque. 

16.  Multi  nbviam,  &c.      Cicero  supposes,  that  Cato  here  takes 
him  at  his  woid,  and  proceeds  to  show  that  Murena  has  employed 
bribery.      The  first  charge  is,  that  many  persons  went  out  to  meet 
him,  when  he  returned  from  his  province  to  stand  for  the  consul- 
ship.    The  reply  is,  that  this  is  a  very  customary  thing. 

1.  Eccui  autem,  &c.    "  For  to  whom  do  not  persons  go  out,  on 
his  returning  from  a  province  1" 

2.  Quae  fuit,  &c.      A  second  objection  supposed  to  be  made. 
"Yes,  but  who  were  that  large  (foncoursel" 

3.  Islam  rationem  reddere.      "  To  give  you  an  explanation  of 
that." — Quod  nisi  esset  factum.     "  Indeed  had  this  not  been  done," 
i.  e.  had  not  numbers  gone  out  to  receive  him. 

4.  Quod  a  consuetudine  non  abhorret.     "  What  is  not  at  variance 
with  the  custom  of  the  day,"  i.  e.  what  is  fully  sanctioned  by  usage. 
— Rogatos  esse  mullos.     "  That  many  persons  were  invited  to  meet 
Murena."  ;  ';.V  . 

5.  Rogati.     "  On  being  invited  so  to  do." — Infimorum  hominum 
Jilios :  i.  e.  when  candidates  for  office. — Props  de  node.  "  While  it 
is  almost  yet  dark,"  i.  e.  even  at  the  earliest  dawn. 

6.  Non  esse  gravatos.     "  Think  it  no  trouble."     Literally,  "  are 
not  burdened,"  or  "  weighed  down." — Hora  tertia.     Answering  to 
our  nine  o'clock.     The  first  hour  commenced  at  six  in  the  morning, 
according  to  our  way  of  computing. 

7.  Omnes   societates.      '.'  All  the   companies   of  the  knights." 
These  were  the  several  companies  or  copartnerships  of  knights, 
who  contracted  as  farmers-general  of  the  provincial  revenues. 

8.  Tola  nalio  candidatorum.      Candidates  for  the  praetorship, 
aedileship,  quaestorship,  &c.     They  would  all  come  out,  in  order  to 
secure  if  possible  the  vote  of  so  distinguished  a  new-comer.     Hence 
the/  are  said  to  allow  no  one  to  enter  the  city  "  without  paying  him 
some  mark  of  respect,"  or  in  the  words  of  the  text,  "  non  honeste." 
In  this  same  sense  ia  the  epithet  ojficiosissima  applied  to  them. 
Compare  note  11. 

•  ,    37* 


438  ORATION    FOR 


1 25     ^'  Noster  Postumius.      An  amusing  hit.      Postutnius,  one  of 
the  very  accusers  of  Murena,  happened  to  have  swelled  with  his 
retinue  the  very  crowd  whose  numbers  are  now  regarded  as  a  sure 
indication  of  bribery  ! 

10.  Clientes.     The  clients  of  Murena  are   meant. — Tributes. 
"  The  members  of  his  tribe." 

11.  Frequentiam  in  isto  qfficio  gratuitam.  "  That  a  disinterested 
concourse  of  friends,  on  such  an  occasion,  has  not  only  never  been 
wanting  to  the  merit,  but  not  even  to  the  wishes,  of  any  individual." 
— Officio.     The  term  qfficium  is  often  employed   to  denote  any 
compliment  paid  to  an  individual,  by  going  forth  to  meet  him,  es- 
corting him,  &c.     Compare  the  explanation  of  Ernesti,  Clan.  Cic. 
p.  v.  :  "  Officium,  honos  qui  ex  more  alicui,  salutando,  occurrendo, 
deducendo,  sectando,  &c.,  habctur." 

12.  At  sectabantur  multi.     A  new  objection  is  here  supposed  to 
be  started.     "Aye,  but  a  large  concourse  escorted  him." — "  Very 
well,"  replies  Cicero,  "  show  that  they  did  this  for  hire,  and  I  will 
allow  it  to  be  an  offence.     But  if  this  be  put  out  of  the  question, 
with  what  do  you  find  fault  1"  i.  e.  if  you  cannot  show  any  bribery 
why  do  you  blame  him  for  his  numerous  escort  1 

13.  Quid  opus   est,  inquit  sectatoribus  1    "Another    objection 
"  What  need  is  there  of  a  train  of  followers  1"    What  good  purpose 
does  such  an  escort  answer  ? 

14.  Quo  semper  usi  sumus.     Cicero  refers  not  to  himself  par- 
ticularly, but  to  all  candidates  heretofore.     This  custom  of  having 
a  train  of  followers  had  been  long  in  general  use  among  the  Romans, 
and  it  was  idle  now  to  find  fault  with  it.     We  may  here  quote  the 
language  of  Cicero's  brother,  Quintus,  in  relation  to  the  propriety  of 
this  usage  :  "  Qui  autem  tibi  debent,  ab  Us  plane  hoc  munus  exige. 
•  •  •  •  •  Valde  tgo  te  volo,  et  ad  rem  pertinere  arUtror,  semper  cum 
multitudine  esse." 

15.  Homines  tenues,  &c.     "Men  of  humble  condition  have  in 
the  aid  thus  lent,  and  in  this  species  of  attendance  upon  us  duriu* 
our  applications  for-  office,  their  only  opportunity  of  conferring 
favour  upon  our  order,  or  of  returning  one  already  received." 

16.  Neque   enim  fieri  potest,  &c.     The   senators   and  equites 
cannot,  from  the  press  of  public  business  and  other  matters,  accom- 
pany their  friends  when  candidates  for  office  (sues  necessaries  can- 
didates) during  whole  days  together.     This  the  lower  orders  can 
better  do,  and  therefore  tLere  is  no  impropriety  in  their  doing  it. 

17.  A  quibus  si  domus  nostra  celebratur,  &c.    "  If  our  dwelling 
is  only  often  visited  by  them,  if  we  are  occasionally  escorted  by 
them  down  to  the  forum,  if  we  arc  favoured   with  one   turn  during 


L.    MURENA.  439 

,^  .          page. 

a  walk  in  some  basilica,  we  appear  to  be  sufficiently  respected  and]  Oft 
honoured  by  them,"  i.  e.  we  candidates  cannot  expect  to  have  the 
senators  and  equites  attending  upon  and  escorting  us  all  day  long, 
as  the  lower  orders  do.  It  is  a  sufficient  mark  of  respect  and  esteem 
on  their  part,  and  will  answer  precisely  the   same  purpose,  if  they 
pay  us  frequent  visits  at  our  houses,  &c.     The  inference  from  all 
this  is,  that  they  too  would  escort  us  if  their  affairs  and  engagements 
permitted  them  ;  and,  consequently,  that  this  same  escorting  carries 
nothing  improper  with  it. 

18.  Basilicae.     The  Basilicae  were  spacious  halls  around  the 
forum  where  the  courts  of  justice  sat,  and  public  business  was  oc- 
casionally transacted.     They  were  adorned  with  columns  and  por- 
ticoes.    From  the  crowds  usually  assembled  here,  to  take  a  turn  or 
two  with  a  friend,  in  one  of  these  porticoes  or  piazzas,  would  be 
almost  tantamount  to  escorting  him  about  the  streets  of  the  capital. 
— The  Basilicae  took  their  name  from  their  splendid  construction, 
(quasi  /?<icriAi*ai  croal,)  and,  when  Christianity  was  introduced,  many 
of  them  were  converted  into  churches,  while  other  churches  were 
built  after  their  model. '  Hence  we  find,  in  the  early  ecclesiastical 
writers,  the  term  /?uo-iAiKij  applied  to  a  sacred  edifice,  and  so  basilica 
in  Latin.     Thus,  "  Max,  usa  regni  viribus,  basilicam  in  loco  Do- 
minicae  passionis,    et  resurrectionis,    et   ascerisionis    constitute,1' 
(Sulpic.  Sev.  2,  2,  33,)  and  again,   "In  basilica  Martyrum,  extra 
oppidum  sita."     (Id.  ibid.  c.  38.)    The  term  remains  at  the  present 
day  in  the  Italian  language  :  "  La  basilica  di  San  Pietro."     "  The 
church  of  St.  Peter."     It  means,  in  the  Italian,  a  cathedral  church, 
but  is  sometimes  applied  to  a  royal  mansion,  or  princely  palace,  and 
is  then  equivalent  to  casa  reale. 

19.  Tenuiorum  et  non  occupatorum,  &c.     "  That  constant  at- 
tendance belongs  to  well-wishers  in  humble  life,  and  who  are  not 
occupied  by  the  calls  of  business." 

1.  Hunc  fruclum  qfficii.     "  This  fruit  of  their  good  offices."       i  f)t* 

2.  Si  nihil  erit  praeter,  &c.    "  If  they  shall  have  nothing  to  be- 
stow upon  us  except  their  mere  vote,  this  is  a  thing  of  but  little 
value  ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  nothing  except  to  support  us  by  their 
interest,  they  really  have  none  to  exert."    This  passage  is  evidently 
corrupt.     We  have  given  Ernesti's  reading  as  the  best  that  offers. 
Schutz  inserts  alii  after  suffragentur,  on  conjecture,  and  opposes 
their  own  votes  to  those  of  others  whom  they  might  gain  over,  if 
they  possessed  any  influence.     With  the  second  si,  as  we  have 
given  the  passage,  erit  must  be  supplied,  not  nihil  erit. — When 
Cicero  says,  that  the  mere  vote  of  the  lower  orders  was  of  little 

.  He  alludes  to  the  peculiar  system  of  voting  which  prevaile* 


440  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 


com''''a  centuriata,  where  the  balloting  seldom  reached  thB 
lower  classes,  and  where  of  course   their  suffrages  were  of  com- 
paratively little  value. 

3.  Non  dicere  pro  nobis,  &c.     "  Cannot  plead  for  us,  cannot  go 
surety  for  us,  cannot  invite  us  to  their  houses."  —  Spondere.     Com- 
pare the  explanation  of  Ernesti  :  "  Spondere  pro  aliquo,  est  fidem 
suam  intcrponere  pro  aliquo  in  re  pecuniaria.  Nam  si  quis  pecuniam 
mutuam  petebat,  cui  tuto  credi  non  posse  videbatur,  petebat  creditor 
ab  eo.  ut  aliquem  daret,  qui  solutum  iri  promitleret,  h.  e.  sponderet." 

4.  Haec.     "  These  services,"  i.  e.  pleading  for  others,  &c. 

5.  Legi  Fabiae.    Very  little  is  known  about  this  law.    Its  object 
~as  to  limit  the  number  of  followers  that  were  to  attend  a  candidate 
•o  the  Campus  Martius.     The  people,  however,  strenuously  opposed 
ft,  and  could  he  deterred  by  no  penalties  from  this  mode  of  expres- 
sing their  regard  for  a  candidate.  —  The  distinction  between  the  salu- 
tatores,  deductores,  and  sectatores,  is  given  by  Quintus  Cicero,  de 
Pet.  Cons.  c.  9. 

6.  L.   Caesare  consvle  factum.     The  year  previous,  when  L. 
Julius   Caesar  and  C.  Marcius  Figulus  were  consuls.     This  was 
the  year  in  which  Cicero  stood  for  the  consulship.     The  practice  of 
bribing  was  carried  on  so  openly  and  shamefully  by  Antonius  and 
Catiline,  that  the  senate  thought  it  necessary  to  give  some  check  to 
it  by  a  new  and  more  rigorous  law.     But  when  they  were  proceed- 
ing with  it,  one  of  the  tribunes,  Q.  Mutius  Orestinus  interposed. 

7.  Nulla  est  enim  poena,  &c.     "  For  there  is  no  penalty  thai 
can  restrain  the  zeal  of  the  lower  classes  from  this  long-establishe^ 
mode  of  testifying  attachment." 

8.  At  speclacula,  &c.     "  But  seats  at  the  public  shows  were 
given  to  the  people  by  tribes,  and  they  were  all  invited  to  entertain- 
ments."    We  have  here  another  objection  of  Murena's  accusers, 
referred  to  by  Cicero. 

9.  More  el  modo.     "  According  to  established  usage,  and  in  a 
moderate  manner."  —  Hue  quaestiones.      "  These  investigations." 
Compare  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  s.  v.  :     "  Dicituret  quaestio  de  quali- 
let  inquisitione  publica  ;  Mur.  34  ;  quaestiones  in  senatu  habitae." 

10.  Punctorum.     "  Of  votes."     The  Romans  counted  votes  by 
points  marked  on  a  tablet.     Compare  pro  Plane.  22  :     "  Nonnullat 
tribus  punctis  paene  totidem  tulerunl." 

11.  Quo  haec,  &c.  .  "  When  this,  whether  it  be  the  result  of 
ambition  or  of  liberality,  was  not  customary  among  us,  namely,  that 
a  place,"  &c.     Nonfucrit,  literally,  "  did  not  exist." 

12.  Haec  homines  tenuiores,  &c.     A  chasm  occurs  in  the  MSS. 
after  assequcbantur.     The  previous  oart  of  the  clause  is  also  very 


L.     MURENA.  44 

Page. 

probably  corrupt.    In  the  Wolfenbuttel  MS.,  there  is  a  vacant  space  126 
left  for  a  line  between  the  words  tenuiores  and  qm. 

13.  Pracfectum.fa.brum,  &c.     "  That  the  praefect  of  the  military 
artificers."     This  is  in  a  great  measure  analogous  to  the  modern 
station  of  "  head  of  the  engineer  department,"  excepting  that  by 
fabri,  in  a  military  sense,  the  Romans  meant  actual  artificers,  rather 
than  persons,  who,  like  our  modern  engineers,  planned  and  supe»  • 
intended  military  works.     According  to  Vegetius,  (2, 11,)  the  legion 
contained  various  kinds  of  artificers  :  "  Habct  praeterea  legio  fabros 
lignarios,  ins£ructores,  carpentarios,  ferrarios,  piclores,  reliquosque 
.artifices  ad  hibernorum  acdificia  fabricanda ;  ad  machinas,  turres 

'.igneas,"  &c. 

14.  Dedisse.     We  may  suppose  this  to  be  governed  by  notum 
est  understood.     The  corrupt  state  of  the  previous  part  of  the  text, 
as  well  as  the  lacuna  in  the  MS.,  make  the  true  government  of  dc- 
disse,  of  course,  altogether  uncertain. 

15.  Qui  tolas  tabernas   compararunt.      "Who  have   prepared 
whole  booths."     These  were  intended  as  places  from  which  the 
games  could  be  seen  with  more  advantage  and  convenience. 

16.  Haec  sectatorum,   &c.     "  All   these   accusations,    Servius, 
about  retinues,  public  spectacles,  and  entertainments,  were  ascribed 
by  the  multitude  to  your  scrupulous  exactness,"  i.  e.  all  these  mi- 
nute charges  have  only  led  people  to  believe  that  you  are  over-exact 
in  finding  fault. 

17.  Convince.     "  Aye,  prove  that,"  i.  e.  prove  that,  if  you  can 
against  Murena. 

18.  Doce.     "  Show  me  that  Murena  has  done  this." 

19.  Sedvulgo,  passim.     "  But  indiscriminately,  in  every  quarter. 
— What  is  indiscriminately  1 — All  without  any  exception." 

20.  L.  Natla.     Already  alluded  to  in  a  previous  note.     He  was 
a  member  of  the  old  Pinarian  line,  and  Murena's  step-son. 

1.  In  equitum  centuriis,  &c.     "Wished  to  become  possessed  12*7 
»f  influence  among  the  centuries  of  equites,  both  with  respect  to 

Jus  duty  imposed  by  relationship,  and  with  reference  to  the  time  to 
come."  Cicero  means,  that  L.  Natta,  by -the  entertainment  which 
he  gave  to  the  equites,  merely  discharged  the  ordinary  duty  of  a 
relative  towards  Murena,  and  sought,  at  the  same  time,  to  establish 
his  own  interest  and  popularity  as  regarded  some  future  application 
for  office. 

2.  Ejus  vitrico  fraudi,  out  crimim.     "  A  source  of  injury  or  of 
accusation  unto  his  step-father."     Fraus  is  here  used  in  its  old 
*ense,  as  equivalent  to  poena  or  detrimentum. 

3    Virgo  Vestalis.     Besides  other  privileges,  the  Vestal  virgins 


442  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 


the  singular  one  of  being  present  at  the  gladiatorial  combats 
For  this  purpose,  they  had  seats  allotted  them  in  front,  in  a  conspic- 
uous place  ;  and  the  charge  referred  to  in  the  text  was,  that  one 
of  them,  a  relation  of  Murena's,  gave  up  her  seat  to  that  individual, 
in  order  that  he  might  bestow  it  on  some  third  person,  whose  vote 
he  wished  to  gain  by  this  act  of  courtesy.  Compare  Ernes  ti,  ad  loc. 

4.  Gladiatoribus.     Equivalent  to  cum  ludi  gladiatorii  fierent.     It 
would  not  have  been  correct  Latinity  to  have  said  locum  gladiatorium  . 

5.  Non  et  ilia,  &c.     "  Did  both  that  female  not  act  in  the  way 
that  affection  demanded,  and  is  this  friend  of  mine  not  far  removed 
from  all  kind  of  censure  1" 

6.  Omnia  haec,  &c.     "  All  these  things  are  merely  the  duties  of 
friends,  the  means  of  gratification  on  the  part  of  the  lower  orders, 
the  privileges  of  candidates." 

7.  Austere  et  Stoice.     ''  Austerely  and  like  a  Stoic,"  i.  e.  with 
all  the  austerity  of  a  Stoic.  —  Verum.    "  Right  and  proper."    Verum 
is  here  equivalent  to  aequum.  —  Allici  be?ievolentiam  cibo.     "  Tha/ 
favour  should  be  conciliated  by  food."     Benevolentiam,  literally 
•'  friendly  feelings,"  "  well-wishing." 

8.  Judicium  hominum,  &c.     "  The  decision  of  individuals 
assigning  offices  of  magistracy,"  i.  e.  the  votes  at  elections. 

9.  Quippe,  inquit,  &c^     ''  For  do  you,  pray,  asks  he,  seek  for," 
&c.     We  have  paraphrased  mihi  in  order  to  adapt  it  to  our  own 
idiom.    Compare  note  9,  page  104.  —  Fovendis  sensibus.    "By  pam- 
pering the  senses." 

10.  Utrum  lenocinium,  &c.     "  Were  you  seeking  for  some  im- 
pure gratification  from  a  herd  of  effeminate  youth,"  i.  e.  invited  by 
you  to  an  entertainment.     Compare,   as  regards  lenocinium,  the 
remark  of  Ernesti,  Clam.   Cic.  a,  v.     "  Lenocinia  corporum,  sunt 
res  quibus  corpus  suaviter  afficitur." 

11.  Horibilis  oratio.     "Horrid  speech!"     Uttered  ironically  -*• 
Sed  earn  usus,  &c.     "  But  our  usages,  our  mode  of  life,  our  man- 
ners, our  political  institutions  themselves  reject  it,"  i.  e.  furnish 
direct  refutation. 

12.  Auclores  istius  vitae  atque  orationis.     "  The  authors  of  thsf, 
mode  of  living  and  speaking  which  you   have  adopted."     The  stu^ 
dent  will  note  the  force  of  istius  here,  as  applying  to  Cato,  the 
person  addressed.  —  Qui  quoddianis  epuhs,  &c.     "  Who,  at  their 
daily  meals,  sit  on  bare  boards."     The  reference  is  to  the  public 
meals  or  avaaina  of  the  ancient  Spartans,  where  all  ate  in  common, 
and  the  utmost  plainness  and  frugality  prevailed.     Their  seats  were 
boards,  not  cushioned  as  the  Roman  couches  were,  nor  did  the) 
recline  after  the  Roman  fashion,  but  sat  upright. 


L.     MUKRNA.  -J43 

Page, 

13.  Crctes.     The  common  meals  of  the  Cretans  were  also  of  a 
pl«n  and  frugal  nature. — Cubans.     Reclining,  i  e.  as  the  Romans 
did.     Compare  note  14,  page  16. 

14.  Melius,  quam  Romani  homines,  dec.     Cicero's  object  is  to 
show,  that  their  frugal  mode  of  life  did  not  save  the  Spartans  and 
Cretans  from  being  subdued,  and  by  the  very  nation  too  who  were 
less  abstemious  in  their  diet.     This  is  urged  as  a  kind  of  argument  in 
favour  of  a  moderate  enjoyment  of  the  pleasures  of  the  table,  and  as 
an  answer  to  Cato's  harsh  remark  just  quoted,  utrum  lenocinium,  &c. 

15.  Qui  tempora  voluptatis,  &c.     "Who  distinguish  between 
iheir  moments,  of  relaxation  and  serious  enjoyment,"  i.  e.  who  have 
times  set  apart  for  both  pleasure  and  business. 

16.  Quorum  altcri.  The  Cretans. —  Una  adventu  nostri  exercitus. 
If  we  believe  the  voice  of  history,  Q.  Metellus,  surnamed  Creticus, 
took  three  years  to  conquer  Crete.     (Eutrop.  6,  11.)    Cicero  there- 
fore exaggerates  a  little  the  facility  of  this  conquest.     As  for  the 
Lacedaemonians,  they  had  already  passed  with  the  rest  of  Greece 
under  the  Roman  dominion. 

17.  Res  ipsa.     "  The  present  state  of  our  affairs  themselves," 
i.  e.  the  present  flourishing  condition  of  our  affairs. 

18.  Eodem  ex  studio.     "  Of  the  same  school  of  philosophy,"  i.  e. 
the  Stoic.     Literally,  "of  the  same  study." 

19.  Epulum.     This  term  denotes  a  banquet  connected  with  some 
solemn  celebration,  such  as  the  dedication  of  a  temple,  a  triumph, 
public  games,  &c.     In  the  present  case  it  was  a  funeral  entertain- 
ment.    Epulae,  on  the  other  hand,  denotes  an  entertainment  01 
banquet  in  the  usual  form. 

20.  Africani  patrui,  &c.     "  In  memory  of  his  uncle  Africanus." 
More  literally,  "  on  account  of  his  uncle  Africanus."     Nomine  pa- 
trui is  here  equivalent  to  propter  patruum,  i.  e.  in  mernoriam 
patrui.     Lucius  Aemilius  Paullus  (more  commonly  kaown  by  the 
name  of  Paullus  Aemilius)  had  two  sons  by  his  wife  Papiria.     One 
of  these  was  adopted  by  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus,  and  took  the 
name  of  his  adoptive  father.     He  had  a  son  himself,  who  is  the 
Quintus  Maximus  mentioned  in  the  text.     The  other  son  of  Paul- 
lus Aemilius  was  adopted  by  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio,  son  of  Afri- 
canus Major,  and  was  himself  named   Publius  Cornelius  Scipio 
Aemilianus.     This  is  the  younger  Africanus,  the  destroyer  of  Car- 
thage, and  is  the  one  also  mentioned  in  the  text.     Paullus  Aemilius 
!iadj  by  another  wife,  two  daughters,  one  of  whom  was  married  to 
Quintus  Aelius  Tubero,  father  of  the  Tubero  of  whom  Cicero  here 


2].   Ut  triclinium  sterneret      ''To  make  the  requisite  prepare- 

..-'-' 


444  ORATION    FOR 

Page. 

127  l'ons- '  ^e  nave  Deen  compelled  to  resort  to  a  paraphrase  here,  in 
order  to  convey  more  clearly  the  meaning  of  Cicero.  Triclinium 
in  its  primitive  acceptation,  denotes  a  couch  for  reclining  on  at  sup- 
per, large  enough  to  hold  three  persons,  (rprff  and  /cXi'i^.)  Thus 
we  have  in  Varro,  R.  <R.  3,  13  :  "  Ibi  erat  locus  excelsus,  ubi  tri- 
clinia posito  coenabamus."  It  is  then  taken  to  denote  the  place 
of  entertainment  itself,  from  the  circumstance  of  three  couches, 
(rpeTs  rXii'iu,)  each  holding  three  guests,  being  used  at  private  feasts. 
For  Varro  says,  that  the  number  of  the  guests  ought  not  to  exceed 
that  of  the  Muses,  nor  be  less  than  that  of  the  Graces.  (Aul.  Gcll. 
13,  11.)  The  phrase  triclinium  sternere  has  in  like  manner  two 
meanings.  The  first  is  to  spread  a  couch,  that  is,  to  cover  it  with 
what  was  termed  the  st.ragula  vestis,  a  species  of  covering  put  upon 
it  previous  to  a  banquet,  plain  and  neat  for  ordinary  entertainments, 
but  sumptuous  and  highly  ornamental  when  the  feast  was  to  be  a 
splendid  one.  Compare  Cic.  in  Verr.  5,  25  :  "  Cum  Apronius  e 
palaestra  rediisset,  el  in  triclinia,  quod  in  faro  stravcrat  decubuis- 
seC."  The  second  meaning  of  triclinium  sternere,  is  to  arrange  the 
couches  in  a  banqueting  room,  that  is,  to  prepare  the  place  for  an 
entertainment.  Thus  we  have  in  Varro,  L.  L.  c.  4  :  "  Qui  tricli- 
nium constrarunC,  si  quern  lectum  de  tribvs  unum  imparem  posuc- 
rant,"  &c.  Now,  from  all  that  has  been  here  premised,  we  may 
ascertain,  very  clearly,  in  connexion  with  the  context,  the  meaning 
of  Cicero  on  the  present  occasion.  The  feast  was  to  be  a  public 
one,  and  Tubero  was  requested  to  prepare  accommodations  for  the 
jruests,  that  is,  not  only  to  see  that  the  place  itself  was  got  ready  in 
a  proper  manner,  but  that  the  tables  were  supplied  with  a  sufficient 
number  of  couches,  and  that  these  couches  as  well  as  the  other  arti- 
cles connected  with  the  banquet  were  of  such  a  kind  as  might  best 
comport  with  the  occasion. 

22.  Stravit  pelliculis,  &c.  "  Spread  low  Carthaginian  couches 
with  little  goat-skins,  and  set  out  vessels  of  Samian  earthenware." 
The  Carthaginian  couches  were  low,  small,  and  made  of  wood. 
The  vessels  also  were  cheap  and  mean.  The  little  goat-skins  were 
purposely  substituted  for  the  more  usual  and  expensive  couch- 
coverings.  Seneca  alludes  to  this  same  circumstance,  in  one  of  his 
letters,  where  he  also  speaks  of  the  couches  as  being  of  wood,  on 
this  occasion,  and  the  vessels  of  earthenware,  and  where  his  lan- 
guage also  confirms  the  view  we  have  taken,  in  the  previous  note,  Oi 
the  meaning  of  ut  triclinium  sterncret.  Thus  (Ep.  95,  p.  607,  ed. 
Lipsii,)  he  has  the  following  :  "  Tubcronis  ligneos  leclulos,  cum  in 
publicum  sternerentur,  haedinasqnc  pro  stragulis  pel/es,  et.  ant' 
ipsius  Jovis  ccllam  proposita  r.nnvims  rasa  finfiliti  :  quiil  aliud  cst, 


L.    MURF.NA  445 

Page. 

yeupeita/em  in  Capitoiio  cansecrare  ?''     Compare  Isidorus  (Orig. 
20.  11,  3)  :     "  Pwiicani  lecti  parvi  et  humilcs,  primum  a  Cartha- 
gine  advecti,  et  indc  nominati."     And  in  relation  to  the  Samian 
vases,  consult  Plautus,  Capliv.  2,  2,  40,  and  Taubmann.  ail  loc. 

1.  Hanc  pervcrsam  sapientiam  Tuleronis.     "  This  ill-judged 
'•visdom  of  Tubero."     Pereersu-s,  in  its  literal  acceptation  here,  ap- 
proximates very  closely  to  our  plain   English   epithets,  "  wrong- 
loaded,"  "  cross-grained." 

2.  Homointsgerrimus.     "  This  most  upright  man."     Referring 
to  Tubero.     Cum  es&et.    "  Although  he  was."     As  regards  the 
relationship  between  Tubero  and  the  individuals  mentioned  in  the 
text,  consult  note  20,  page  127. 

3.  His  haedinis  pclticulis,  &c.     "  Lost  the  praetorship  through 
these  same  little  goat-skins."     More  literally,  "was  dislodged  from 
his  application  for  the  praetorship  by  these  same  little  goat-skins. ' 
The  people  were  so  offended  at  what  they  considered  his  parsimony. 
in  the  case  of  the  funeral  honours  rendered  to  Scipio,  that  they 
would   not  vote   him  into  the  praetorship.     His  stoical  frugality, 
therefore,  like  Cato's  strictness  and  simplicity  on  the  present  occa- 
sion, was  completely  out  of  place. 

4.  Non  amat  profusas  epulas,  &c.     "  They  are  not  fond  of  pro 
fusion  at  repasts  ;  but  much  less  of  sordidness  and  meanness."  Tho 
term  inhumanilas  is  well   explained  by  Ernesti,  Clav.  Cic.  8.  v. 
"  Inhumanitas  est  ejus,  qui  facit  abhorrentia.  a  vila.e  kumanae  cultu 
et  clegnnlia.'" 

5.  Distinguit  rationem,  &c.     "  They  know  how  to  distinguish  be 
«.ween  the  relative  bearing  of  duties  and   of  occasions,"  i.  e.  they 
know  very  well  when  a  duty  is  urgent  and  imperative  in  its  char- 
acter, and  admits  of  no  alternative   but  prompt  performance,  and 
when  it  is  of  a  less  binding  character  and  may  be  passed  by  without 
iiny  impropriety.     So  again,  they  know  well  what  occasions  are  to 
be  strictly  attended  to,  and  what  to  be  regarded  with  less  care. 

6.  Hoc  tu  ipsc,  &c.    "  You  yourself,  in  whom  there  is  the  highest 
merit,  do  not  adhere  to  this." — Cur  enim  quemquam,  &c.     The 
idea  intended  to  be  conveyed  by  the  whole  passage  is  as  follows : — 
If  merit  alone  ought  to  influence  the   minds  of  men,  in  conferring 
public  honours,  why  do  you,  who  have  so  much  merit  of  your  own, 
go  about  and  solicit  votes,  and  not  leave  the  result  to  be  determined 
by  merit  alone.     Perhaps  you  will  say  in  reply,  that  you  do  not  ask 
•:iy  favour  of  me,  when  soliciting  my  vote,  but  on  the  contrary, 
merely  intend  something  for  my  own  good  ;     to  have  me  place 
myself,  namely,  under  your  guardianship  and  care,  in  order  that  you 
mav  the  bp'.ler  provide  for  my  welfare.     Do  you  not  think,  however, 

38 


446  ORATION'    FOR 

Page. 

128  Cato,  that  this  request  would  come  with  more  force  from  me  it 
you  ?  Is  it  not  rather  my  business  to  ask  you  to  expose  yourseli 
to  dangers  and  fatigues  for  my  sake  1 

7.  Nomenclator  em.     "  A  nomerclator."     A  slave  who  accom- 
panied candidates  for  office,  and  whispered  in  their  ears  the  names 
of  the  different  individuals  whom  they  met,  in  order  that  the  candi- 
date might  salute  them  by  name,  and  conciliate  their  favour  by  this 
species  of  compliment,  which  had  always  great  weight  with  the 
Romans.     Compare  note  5,  page  115. — Plutarch  says,  that  a  law 
having  been  passed,  ordaining  that  no  man  who  solicited  any  office 
'should  take  a  nomenclator  with  him,  Cato  was   the  only  one  that 
obeyed  it ;  and  that  in  order  not  to  need  such  an  assistant,  he  made 
himself  master  of  the  names  of  all  the  citizens.      (Vit.   Cat.  Min.) 
Cicero's  language,  however,  is  directly  the   other  way,  and  very 
probably  he  is  the  more  correct  of  the  two. 

8.  Fallis  et  decipis.     "You  mislead  and  deceive."     The  dis- 
tinction  between  fallen  and  decipere  appears  to  be  as  follows : 
Fallere  implies,  that  we  are  misled  by  something  negative  or  indi- 
rect in  another's  words  or  actions  :  decipere  always  denotes,  that  the 
person  deceived  is  imposed  upon  by  something  positive  and  express 
in  the  person  deceiving.     (Crombie,  Gymnasium,  vol.  2,  p.  437.) 

9.  Nam,  si  nomine,  &c.    Cicero's  argument  may  be  briefly  stated 
as  follows  :  If  you  employ  a  nomenclator,  Cato,  you  impose  upon 
and  mislead  your  fellow-citizens,  whether  you  yourself  actually  know 
their  names  or  not.     If  you  do  not  know  their  names  but  obtain 
them  from  the  nomenclator,  you  of  course  deceive  others,  by  salu- 
ting them  after  you  have  learnt  their  names,  as  if  you  had  been  long 
acquainted  with  them.     If,  on  the  other  hand,  you  actually  know 
their  names,  and  only  take  a  nomenclator  with  you  because  it  is 
customary  so  to  do,  here  again  you  are  guilty  of  deception,  for  you 
do  not  merely  let  him  whisper  the  name  of  the  party  into  your  ear 
as  a  matter  of  form,  but  you  actually  ask  him  first  about  the  name, 
as  if  you  were  quite  ignorant  of  it,  although  you  know  very  well  all 
the  time  what  the  person's  appellation  is. 

10.  Sin  etiam  si  noris.     The  common  text  has,  Sin  eliam  noris, 
We  have  adopted  the  conjectural  emendation  of  Lambinus. — Tamcn 
per  monitor  em  appellandi  sunt.     Namely,  as  a  matter  of  mere  form 
and  custom,  the  candidate  asking  and  the  slave  whispering  the  name, 
although  the  former  knows  very  well  already  what  it  It 

11.  Cur  ante  petis  quam  insusvrramt.     "  Why  dc  you  actually 
ask  the  person's  name  before  he  has  whispered  it  into  your  ear  ?" 

12.  Haec  omnia,  &c.     "  If  you  measure  all  these  things  by  tK 
usages  of  the  state,  they  are  correct  enough  :  but  if  you  wish  to 


I..    MURENA.  447 

Page. 

weigh  them  carefully  by  the  precepts  of  your  own  philosophy,  they  J  ^>Q 
will  be  found  to  be  very  wicked  in  their  nature."     More  freely,  "  if 
you  refer  all  these  things  to  the  usages  of  the  state,"  &c. 

13.  Fruclus  isti  ludorum,  &c-      "  That  gratification  which  is  de  • 
rived  from  public  shows,"  &c. — Comparavcrunl.     ''  Prepared  for 
them,"  i.  e.  instituted  for  their  gratification. 

14.  Nee  candidatis,  &c.     '*  Nor  are  candidates  to  be  deprived 
of  that  exercise  cf  friendly  feelings  which  is  a  proof  rather  of  their 
generosity  than  of  a  wish  to  corrupt."     More  literally,  "  which  in- 
dicates generosity  more  than  bribery." 

15.  At  cnim  te,  &c.     The  particles  at  enim  are  here,  as  else 
where,  elliptical.     "  But  all  else  you  will  say  is  of  comparatively 
trifling  importance,  for  the  interests  of  the  republic  led   you  in  fact 
to  undertake  this  accusation,"  i.  e.  a  regard  for  the  public  welfare 
led  you,"  &c. 

16.  Credo,  Calo,  &c.     "  I  easily  believe,  Cato,  that  you  came 
here  with  those  feelings  and  with  that  intention.     But  you  make  a 
slip,  through  want  of  reflection,"  i.  e.  you  go  wrong,  you  defeat  your 
own  purpose. 

1.  Clamo  atque  tutor.     "  Loudly  proclaim,  and  call  you  all  to  J  29 
witness." — Audits,  audite  consulem.     "  Hear,  hear  your  counsel." 

—  Usque  co.     "  To  such  a  degree."     So  far. 

2.  Latins  patet,  &c.     Cicero  now  argues  on  the  importance  of 
having  a  person  of  energy  and  military  experience  in  the  consulship 
during  the  ensuing  year. 

3.  Equus  Trojanus.     A  highly  figurative  allusion  to  the  seeds 
of  the  conspiracy  that  were  still  lurking  at  Rome. 

4.  Capias  illius,     "  Those  troops  of  his."     His  secret  partisans, 
with  whose  movements  Cicero  was  in  a  great  degree  acquainted. — 
It  will  be  borne  in  mind,  that  Lentulus  and  the  other  accomplices 
had  not  yet  been  detected  and  punished. 

5.  In  capite  atque  in  cervicibus  nostris.     Equivalent  here  to  in 
caput  atque  in  cervices  nostras,  with  the  idea  of  continuance,  or 
lasting  harm,  annexed.     Similar  examples  occur  in  many  of  the  an- 
cient writers.     Consult  Forcellini  Lex.   Tot.  Lat.  3.  r.  m,  sub 
vtit. 

6.  Integrum  consulem.     ''  An  upright  consul,"  i.  e.  an  honest 
patriotic  consul,  and  not  one  contaminated  by  any  union  of  principle 
or  action  with  Catiline.     Compare  Manutius  :    "  Integrum  consu- 
;«m,'h.  e.  malis  consiliis  non  infectum." 

7.  Et  natura,  et  fur  tuna.     "  In  both  principles  and  fortune,"  i.e. 
a  man  of  correct  principles  and  ample  means.    Such  a  person  would, 
of  course,  be  attached  to   he  interests  of  the  republic,  and  the  exist- 


448  ORATION     FOR 

Page. 

129m£  stale  °f  tn'"gsi  an(l  wo  ild  have  no  wish  for  any  revolution  or 
change,  because  not  a  man  of  needy  fortune. 

8.  Vestris  scntenliis.     "  By  your  sentence,"  i.  e.  by  your  opin 
;ons  as  judges  in  the  present  case.     For  Murena  is  such  a  man  an 
has  just  been  described  by  me,  and  the  partisans  of  Catiline  would 
rejoice  in  having  him  driven  from  the  consulship,  by  your  sentence 
of  condemnation. 

9.  In  campo.     Compare  chapter  26,  of  the  present  speech,  and 
Or.  in  Cat.  1,  5. — Domi  meae.     Alluding  to  the  attempt  to  assas 
sinate  him  at  his  own  home.     Or.  in  Cat.  1,  4. 

10.  Kalcndis  Januariis.     Compare  note  2,  page  98. 

11.  Aut.     A  chasm  occurs  here  in  the  MSS.     Schiitz  proposes 
to  fill  it  up,  and  re-model  the  whole  sentence  as  follows  :  "  Nolite 
arbitrari,  Catilinam  ejusque  socios  mediocribus  consiliis,  autusitatis 
viig,  in  rempublicam  grassari.'-' 

12.  Rcipublicae  quaeritur.     "  Is  sought  for  against  the  republic," 
i.  e.  the  republic  is  not  sought  to  be  injured  by  ordinary  means,  such 
as  "  a  hurtful  law,"  or  "  the  pernicious  influence  of  bribery,"  &c. 

130     1.  In  exitu.     "  Near  its  close."     This  speech  was  delivered  in 
the  month  of  November,  and  the  new  consuls  would  be  installed  on 
the  first  of  January  coming. 

2.  Vicarium  meae  diligenliae.     "Who  is  to  succeed  me  in  my 
vigilance." 

3.  Tempestatem  anni  tui.     "  The  storms  that  impend  over  yom 
own  year,"  i".  e.  over  your  magistiacy  as  tribune. 

4.  Designati  tribuni.     The  (illusion  here  is,  most  probably,  to  Q. 
Metellns  Nepos,  the  same  who  afterward  prevented   Cicero  from 
making  the  customary  address  to  the  people,  at  the  close  of  his  con- 
sulship.— Ernesti  thinks,  that  designati  ought  to  be  removed  from 
the  text,  because,  according  to  him,  the  new  tribunes  had  already 
entered  on   office  when  this  speech  was  delivered.     He  observes, 
that  had  they  not  entered  already  on  office,  they  could  not  have  held 
an  assembly  the  day  previous.     But  the  text  only  speaks  of  an  as- 
sembly that  had  been  held,  without  specifying  by  whom.     The  ex- 
pression vox  perniciosa,  moreover,  does  not  necessarily  imply  a 
speech  on  the  part  of  the  new   magistrate,  it  may  denote  a  mere 
remark  made  by  him,  on  being  presented  to   the  people   by  the 
tribunes  of  the  current  year.     The  chief  argument,  however,  against 
Ernesti's  emendation,  is  in  the  dates.     The  new  tribunes  did  not 
enter  upon  office  until  the  fourth  day  before  the  Ides  of  December, 
and  every  thing  connected  with  this  speech  plainly  shows,  that  it 
was  delivered  before  the  Nones  of  the  same  month,  for  on  that  day 
the  conspirators  arrested  by  Cicero  were  condemned. 


L.    MURENA.  449 

Page. 

6.    Tua  mens.     '•  Your  own  foresight." — Qut  te  ad  tribunatus^  J  QQ 
&c.  "  Who  requested  you  to  stand  candidate  for  the  tribuneship," 
i.  e.  in  order  that  you  might  thwart  the  nefarious  schemes  of  Metel- 
lus  and  others. 

6.  A  L.  Catilina  et  Cn.  Pisone,  &c.     At  the  close  of  the  con 
sulship  of  M.  Lepidus  and  Volcatius  Tullus.    Compare  Or.  in  Cat 
1,6:  "  Polestne  hujus  vitae  lux"  &c. 

7.  Meo  nomine.     "  On  my  own  account."     Equivalent  to  prop 
ter  me  ipsum.  Compare  chapter  36,  "  Africani  patrui  sui  nomine." 
Cicero  means,  that  they  did  not  seek  his  destruction  so  much  out  of 
personal  hatred,  as  in  order  to  remove  a  faithful  guardian  of  the 
public  welfare. 

8.  Et  agunt  et  moliunlur.     "  They  are  both  attempting,  aye, 
and   striving  earnestly  to  effect." — Quantum  animi,  quantum  in- 
genii.     "  How  much  courage,  how  much  talent." 

9.  Consulari  auctoritate  et  auxilio  spoliatam.     By  the  ccndem 
nation  of  Murena. 

10.  Ne  sufficiatur  consul.     "  Lest  a  new  consul  be  substituted," 
i.  e.  in  place  of  Murena,  if  condemned.     Compare,  as  regards  the 
force  of  sujjicei  e,  the  explanation  of  Ernesti :  "  Sufficere,  in  locum 
alterius  crcare  :  de  magislratibus,  inprimis  consulibus,  qui  in  locum 
morlui  consults,  out  de  ambitu  damnati,  &c.,  creantur." 

11.  Vidcnt  .te  in  tuorum,  &c.     We  have  inserted  te  after  vident 
on  the  conjecture  of  Matthiae,  who  thinks  that  it  has  been  accident- 
ally omitted  by  the  copyists. 

12.  Sibi  objici  posse.     "  May  be  exposed  to  them,"  i.  e.  to  their 
attacks. — Silanum.     Plutarch  says,  that  after  Cato  had  declared 
his  intention  of  prosecuting  every  one  who  should  have  recourse  to 
bribery,  he  took  very  good  care,   that  Silanus,  who   had  married 
his  sister  Servilia,  should  be  excepted.     (Vit.   Cat.  Min.  c.  21.) 
This  would  seem  to  imply  that  Silanus  in  common  with  Murena 
lay  open  to  the  charge  of  bribery,  for  which  we  find  elsewhere  no 
authority  whatever. 

13.  Nun  cupidum.     "  Not  ambitious."     Manutius  understands 
rerun  novarum,  "  not  desirous  of  a  change." — Fortuna  constitution, 
&c.     Alluding  to  his  private  wealth. 

14.  Animo  et  usu,  &c.     "  Of  spirit  and  experience  for  executing 
whatever  you  may  wish." 

1.  Hujusce  rei  potestas,  &c.     "  The  means  of  accomplishing^Qj 
this  result  are  placed  wholly  in  your  hands."      You  hold,  in  the 
present  case  the  whole  republic  under  your  care.  You  are  its  pilots," 
i.  e.  the  helm  is  in  your  hands,  and  it  is  for  you  to  guide  us  safely 
through  the  storm 


450  ORATION      FOR 

Page. 

131  ^'  Pvlunt  rationes  illius.  "  His  plans  demand." — Auxilio.  "Of 
her  wonted  aid." — Ut  minuatur,  &c.  "  That  the  number  of  her 
leaders,  capable  of  resisting  his  fury,  be  diminished." 

3.  Depulso  adversaria.     Alluding  to  Murena,  and  to  the  stand 
.ie  would  take  against  the  conspirators,  in  support  of  the  govern- 
ment and  laws.     Hence  he  is  called  the  opponent  of  the  turbulent 
tribunes,  and  hence  his  condemnation  (depulso  adversaria)  would 
leave  them  more  at  liberty  to  excite  commotions  in  the  state. 

4.  Idemne  igitur  delecti,  &c.     "  Will  men  distinguished  for  in- 
tegrity and  wisdom,  men  selected  from  the  first  orders  of  the  state, 
come  then  to  the  same  decision  with  that  most  audacious  gladiator, 
that  foe  to  the  republic  1"     The  address  is  to  the  Judices,  the 
gladiator  is  Catiline. 

5.  Apud  Anienem.      "  At  the  Anio."     Here,  in  the  second  Pu 
nic  war,  Hannibal  pitched  his  camp,  at  three  miles'  distance  from 
Rome.     Compare  Livy,  (26,  10) :  "  Inter  haec,  Hannibal  ad  Ani- 
enem flumum,  tria  millia  passuum  db  urbe  castra  admovit." 

6.  Nonnemo,  &c.     "  There  are  some,  there  are  some  foes  even 
in  that  sanctuary  of  the  republic,  I  say,  in  the  very  senate  itself." 
Nonnemo  is  here  equivalent  to  aliquis,  but  our  idiom  requires  the 
plural. — It  is  well  known  that  several  of  the  senators  were  implicat- 
ed in  the  conspiracy.  Consult  Sallust,  B.  C.  c.  17. 

7.  Faxint.      The  old  form  for  fecerint.      The  earlier  mode  of 
conjugating  this  verb  was/acio,  facsi  (faxi),  factum,  facer  c.      Com- 
pare Struve,  uber  die  Lat.  Decl.  und  Conj.  p.  171.  seqq. — This  old 
form,  faxint  was  retained,  in  common  with  faxit  and  other  simila- 
ones,  principally  in  solemn  adjurations,  &c. 

8.  Meus  collega.     Antonius. — Ego  togakus.     Compare  note    8, 
page  23. — Hoc  quod  conceptum,  &c.      "  Will  dispel  and  crush 
that  danger  which,  conceived  in  its  bosom,  the  republic  is  now  on 
the  point  of  bringing  forth." 

9.  Haec.      These  same  dangers. — Unus  erit  consul,  &c.     If 
Murena  be  condemned,  Silanus  will  be  the  only  consul  in  office  ; 
and  his  time  will  be  occupied,  not  by  the  affairs  and  dangers  of  the 
state,  but  by  the  election  of  a  colleague ;  for  the  seditious  tribunes 
will  oppose  him  in  all  his  movements,  and  in  this  way  much  valu- 
able time  will  be  lost  to  the  republic. 

10.  Impedituri  sint.      There  is  here  another  chasm  in  the  MSS., 
though  smaller  than  the  one  previously  mentioned.      Some  editors 
insert  videtis,  others  parati  sunt,  on  conjecture. 

11.  Importuna.   The  common  text  has  Catilinae  after  importune,. 
But  many  editors  regard  it  as  a  mere  gloss,  and  we  have  therefore 
thrown  it  out. 


L.     ML'KKNA.  451 

Paga 

12.  Versabitur  in  castris  furor.     "  Wild  fury  will  reign  in  your  J  Q 1 
-amp." — In  campo  exercitus.      "  An  armed  force  in  the  Campus 
Martins."     The  allusion  is  to  the  partisans  of  Catiline  who  will 
come   armed  to  the  comitia,  when  Silanus  shall  convene  the  people 
to  vote  for  a  new  consul  in  the  place  of  Murena. 

1 .  Si  ornata  sms  praesidiis,  &c.     "  If  the  republic  shall  be  fur-  1  QO 
nished  with  other  means  of  protection." 

2.  Potior.      u  Dearer,"  i.  e.  to  exercise  a  more  powerful  sway. 
— Pro  consulari  auctoritecte,  &c.      "  I  exhort  you  in  consideration 
of  my  consular  authority,"  i.  e.  by  my  consular  office. 

3.  Dcfensoris.      The   common   text  has  vel  defensoris,  but  we 
have  rejected  vel  with  Ernesti  and  Schiitz.      Beck  encloses  it  with- 
in brackets. — Manutius  doubts  whether  it  be  correct  latinity  to  say 
oro  atque  olsecro  fidem,  and  Grasvius  inclines  the  same  way.      But 
we  have   in  Plautus,  (Amph.  1,  1,  217,)  "  obsecrc  tuam  Jidem ' 
Compare  Ernesti,  ad  loc. 

4.  Corporis  morbo.      Murena  was  then  labouring  under  severe 
indisposition. — Rccentem  gratulationem.  "  His  recent  felicitations ' 
A  thanksgiving  had  been  decreed,  in  the  name  of  Murena,  for  his 
successes  against  Mithridates. 

5.  Municipium  antiyuissimum.      Lanuvium,  of  which  Murena 
was  a  native.     Consult  Geographical  Index. 

6.  Squalors  sordidus.     "  Of  squalid  appearance  and  in  neglected 
attire."     It  was  customary  at  Rome  for  those  accused  of  capital  or 
heavy  offences,  to  appear  in  public  arrayed  in  such  a  manner  as 
might  be  best  calculated  to  excite  compassion. — Lacrymis  et  moer 
ore  perditus.     "  Spent  with  tears  and  sorrow." 

7.  Intuetwr.     "  He  looks  with  an  earnest  eye  te." 

8.  Hac   re.      "  On  that  very  account,"  i.  e.  the  consulship  to 
which  he  had  been  elected.      Orellius  suggests  hac  eum  cum  re. 
Schtitz  proposes  either  una.  cum  hac  eum  re,  or  else  cum  hoc  eum 
re.     No  change,  however,  is  requisite. 

9.  Atque  its,,  &c.     "  For  thus  does  Murena,"  &c.,  i.  e.  in  terms 
such  as  the  following. — -Si  ntdlius  auret,  &c.     "  If  he  has  waund- 
ed  the  ears  or  the  feelings  of  no  individual,"  i.  e.  if  moderation  has 
always  dictated  his  words,  always  regulated  his  conduct. 

10.  Modestiae  locus.     "  An  asylum  for  moderation." — Dcmissis 
hominibus.     "  For  the  dejected." 

1 1.  Misericordiam  spoliatio  consulatus,  &c.     "  To  be  stripped  of 
the.  consulship  ought,  O  judges,  to  carry  with  it  a  strong  claim  to  GUI 
compassion."  Literally,  "  the  being  despoiled  of  the  consulship,"  &c. 

1?.   Una  enim  eripiuntur,  &c.      Cicero  means  to  express  the 
-t.  'Hat  in  losing  the  consulship  the  person  referred  to  loses  his  aH 


40-4  ORATION    FCTR 

Page. 

J32  — Invidiam  nullam.     "  No  claims   to  envy  "  i.  e.  nothing  worth 
enjoying  in  the  office. 

13.  Objicitur.      "The  holder  of  it  is  exposed." — Concionibus 
seditwsorum.     Referring  to  the  tribunes  of  the  commons. 

14.  In  hoc  praedaro  consulatu.  "In  this  distinguished  post  of  con- 
sul."    Praeclaro  is  said  with  a  tinge  of  iroiry  :  in  this  distinguished 
post,  as  many  call  it,  and  take  it  to  be. 

133      *'  Hunc  vestris  sententiis  aJRixeritis.     "You  shall  dash  this 
man  in  sorrow  to  the  ground  by  your  decision,"  i.  e.  shall  condemn 
him. 

2.  Quo  se  miser  verCet  ?     The  peroration  here  is  extremely  beau- 
tiful.    *'  Locus,'"  says  Manutius,  "  ad  commovendam  misericir-diam 
aplissimus." 

3.  Laureatam  in  sua  gratulatione,  &c       "  Decked   with   laurel 
amid  his  own  felicitations." 

4.  Lugentem.      "  Plunged  in  mourning."      Cicero  purposely 
uses  this  form  of  expression,  instead  of  tugenti  similem,  for  the  sake 
of  greater  strength. 

5.  Misera.     "  Wretched  parent." 

6.  Nova  pnena  Itgis.     The  Tullian  law  (lex  Tullia)  had  only  re- 
cently been  passed,  which  added  ten  years'  exile  to  the  penalties  be 
fore  inflicted  by  the  laws  upon  the  crime  of  ambitus. 

7.  At  habet  magnum  dolorem,  &c.      "  Ah  '  but  it  brings  with  it 
a  deep  pang  of  sorrow  "  &c. 

8.  Summo  cum  imperio.      "  When  invested  with  supreme  com 
mand." 

9.  C.  Murenam,  fratrem  suum.     C.  Licinius  Murena.     He  was 
governor  of  Transalpine  Gaul,  and  is  the  same  individual'  of  whom 
Sallust  speaks,  B.  C.  42. 

10.  Qui  hujus  dolor  1    Quiforquis.     Compare  note  10,  page  52. 
So  also,  qm  illius  meeror  erit  ? — The  student  wilt  note  the  distinc- 
tion here  between  hujus  and  illius.     "  What  anguish  on  the  part  of 
the  formerl      What  deep  affliction  on  that  of  the  latter]"      The 
same  remark  applies  here,  that  was  made  in  a  previous  note  respect- 
ing an  apparent  violation  of  the  rule  concerning  hie  and  ille.       Hu- 
jus   refers  to  Murena,   Cicero's  client,  and  illius  to   his  distant 
brother. 

11.  Quanta  aulem  perturbatio,   &c.      "  What  a  reverse  of  for- 
tune, what  a  change  of  language,"  i.  e.  how  changed  the  condition 
of  the  one,  how  altered  the  language  of  both. 

12.  Conservate  populi  Romani  beneficium.     "  Preserve  unto  him 
the  favour  which  the  Roman  people  have  conferred,"  i.  e.  establish 
by  your  decision  his  claims  to  the  consulship. 


L.    MURENA.  433 

Page. 

13.  Jtirtonis  Sospilae.     There  was  at  Lanuvium,  whence  the  133 
family  of  Murena  came,  a  temple  sacred  to  Juno  Sospita.  The  Ro- 
mans had  a  joint  right  of  sacrificing  to  this  goddess,  and  an  annual 
offering  was  made  by  the  Roman  consuls.     According  to  Livy,  (8, 
14,)  the  people  of  Lanuvium  were  allowed  by  the  Romans  to  con- 
tinue the  worship  of  this  goddese,  on  condition  that  the  latter  people 
shared  in  it  along  with  them.     Compare,  as  regards  this  same  deity, 
Liv.  40,  19.  -Or.  Fast.  6,  60.— SH  Ital.  13,  364,  and  Ctc.  N.  D. 

1 ,  29.  The  last-mentioned  writer  describes  the  effigy  of  the  god- 
dess, as  arrayed  in  a  goat-skin,  bearing  a  small  shield  and  a  spear,  and 
having  on  little  slippers  turned  up  at  the  toes.  "  Cum,  pelle  cap- 
rina,  cum  kasta,  cum  scutulo,  cum  calccolis  repandis."  Consult 
also  Montfaucon,  Antiq.  Explic.  lib.  8,  c.  5.  fig.  18. 

14.  Facere.      Supply  rem  dimnam,  or,  what  is  much  simpler, 
vacra  from  the  previous  sacris  patriis.      The  analogy  between  this 
usage   of  facere,  and  that  of  the  Greek  fit$eit>  or  Ip&tiv  is  worth 
noting. 

1.  Domesticum  et  suum  consulem.     "A  domestic  consul,  and 
ine  whom  she  regards  as  her  own."     The  epithets  domcsticum 
and  suum  beautifully  allude  to  the  circumstance  of  Murena's  family 
having  come  from  Lanuvium. 

2.  Confcrmatio  mea.      "  My  strong  assurance  in  his  behalf." 

3.  Commendo  vobis.     "  Confide  to  your  care." 

4.  Otii.     "  Of  public  tranquillity." 

5.  Studiosissiinum  bonorum.     "  Most  zealous  for  the  welfare  of 
•lie  good." 

fi     l.'t  promittam  et  sfonde&n.     "  As  to  promise  and  pledge." 


HISTORICAL  INDEX. 


HISTORICAL  INDEX 


A. 

ABSYRTUS,  son  of  Aeetes,  king  of  Colchis,  and  brother  of  Medea. 
His  sister,  when  accompanying  Jason,  who  was  bearing  off  the  golden 
fleece,  is  fabled  by  the  poets  to  have  put  to  death  the  young  prince,  and 
to  have  scattered  his  limbs  along  the  route  which  her  father  would  take 
in  pursuing  her.  The  stratagem  succeeded,  and  Aeetes  stopped  to  col- 
lect the  mangled  remains  of  his  son,  thus  enabling  his  daughter  and  Jason 
to  make  their  escape.  Ovid.  Trist.  3,  9. — Seriec.  Med.  963. — Lucan. 
Phars.  3,  190. 

AEMILIUS,  Paullus.     Vid.  Paullus. 

AEMILIUS,  Scaurus.     Vid.  Scaurus. 

AFRANIUS,  a  celebrated  Roman,  consul  A.  U.  C.  694,  B.  C.  60,  and 
one  of  Pompey's  lieutenants  during  the  civil  wars.  After  the  defeat  at 
I'harsalia,  he  crossed  into  Africa  and  fought  at  the  battle  of  Thapsus. 
Being  taken  prisoner  along  with  Faustus  Sylla,  in  the  rout  that  ensued  of 
the  Pompeian  army,  he  was  put  to  death  along  with  that  individual  by 
order  of  Caesar.  Suet.  Vit.  Jul.  75. — Goes.  B.  Afric.  95. — Dio  Cass. 
43,  12. — Oros.  6,  16. 

AHALA,  Caius  Servilius,  master  of  the  horse  to  the  dictator  Cincin- 
natus.  Spurius  Melius,  who  had  been  accused  of  aspiring  to  regal  power, 
having  refused  to  appear  before  the  dictator  when  ordered  so  to  do,  Aha- 
lat  who  bore  the  summons  to  him,  slew  him  in  the  very  midst  of  the  as- 
sembled people  whom  he  was  endeavouring  to  excite  in  his  behalf.  The 
dictator  commended  the  act.  Ahala,  though  he  at  first  incurred  the  resent- 
ment of  the  populace  for  this  bold  discharge  of  duty,  was  subsequently, 
however,  raised  to  the  consulship.  Liv.  4,  14,  and  30. — There  is  a. great 
variation,  as  regards  the  praenomen  of  this  individual,  in  the  MSS.  and 
the  editions  of  Cicero.  In  the  first  oration  against  Catiline,  c.  1,  he  is 
called,  in  the  common  text,  Quintus,  where  Muretus  and  Pighius  give 
the  true  reading  Caius,  which  Ernesti  adopts.  In  the  oration  pro  domo, 
c.  32,  he  is  styled,  on  the  other  hand,  Marcus  Servilius  Ahala.  In  this 
latter  passage,  Cicero  informs  us,  that  he  was  exiled  by  the  people  for 
slaying  Melius,  though  subsequently,  as  above  stated,  advanced  to  the 
consular  office. 

ANTIOCHUS,  surnamed  the  Great,  king  of  Syria,  and  the  third  of  the 
name.  He  came  in  collision  with  the  Romans,  on  attempting  to  reduce 
under  his  sway  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor  as  well  as  the  whole  of  Greece. 
457  39 


458  HISTORICAL    LN'DKX. 

These  ,ities  implored  the  protection  of  the  Romans,  who  sent  deput  it 
to  Antiochus,  commanding  him  to  give  up  the  conquests  he  had  made  .n 
this  quarter.  Antiochus,  urged  on  by  Hannibal,  to  whom  he  had  gi.en 
an  asylum  in  his  dominions,  paid  no  regard  to  these  orders,  and  became, 
in  consequence,  involved  in  war  with  the  republic.  Neglecting,  however, 
to  follow  the  plan  of  operations  marked  out  for  him  by  Hannibal,  he  soon 
experienced  the  fatal  effects  of  his  error.  Acilius  Glabrio  defeated  him 
at  Thermopylae  and  compelled  him  to  flee  into  Asia ;  and  Scipio  Asiaticus 
gained  a  decisive  victory  over  him  at  Magnesia  in  the  latter  country. 
Compelled  to  sue  for  peace,  he  only  obtained  it  on  very  hard  conditions. 
The  Romans  made  the  range  of  mount  Taurus  the  limit  of  his  powei  on 
the  side  of  lower  Asia,  and  reduced  to  the  form  of  provinces  all  the 
countries  which  he  had  possessed  on  this  side  of  the  mountains  just  men- 
tioned. They  obliged  him  also  to  stipulate  for  the  payment  of  an  annual 
tribute  of  two  thousand  talents.  As  his  treasury  could  not  support  this 
heavy  tax,  he  resolved,  in  order  to  replenish  his  resources,  to  pillage  the 
temple  of  Belus,  in  Susiana,  but  the  inhabitants  of  this  country,  irritated 
at  the  sacrilegious  attempt,  slew  him  with  his  followers,  B.  C.  187.  He 
had  reigned  36  years.  Justin.  31,  32.— Florus,  2,  8. — Liv.  34,  59. 

ANTONIUS,  Caius,  son  of  M.  Antonius  the  orator,  and  brother  of  M. 
Antonius  Creticus  the  father  of  the  triumvir.  He  was  originally  in 
habits  of  very  great  intimacy  with  Catiline,  and  the  arrangement  was, 
that  these  two  should  stand  for  the  consulship,  and,  if  they  succeeded, 
commence,  while  in  this  high  office,  their  plans  of  revolution.  Cicero 
defeated  this  scheme,  and  being  elected  consul,  with  Antonius  for  his 
colleague,  succeeded  in  detaching  the  other  from  the  conspiracy,  and 
from  every  other  design  formed  against  the  state.  He  effected  this  de- 
sirable object  by  yielding  to  Antonius  the  rich  province  of  Macedonia, 
which  had  fallen  to  his  own  lot.  After  the  conspiracy  was  crushed,  An- 
tonius went  to  his  province  of  Macedonia,  where  he  continued  for  two 
years  ;  but,  on  his  return  to  Rome,  he  was  brought  to  trial,  and  banished, 
for  having  been  guilty  of  extortion  and  having  made  war  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  province.  He  was  a  man  of  very  dissolute  habits,  and,  be- 
fore he  obtained  the  consulship,  had  been  expelled  by  the  censors  from 
the  senate  for  immoral  conduct.  Sallust,  B.  C.  26. — Liv.  Epit.  103.— 
Cic.  in  Vat.  11.— Id.  pro  Coel.  31. 

ANTONIUS,  Marcus,  a  celebrated  Roman  orator,  grandfather  of  the 
triumvir.  After  having  been  praetor,  and  having  during  his  praetorship, 
obtained  a  victory  over  the  pirates  of  Cilicia,  he  was  raised  to  the  con- 
sulship, A.  U.  C.  655,  B.  C.  99.  He  is  more  eminent,  however,  in  Ro- 
man history,  as  an  orator  than  a  statesman.  He  was  the  most  employed 
patron  of  his  time  ;  and,  of  all  his  contemporaries,  was  chiefly  courted 
by  clients,  as  he  was  ever  willing  to  undertake  any  cause  which  was  pro- 
posed to  him.  He  possessed  a  ready  memory,  and  a  remarkable  talent 
of  introducing  every  thing  where  it  could  be  placed  with  most  effect. 
He  had  a  frankness  of  manner,  which  precluded  any  suspicion  of  artifice, 
and  gave  to  all  his  orations  an  appearance  of  being  the  unpremeditated 
effusicrjs  of  an  honest  heart.  But,  though  there  was  no  apparent  prep- 
aration in  his  speeches,  he  always  spoke  so  well,  that  the  judges  were 
never  sufficiently  prepared  against  the  effects  of  his  eloquence.  His 
.anguage  was  not  perfectly  pure,  nor  of  a  constantly  sustained  elegance, 
but  it  was  of  a  solid  and  judicious  character,  well  adapted  to  his  purpose 


HISTORICAL     INDEX.  459 

His  gesture,  too,  was  appropriate  ;  his  voice  strong  and  durable,  though 
naturally  hoarse  ;  but  even  this  defect  he  turned  to  advantage,  by  fre- 
quently and  easily  adopting  a  mournful  and  querulous  tone,  which,  in 
criminal  cases,  excited  compassion,  and  more  readily  gained  the  belief 
of  his  judges.  He  left,  however,  as  we  are  informed  by  Cicero,  hardly 
any  orations  behind  him,  having  resolved  never  to  publish  any  of  his 
pleadings,  lest  he  should  be  convicted  of  maintaining  in  one  cause  some- 
thing that  was  inconsistent  with  what  he  had  alleged  in  another. — During 
the  civil  wars  of  Marius  and  Sylla,  Antonius  declared  for  the  latter,  and 
was  in  consequence  proscribed  by  Marius.  His  place  of  concealment 
having  been  discovered  through  the  indiscretion  of  a  friend,  a  party  of 
soldiers  was  sent  to  put  him  to  death.  The  eloquent  appeal  of  the  orator, 
however,  checked  their  murderous  purpose,  and  drew  tears  from  their 
eyes,  when  Annius,  their  leader,  who  had  remained  without,  impatient  at 
their  delay,  was  compelled  to  enter  the  place  himself,  and  despatch  An- 
tonius with  his  own  hand.  Dunlop's  Hist.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  211. — 
Cic.  de  Oral.  2,  2.— Id.  Brut.  36.—  Id.  de  Oral.  3,  3.—  Vol.  Max.  7,  3. 

ANTONIUS,  Marcus,  surnamed  Creticus,  son  of  Antonius  the  orator, 
and  father  of  the  triumvir.  Having  obtained  the  praetorship,  A.  U.  C. 
678,  through  the  interest  of  the  consul  Gotta,  and  the  faction  of  Cethe- 
gus,  he  was  charged  with  the  war  against  the  pirates.  He  pillaged, 
however,  the  provinces  which  had  been  intrusted  to  his  defence,  and 
having  advanced  toward  Crete,  was  defeated  in  an  engagement  off  that 
island.  The  appellation  of  Creticus  was  given  him  from  this  circum- 
stance, as  a  mark  of  derision.  He  is  said  to  have  died  of  chagrin  at  his 
defeat.  Florus,  3,  l.—Lw.  Epit.  99.— Cic.  in  Verr.  2,  3.— Id.  in 
Verr.  3,  91. 

ARCHIAS,  Aulus  Licinius,  a  Greek  poet,  born  at  Antioch  in  Syria,  and 
better  known  by  the  discourse  which  Cicero  pronounced  in  his  favour, 
than  by  any  productions  of  his  own.  He  came  to  Rome  at  an  early  age, 
and  passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life  there,  teaching  the  Greek  language 
and  literature,  and  giving  instruction  particularly  in  the  department  of 
poetical  composition.  Among  his  pupils  was  Cicero,  who  has  'eturned 
the  favour  by  transmitting  the  name  of  his  preceptor  to  posterity.  Ar- 
chias  lived  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  several  distinguished  Roman 
families,  and  accompanied  the  celebrated  L.  Lucullus  in  his  expedition 
against  Mithridates,  and  also-  in  his  travels  through  Asia,  Greece,  and 
Sicily.  It  was  during  his  visit  to  Magna  Graecia,  in  company  with  this 
illustrious  patron,  that  he  obtained  the  rights  of  citizenship  at  Heraclea 
in  Lucania,  which  led  subsequently  to  his  procuring  the  same  privilege 
at  Rome.  This  latter  point,  however,  having  been  contested  by  a  cer- 
tain individual  named  Gratius,  led  to  the  delivery  of  the  celebrated  ora- 
tion in  his  favour,  by  his  old  pupil  Cicero. — The  works  of  Archias  are 
lost,  except  some  epigrams  in  the  Anthology.  While  still  quite  young, 
he  composed  a  poem  on  the  Cimbric  war,  which  gained  for  him  the  favour 
of  Marius,  who  was  in  general  but  little  alive  to  the  charms  of  poetic 
composition.  At  a  later  period  of  his  life,  the  Miihridatic  war  became  a 
fheme  for  his  Muse.  In  a  third  poem  he  gave  a  prophetic  interpretation 
to  a  circumstance  which  had  happened  to  the  infant  Roscius ;  and  Cicero 
speaks  also  of  a  poem  which  he  had  commenced  on  the  subject  of  his 
consulship.  The  Anthology  contains  thirty-five  epigrams  under  the 
name  of  Archias,  but  some  of  them  arc  attributed  bv  the  commentator" 


460  HISTORICAL,    INDEX. 

to  a  certain  Archias  of  Macedonia,  or  another  of  the  same  name,  a  tmtivn 
of  Byzantium  ;  others  again  ascribe  them  to  Archias  the  grammarian,  or 
the  younger.  Hence,  it  is  probable  that  very  few  if  any  of  them  are  by 
Archias  of  Antioch.  Cic.  pro  Arch. — Id.  de  Divin.  c.  36. — Jacobs  ad 
Anthol.  Grace,  vol.  2,  p.  92. — Schodl,  Hist.  Lit.  Gr.  vol.  4,  p.  43. 

ARIOBARZANES,  king  of  Cappadocia,  and  the  first  of  the  name.  He 
ascended  the  throne  under  the  protection  of  the  Romans,  about  B.  C.  91, 
after  the  expulsion  of  the  false  Ariarathes.  Mithridates  and  Tigranes 
united  against  him,  and  drove  him  twice  from  his  kingdom  ;  but  he  was 
as  often  restored,  once  by  Sylla,  and  again  by  Pompey,  the  latter  of 
whom  added  to  his  dominions  Sophene,  a  province  of  Armenia.  Ario- 
barzanes  abdicated  in  favour  of  his  son,  the  second  of  the  name.  Justin, 
38,  2.—  Appian,  R.  S.  48.— Id.  B.  M.  10,  seqq. 

ARISTOTELES,  a  celebrated  philosopher,  born  at  Stagyra,  B.  C.  384. 
Cicero  alludes  to  him  in  the  oration  for  Murena,  as  being  one  of  those 
philosophers  from  whose  writings  he  had  imbibed  principles  of  an  oppo- 
site nature  to  those  which  influenced  the  conduct  of  the  rigid  and  stoical 
Cato.  Cicero,  though  particularly  attached  to  the  new  Academy,  was 
free  from  the  exclusive  spirit  of  sectarism,  and  inclined  to  select  what- 
ever he  found  valuable  in  the  doctrines  of  the  different  schools.  Kuehner, 
Cic.  in  Phil,  merita,  p.  74,  seqq. 

ATTIUS,  less  correctly  written  Accius,  an  early  Latin  tragic-poet,  born 
A.  U.  C.  584.  He  pursued  the  career  opened  by  Livius,  Ennius,  and 
Pacuvius,  and  the  ancients  give  the  titles  of  a  large  number  of  tragedies 
which  he  had  composed,  among  which  was  a  national  piece  entitled 
Brutus.  Velleius  Paterculus  says,  that  Attius  deserved  to  be  ranked 
among  the  Grecian  poets,  in  point  of  talent.  Horace  also  ascribes  to 
him  elevation  of  manner,  by  which  is  probably  meant  sublimity  both  of 
sentiment  and  "expression.  Attius  was  held  in  high  estimation  by  his 
countrymen.  The  few  fragments,  however,  that  we  have  of  this  poet, 
do  not  enable  us  to  form  any  decisive  opinion  on  his  merits.  Baehr, 
Gesch.  Rom.  Litt.  p.  79.— Veil.  Paterc.  1,  17.— Id.  2,  9.— Horat. 
Epist  2,  1,  56. 

AURELIA  ORESTILLA,  a  female  of  great  beauty,  but  of  very  corrupt 
principles.  Catiline  offered  her  his  hand  in  marriage,  which  she  refused  to 
accept,  because  he  had  a  son  by  a  former  marriage,  arrived  at  man's 
estate.  To  remove  this  obstacle  Catiline  put  his  son  to  death  by  admin 
istering  poison.  Vol.  Max.  9,  1,  9. — Sallust  B.  C.  15. 

B. 

BRUTUS,  Decimus  Junius,  the  colleague  of  Africanus  Minor  in  tho 
consulship,  A.  U.  C.  615.  He  distinguished  himself  in  Spain,  and  ob- 
tained a  triumph  for  his  successes  over  the  Gallaeci.  Cicero  speaks  of 
his  adorning  the  monuments  and  temples  erected  by  him,  with  the  verses 
of  the  poet  Attius:  Velleius  Paterculus,  (2,  5,)  calls  him  Aulus,  in  place 
of  Decius,  but  the  true  reading  appears  in  later  editions.  Cic.  pro  Balo 
17. — Sigon.  Fast.  Cons.  p.  339,  ed.  Oxon. — Cic.  pro  Arch.  11. 

C. 

CAESAR,  Caius  Julius,  son  of  Caius  Caesar  and  of  Aurelia,  the  daughter 
of  Cotta.  He  was  born  "m  tho  sixth  consulship  of  Marius  B.  C.  !W. 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  461 

When  only  in  his  seventeenth  year  he  obtained  the  office  of  Flameii 
Dialis,  or  High-Priest  of  Jupiter.  His  marriage  with  Cornelia,  the 
daughter  of  Cinna,  excited  against  him  the  hatred  of  Sylla,  whose  sus- 
picion he  had  previously  incurred  from  his  aunt  Julia's  being  the  wife  of 
Marius.  He  with  difficulty  escaped  being  put  to  death,  among  the  num- 
ber of  the  proscribed,  and  it  was  only  at  the  intercession  of  the  Vestal 
virgins,  and  in  consequence  of  the  entreaties  of  his  relations,  that  Sylla 
spared  his  life.  The  latter,  however,  had  the  discernment  to  behold  in 
him,  even  when  a  mere  youth,  the  germs  of  future  talent  and  ambition, 
and  when  he  was  asked  by  his  friends  why  he  was  so  anxious  to  put  a 
mere  boy  to  death,  his  answer  was,  "  In  that  boy  I  see  many  Mariuses." 
— Of  the  eventful  life  of  this  eminent  Roman  our  limits  forbid  even  any 
thing  like  a  rapid  sketch.  His  various  successes  are  touched  upon  by 
Cicero  in  the  oration  for  Marcellus,  but  a  full  accouut  of  his  numerous 
conflicts,  and  of  the  remarkable  events  which  have  rendered  his  name  so 
conspicuous  in  history,  will  be  found  in  the  pages  of  Plutarch.  It  will 
only  be  necessary  here  to  speak  of  Caesar  as  connected,  in  a  coverl 
manner,  with  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline.  His  principal  aim,  in  the  ac 
complishment  of  his  ambitious  schemes,  was  to  gain  the  favour  of  the 
populace,  and  weaken  the  power  of  the  nobility.  This  brought  him  at 
once  in  contact  with  Catiline,  and,  in  favouring  the  views  of  that  daring 
conspirator,  his  object  was  to  destroy  by  these  means  the  liberty  of  his 
country,  and  then  to  crush  the  conspirators  themselves  and  make  himself 
master  of  Rome.  The  opinion  which  he  gave  in  the  senate,  with  respect 
to  the  punishment  of  Lentulus,  Cethegus,  and  the  other  accomplices  of 
Catiline  ;  the  threatening  conduct  of  the  Roman  equites,  who  guarded 
the  temple  where  the  senate  met ;  and  his  being  arraigned  as  an  asso- 
ciate in  the  conspiracy  before  the  senate  itself,  all  tend  to  show  the 
opinion  of  the  public  respecting  his  secret  movements,  as  well  as  his 
own  actual  participation  in  the  daring  attempt  of  Catiline.  Sallust,  B.  C 
49,  seqq. — Pint.  Vit.  Cic.  20. — Id.  Vit.  Caes.  7,  seqq. 

CAESAR,  Lucius  Julius,  enjoyed  the  consulship  with  C.  Figulus,  A.  U. 
C.  689.  His  sister  was  married  to  Lentulus  the  accomplice  of  Catiline, 
notwithstanding  which  relationship  he  gave  his  opinion  in  the  senate,  in 
favour  of  that  individual's  being  put  to  death.  '  He  was  uncle  also  to 
Mark  Antony  the  triumvir,  the  latter  being  his  sister's  son  by  a  former 
marriage,  previous  to  her  union  with  Lentulus.  Cic.  Or.  in  Cat.  4,  6. — 
Pro  Muren.  34. — Ep.  ad  Fam.  10,  28. 

CAESAR,  Lucius,  a  young  Roman,  who,  though  related  to  Julius  Cae- 
sar, attached  himself  nevertheless  to  the  party  of  Pompey.  He  was  the 
son  of  Lucius  Caesar,  who  had  been  one  of  Caesar's  lieutenants  in  the 
Gallic  war.  Cicero  calls  him  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Atticus,  "  not  a 
man,  but  an  untied  broom,"  intending  by  this  proverbial  form  of  expres- 
sion to  indicate  a  person  of  no  value  whatever.  When  Caesar  was 
marching  toward  Utica  after  the  battle  of  Thapsus,  he  surrendered  him- 
self to  that  commander,  and,  according  to  the  author  of  the  commenta- 
ries on  the  African  war,  obtained  his  life  by  his  own  earnest  entreaties 
According  to  Dio  Cassius,  however,  he  was  put  to  death.  Caes.  Bell. 
Civ.  1,  8.— Bell.  Afric.  89.— Dio.  Cass.  43,  IZ.—Sueton.  Vit.  Jul.  75 
and  Crusius  ad  loc. 

CAPITO,  Publius  Gabinius,  a  Roman  of  equestrian  rank,  whom  Cicero 
calls  C'jflb^r.     He  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  worthless  of 
39* 


462  HISTORICAL    INDEX 

;he  accemplices  of  Catiline.  He  suffered  capital  punishment  along  with 
Lentulus  and  the  rest.  Sallust,  B.  C.  55. 

CAPITO,  Publius  Gabinius,  a  Roman  praetor,  A.  U  C.  664,  the  year 
when  Archias  the  poet  was  registered.  After  returning  from  his  gov- 
ernment of  Achaia,  he  was  accused  of  extortion  by  Lucius  Piso,  and  con- 
demned ;  and  hence  his  disgraceful  fall  destroyed  tne  credit  of  his  regis. 
ter,  which  his  previous  corruption  had  greaxly  impaired.  Cic  pro  Arch. 
5. — In  Caecil.  20. 

CAEBO,  Caius  Papirius,  an  eminent  Roman  orator,  contemporary  with 
the  Gracchi,  and  the  friend  of  Tiberius,  the  elder  of  the  iwo.  He  was 
concerned  in  some  seditious  movements  the  year  that  Tiberius  was 
slain,  but  seems  to  have  changed  his  sentiments  at  a  subsequent  period, 
for  we  find  him  when  consul  defending  L.  Opimius,  before  the  people, 
who  had  slain  Caius  Gracchus,  the  brother  of  his  former  friend.  He  is 
thought  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  death  of  Publius  Africanus.  Be- 
ing accused  at  length  by  L.  Crassus,  consul  elect,  on  account  of  the 
part  he  had  taken  in  the  sedition  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  he  destroyed 
himself,  by  swallowing  cantharides,  in  order  to  escape  from  the  impend- 
ing trial. — He  is  spoken  of  by  Cicero,  in  the  oration  for  Archias,  as  having 
proposed,  in  conjunction  with  Silvanus,  a  new  law  respecting  the  rights 
of  citizenship.  Cic.  Brut.  27,  43.— Oral.  1,  34. — In  Verr.  3,  1. — Ep. 
ad,  Fam.  9,  21. 

CASSIUS,  Caius,  was  consul  with  M.  Terentius  Varro  Lucullus,  and 
not  with  Gellius,  as  Manutius  maintains  (ad.  Or.  pro  Rob.  c.  7.)  His 
consulship  is  to  be  assigned  to  A.  U.  C.  680,  the  first  year  of  Verres' 
Sicilian  praetorship.  He  is  mentioned  by  Cicero  as  having  advocated 
the  passage  of  the  Manilian  Law.  Or.  pro  L.  Manil.  23. — Pro  Cluent. 
49.— In.  Verr.  1,  23.— In.  Verr.  3,  41. 

CASSIUS,  Lucius,  one  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline,  and  a  competitor 
of  Cicero's  in  suing  for  the  consulship.  It  is  uncertain  whether  he  be 
the  same  with  the  one  mentioned  in  the  oration  for  Cluentius,  c.  38. — 
Or.  in  Cat.  3,  4. 

CATIUNA,  Lucius  Sergius,  a  Roman  of  patrician  rank,  and  the  last 
of  the  gens  Sergia.  Of  his  father  and  grandfather  little  is  known.  The 
former  would  seem  to  have  been  in  indigent  circumstances,  from  the 
language  of  Quintus  Cicero,  (de  Pet.  Cons.  c.  2,)  who  speaks  of  Catiline 
as  having  been  born  amid  the  poverty  of  his  father.  The  great-grand- 
father, M.  Sergius  Silus,  or  Silo,  distinguished  himself  highly  in  the 
second  Punic  war,  and  was  present  in  the  battles  of  Ticinus,  Trebia, 
Trasymenus,  and  Cannae.  Pliny  speaks  of  his  exploits  in  a  very  anima- 
ted strain. — The  cruelty  of  Catiline's  disposition,  his  undaunted  resolu- 
tion, and  the  depravity  of  his  morals,  fitted  him  for  acting  a  prominent 
part  in  the  turbulent  and  bloody  scenes  of  the  period  in  which  he  lived. 
He  embraced  the  interests  of  Sylla,  in  whose  army  he  held  the  office  of 
quaestor.  That  monster,  in  his  victory,  had  in  Catiline  an  able  coadjutor, 
whose  heart  knew  no  sympathy,  and  his  lewdness  no  bounds.  He  re- 
joiced in  the  carnage  and  plunder  of  the  proscribed,  gratifying  at  one  time 
his  own  private  resentments,  by  bringing  his  enemies  to  punishment,  and 
executing  at  another  the  bloody  mandates  of  the  dictator  himself.  Many 
citizens  of  noble  birth  are  said  to  have  fallen  by  his  hands,  and  according 
to  Plutarch,  he  had  assassinated  his  own  brother,  during  the  civil  war, 
and  now  to  screen  himself  from  prosecution,  persuaded  Sylla  to  put  hire 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  463 

down  among  the  proscribed,  as  a  person  still  alive.  He  murdered,  too, 
with  his  own  hands,  his  sister's  husband,  a  Roman  knight  of  a  mild  and 
peaceable  character.  One  of  the  most  horrid  actions,  however,  of  which 
he  was  guilty,  would  seem  to  have  been  the  killing  of  M.  Marius  Grati^ 
dianus,  a  near  relation  of  the  celebrated  Marius.  Sylla  had  put  the  name 
of  this  individual  on  the  list  of  the  proscribed  ;  whereupon  Catiline  en- 
tered the  dwelling  of  the  unfortunate  man,  exhausted  upon  his  person  al 
the  refinements  of  cruelty  and  insult,  and  having  at  length  put  an  end  to 
his  existence,  carried  his  bloody  head  in  triumph  through  the  streets  of 
Rome,  and  brought  it  to  Sylla,  as  he  sat  on  his  tribunal  in  the  forum. 
When  this  was  done,  the  murderer  washed  his  hands  in  the  lustral  water 
at  the  door  of  Apollo's  temple,  which  stood  in  the  immediate  vicinity. — 
Catiline  was  peculiarly  dangerous  and  formidable,  as  his  power  of  dis- 
simulation enabled  him  to  throw  a  veil  over  his  vices.  Such  was  his 
art,  that,  while  he  was  poisoning  the  minds  of  the  Roman  youth,  he 
gained  the  friendship  and  esteem  of  the  severe  Catulus.  The  close  of 
his  career  is  detailed  in  the  pages  of  Sallust.  Being  driven  from  the 
city  by  the  eloquence  of  Cicero,  he  betook  himself  with  a  body  of  fol- 
lowers to  the  camp  of  Manlius  in  Etruria,  and  in  the  action  which  ensued 
with  the  forces  of  the  republic,  whose  movements  had  cut  him  off  from 
all  communication  with  lower  Italy,  while  another  army  prevented  his 
passage  into  Cisalpine  Gaul,  he  fell  bravely  fighting  near  the  Etrurian 
town  of  Pistoria.  Plin.  H.  N.  7,  29.—Plut.  Vit.  Syll.  c.  32.— Id.  Vit. 
Cic.  c.  10. — Sallust,  B.  C.  c.  56,  seqq. 

CATO,  Marcus  Porcius,  surnamed  for  distinction'  sake,  "  the  Elder," 
and  also  "  the  Censor,"  was  born  B.  C.  234,  at  Tusculum,  of  a  family 
in  no  respect  remarkable.  After  having  passed  his  earlier  years  in  the 
country,  he  came  to  Rome,  through  the  persuasions  of  Valerius  Flaccus, 
a  nobleman  who  had  an  estate  contiguous  to  Cato's.  Valerius  had  heard 
of  Cato  through  his  domestics.  They  told  him  that  he  used  to  go  early 
in  the  morning  to  the  little  towns  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  defend  the 
causes  of  such  as  applied  to  him  ;  that  thence  he  would  return  to  his 
farm,  where,  in  a  coarse  frock  if  it  was  winter,  and  naked  if  it  was  sum- 
mer, he  would  labour  along  with  his  domestics,  and  afterward  sit  down 
with  them,  and  partake  of  their  bread  and  wine.  At  Rome,  CatoV 
pleadings  soon  procured  him  friends  and  admirers  ;  and  the  interest  of 
Valerius  likewise  greatly  assisted  him,  so  that  he  was  at  first  appointed 
tribune  of  the  soldiers,  and  afterward  elected  quaestor.  Among  all  the 
more  aged  senators  he  attached  himself  chiefly  to  Fabius  Maximus.  He 
was  at  first  quaestor  in  Africa,  under  Scipio  Africanus,  and  afterward 
praetor  in  the  island  of  Sardinia,  which  he  brought  under  the  Roman 
sway.  Being  elected  to  the  consulship,  along  with  his  early  friend  and 
patron  Valerius  Flaccus,  he  obtained  for  his  province  the  government  of 
Hispania  Citerior,  where  he  greatly  signalized  himself,  and  for  his  suc- 
cesses in  which  country  he  was  honoured  with  a  triumph.  He  was 
chosen  censor,  with  Valerius  again  for  his  colleague,  B.  C.  184,  and 
discharged  the  duties  of  that  high  office  with  such  inflexible  severity,  as 
to  obtain  from  it  one  of  the  titles  usually  appended  to  his  name.  Cato 
occupies  a  conspicuous  place  in  Roman  history  for  his  oostinate  perse- 
verence  in  insisting  on  the  destruction  of  Carthage,  and  is  said  to  have 
ended  every  speech,  no  matter  what  the  subject  was,  or  with  what  busi- 
ness tho  senate  might  be  engaged,  by  repeating  the  well-known  phrase, 


464  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

"  Censeo  quoque  Carthaginem  esse  delendam,"  or,  as  it  in  mor<  com- 
monly given,  "  Delenda  est  Carthago.'1''  His  advice  was  at  last  fol  wed 
but  the  tide  of  corruption  that  flowed  in  upon  Rome,  when  the  fuar  of 
her  great  rival  was  at  an  end,  shows  plainly  how  feeble,  in  this  respect, 
were  Cato's  claims  to  political  sagacity.  This  distinguished  man  ended 
his  days  B.  C.  149,  at  the  age  of  85,  and  at  the  very  moment  when  the 
third  Punic  war  had  broken  out,  which  ended  in  the  fulfilment  of  his 
ong-cherished  wish  concerning  Carthage. — As  a  magistrate,  a  general, 
a  lawyer,  and  a  public  speaker,  Cato  the  censor,  merits  a  high  degree 
of  reputation.  His  rigour  and  austerity,  brought  to  beai  with  no  less 
strictness  on  his  own  life  than  on  that  of  others,  obtained  for  him  from 
his  countrymen  a  degree  of  consideration  fully  equal  to  that  which  he 
had  acquired  by  the  exercise  of  his  talents.  He  was  the  inveterate  and 
sworn  foe  of  luxury,  and  so  keenly  did  he  pursue  it  under  all  the  various 
shapes  which  it  assumed,  as  even  to  cut  off  the  pipes  by  which-private 
individuals  conveyed  water  from  the  public  fountains  into  their  houses 
and  gardens,  and  to  demolish  all  the  buildings  that  projected  into  the 
streets.  He  is  well  known  also  for  his  strenuous  opposition  to  the  intro- 
duction of  the  fine' arts  and  the  sciences  into  the  capital  of  Italy,  through 
fear  lest  the-refinements  of  Greece  and  Asia  might  corrupt  the  principles 
of  his  countrymen.  He  pressed  also  the  departure  of  the  Greek  philos- 
ophers who  had  come  to  Rome  as  ambassadors  from  Athens,  for  he 
dreaded  lest  the  habit  of  speaking  on  both  sides  of  a  question,  on  which 
Carneades  one  of  the  number  particularly  prided  himself,  might  convert 
the  Roman  youth  into  mere  sophists,  and  render  them  indifferent  to  glory 
and  virtue.  And  yet  he  himself  took  up  the  study  of  the  Greek  language 
at  an  advanced  period  of  life. — Cato,  by  the  universal  consent  of  his 
contemporaries,  passed  for  the  best  farmer  of  his  age,  and  was  held  un- 
rivalled for  the  skill  and  success  of  his  agricultural  operations.  He  is 
the  author  of  a  work  on  husbandry,  entitled  "  De  Re  Ritstica,"  which 
has  come  down  to  our  times,  though  in  a  somewhat  imperfect  state,  since 
Pliny,  and  other  writers  allude  to  subjects  as  treated  of  by  Cato,  and  to 
opinions  as  delivered  by  him  in  this  book,  which  are  nowhere  to  be  found 
in  any  part  of  the  work  as  we  now  have  it.  In  its  present  state,  it 
resembles  merely  the  loose  and  unconnected  journal  of  a  plain  farmer, 
expressed  with  rude,  sometimes  with  almost  oracular,  brevity.  It  con- 
sists solely  of  the  driest  rules  of  agriculture,  and  some  receipts  for 
making  various  kinds  of  cakes  and  wines.  The  most  remarkable  feature 
in  the  work,  however,  is  its  total  want  of  arrangement.  Cato  left  also 
one  hundred  and  fifty  orations,  which  were  existing  in  Cicero's  time, 
though  much  neglected.  They  are  now  lost.  Cicero  admits,  that,  if 
number  and  cadence,  and  an  easier  turn  of  expression  were  given  to  hia 
sentences,  there  would  be  few  who  could  claim  the  preference  to  Catg. 
He  wrote  also  a  book  on  Military  Discipline,  a  good  deal  of  which  hag 
been  incorporated  into  the  work  of  Vegetius.  His  principal  production, 
however,  was  an  historical  treatise  in  seven  books,  entitled  "  Hf  Origi- 
nibus."  Its  object  was  to  discuss  and  settle  the  history  and  antiquities 
of  the  Roman'  people,  with  a  view  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the 
Greek  taste,  introduced  by  the  Scipios.  Only  fragments  of  it  remain. 
He  wrote  also  on  Orators  and  o*.  the  Medical  art.  The  former  of  these 
productions  was  a  treatise  addressed  to  his  son,  and  entitled  "  De  Oratort 
ad  JUium."  The  work  on  medicine  would  appear  to  have  been  a  sin 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  46f» 

guiar  affair  ;  and  his  great  object  was  to  decry  the  compound  drugs  of 
the  Greek  physicians,  whom  he  accuses  of  having  formed  a  league  to 
poison  all  the  barbarians,  among  whom  they  classed  the  Romans.  Cato 
finding  that  their  patients  lived,  notwithstanding  this  detestable  conspir- 
acy, began  to  regard  the  Greek  practitioners  as  impious  sorcerers,  who 
counteracted  the  course  of  nature,  and  restored  dying  men  to  life  by 
means  of  unholy  charms ;  and  he  therefore  advised  his  countrymen  to 
remain  steadfast,  not  only  by  their  old  Roman  principles  and  manners 
but  also  by  the  venerable  unguents  and  salubrious  balsams,  which  hao 
come  down  to  them  from  the  wisdom  of  their  grandmothers.  Such  as 
they  were,  Cato's  old  medical  saws  continued  long  in  repute  at  Rome. — 
Aulus  Gellius  mentions  Cato's  "  Libri  quaestionum  epistoiicarum"  and 
Cicero  his  Apophthegmata,  (De  Off.  1,  29,)  which  was  probably  the  first 
example  of  that  class  of  works  which,  under  the  appellation  of  Ana,  be- 
came so  fashionable  and  prevalent  in  France. — Cato  wrote  also  a  work 
entitled  "  Carmen  de  Morihus."  This,  however,  was  not  written  in 
verse,  as  might  be  supposed  from  the  title.  Precepts,  imprecations,  and 
prayers,  or  any  set  formula  whatever,  were  called  Ca.rm.ina,.  .Dunlop's 
Roman  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  12,  seqq. 

CATO,  Marcus  Porcius,  afterward  surname;!  in  history  Uticensis,  on 
account  of  his  having  destroyed  himself  at  Utica,  was  the  great-grand- 
son of  Cato  the  censor.  His  parents  died  when  he  was  very  young,  and 
he  was  educated  under  the  roof  of  his  mother's  brother,  Livius  Drusus. 
He  was  austere  in  his  morals,  a  strict  follower  of  the  tenets  of  the  Stoic 
sect,  and  so  great  a  lover  of  what  was  virtuous  and  right,  as  to  pursue 
every  object  of  such  a  nature  with  undeviating  steadiness,  regardless  of 
the  difficulties  which  he  might  have  to  encounter,  or  of  the  dangers  to 
which  he  might  be  exposed.  Cato  exerted  himself,  though  in  vain,  to 
stem  the  torrent  of  Roman  luxury  and  corruption,  and  in  his  own  person 
he  copied  the  simplicity  of  earlier  days.  He  often  appeared  "barefooted 
in  public,  and  never  travelled  but  on  foot.  In  whatever  office  he  was 
employed,  he  always  reformed  its  abuses,  and  restored  the  ancient  reg- 
alations.  To  the  qualities  of  a  virtuous  man,  and  the  rectitude  of  a  stern 
patriot,  Cato  added  the  intrepidity  of  a  brave  soldier  and  the  talents  of  an 
able  general.  In  the  affair  of  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  he  gave  Cicero 
his  constant  and  vigorous  support,  and  it  was  chiefly  through  his  efforts, 
in  opposition  to  those  of  Caesar,  that  the  accomplices  of  Catiline  were 
capitally  punished.  This  virtuous  Roman  put  an  end  to  his  existence  at 
Utica,  after  the  defeat  of  Juba  and  Scipio  by  Caesar  in  the  battle  of 
Thapsus.  Pint.  Vit.  Cat.  Min. 

CATULCS,  Quintus  Lutatius,  a  noble  Roman,  conspicuous  for  both  his 
love  of  country  and  private  virtues.  He  was  the  colleague  of  Marius,  in 
the  consulship,  when  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones  came  down  upon  the 
south  of  Europe,  and  he  was  engaged  with  that  commander  in  the  san- 
guinary conflict  at  the  Raudii  Campi,  where  the  Cimbri  were  so  signally 
defeated  by  the  Romans.  We  afterward  find  him  censor  with  Crassus  ; 
and,  subsequently  to  this,  opposing  the  attempt  of  Crassus  to  make  Egypt, 
tributary.  Catulus  was  in  politics  on  the  aristocratic  side,  and  was  of 
course  a  warm  opponent  of  Julius  Caesar.  He  was  competitor  also  with 
the  latter  for  the  office  of  pontifex,  but  was  unsuccessful  in  his  applica- 
tion. The  character  of  Catulus  stood  deservedly  tiigh.  A  stranger  to 
fla'.terv  and  adulation,  he  reproved,  with  equal  openness,  the  levity  of  tho 


466  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

multitude,  and  the  misconduct  ol'  the  senate.  After  a  Long  life  of  hon- 
ourable usefulness,  Catulus  was  compelled  to  put  an  end  to  his  days,  by 
order  of  the  sanguinary  Marius.  In  order  to  effect  this,  he  shut  himself 
up  in  a  narrow  chamber,  newly  plastered,  and  suffocated  himself  by  the  va- 
pour produced  by  a  large  fire.  Cic.  pro  Font.  15. — Id.  pro  Muren.  1 7 . — 
Id.  Orat.  3, 3. -Pint.  Vit.  Mar.  14,  seqq.-U.  ibid.  44. — Id.  Vit.Crass.  13. 

CATULUS,  Quintus  Lutatius,  son  of  the  preceding.  He  obtained  the 
consulship  along  with  Lepidus,  B.  C.  78,  and  opposed  the  views  of  his 
colleague  who  was  in  favour  of  rescinding  the  acts  of  Sylla.  He  dedi- 
cated the  new  capitol,  the  old  one  having  been  destroyed  by  fire.  Ca- 
tulus was  the  first  that  pronounced  Cicero  "  the  father  of  his  country," 
and  it  was  he  who  accused  Caesar  of  participation  in  the  conspiracy  of 
Catiline.  This  is  also  the  Catulus  that  opposed  the  passage  of  the  Ma- 
nilian  Law,  and  of  whom  Plutarch  relates  the  anecdote  which  we  havo 
mentionp'1  under  note  17,  page  90.  His  character  for  patriotism  and 
integrity  stood  as  high  as  his  father's  had.  Cic.  Or.  in  Cat.  -3,  10. — Id. 
in  Verr.  4,  31. — Id.  pro  Manil.  Leg.  17,  seqq. — Tacit.  Hist.  3,  72. — 
Veil.  Paterc.  2,  32. 

CETHEGUS,  Caius  Cornelius,  a  Roman  of  corrupt  morals  and  turbulent 
character.  He  filled  at  one  time  the  office  of  tribune,  and  was  also  a 
warm  partisan  of  Sylla,  after  having  originally  sided  with  Marius.  Sub- 
sequently, however,  losing  the  influence  which  he  had  possessed,  he 
joined  in  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline.  Cicero  informs  us,  that,  in  rash- 
ness and  daring,  he  surpassed  Catiline  himself,  and  almost  equalled  him 
in  strength  of  body,  love  of  arms,  and  dignity  of  birth.  In  arranging  the 
details  of  the  plot,  the  conspirators  assigned  to  Cethegus  the  task  of 
posting  himself  at  the  door  of  Cicero's  house,  and,  after  he  had  forced  an 
entrance,  of  murdering  that  illustrious  Roman.  The  vigilance  of  Cicere 
frustrated  this  design.  Cethegus  was  apprehended  along  with  Lentulus 
and  the  rest,  and  strangled  in  prison. — Sallust.  B.  C.  43. — Id.  ibid.  46 
—  Cic.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  3. 

CICERO,  Quintus  Tulhus,  brother  of  the  orator.  He  attained  to  the 
dignity  of  praetor,  A.  U.  C.  693,  and  afterward  held  a  government  iu 
Asia,  as  pro-praetor,  for  four  years.  Quintus  returned  to  Rome  at  the 
moment  when  his  brother  was  driven  into  exile  ;  and  for  some  time  after 
was  chiefly  employed  in  exerting  himself  to  obtain  his  recall.  Subse- 
quently to  this,  we  find  him  serving  as  one  of  Caesar's  lieutenants  in 
Gaul,  and  displaying  much  courage  and  ability  on  many  trying  and  im- 
portant occasions.  During  the  civil  war,  however,  he  abandoned  the  side 
of  Caesar,  and  espoused  the  party  of  Pompey.  But,  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalia,  he  followed  Caesar  into  Asia,  in  order  to  obtain  a  pardon,  and 
that  he  might  the  more  easily  accomplish  this,  he  throw  all  the  blame  of 
his  defection  upon  his  brother  the  orator.  For  this  purpose,  he  made  it 
a  point  in  all  his  letters  and  remarks  to  Caesar's  friends,  to  rail  at  the 
orator  in  a  most  unfeeling  and  disgraceful  manner.  At  a  subsequent 
period  he  was  proscribed  by  the  triumvirate,  and  concealed  himself  at 
Rome,  but  was  discovered  and  put  to  death  together  with  his  son. — We 
have  remaining,  at  the  present  day,  the  correspondence  of  Cicero,  the 
orator,  with  his  brother  Quintus.  The  first  letter  in  the  collection  is  one 
of  the  noblest  productions  of  the  kind  that  has  ever  been  penned.  It  is 
addressed  to  Quintus  on  occasion  of  his  government  in  Asia  being  pro- 
onged  for  a  third  year.  Availing  himself  of  the  rights  of  an  elder  brother 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  4G7 

as  well  as  of  the  authority  derived  from  his  superior  dignity  and  talents, 
Cicero  counsels  and  exhorts  his  brother  concerning  the  due  administra- 
tion of  his  province,  particularly  with  regard  to  the  choice  of  his  subor- 
dinate officers,  and  the  degree  of  trust  to  be  reposed  in-  them.  He 
earnestly  reproves  him,  but  with  much  fraternal  tenderness  and  affection 
for  his  proneness  to  resentment ;  and  he  concludes  with  a  beautiful  ex 
hortation,  to  strive  in  all  respects  to  merit  the  praise  of  his  contempo- 
raries, and  bequeath  to  posterity  an  untainted  name. — Along  with  Cicero's 
letters  to  Quintus  there  is  usually  printed  an  epistle  or  memoir,  which 
the  latter  addressed  to  his  brother  when  he  stood  candidate  for  the  con- 
sulship, and  which  is  entitled  "  De  Petitione  Consulates."  It  gives 
advice  with  regard  to  the  measures  he  should  pursue  to  attain  his  objec  , 
particularly  inculcating  the  best  means  to  gain  private  friends  and  acquire 
general  popularity.  But  though  professedly  drawn  up  merely  for  the  uso 
of  his  brother  Marcus,  it  appears  to  have  been  intended  by  the  author  as 
a  guide  or  manual,  for  all  who  might  be  placed  in  similar  circumstances. 
It  is  written  with  considerable  elegance,  and  great  purity  of  style,  and 
forms  an  important  document  for  the  history  of  the  Roman  republic,  as 
it  affords  us  a  clearer  insight,  than  we  can  derive  from  any  other  work 
now  extant,  into  the  intrigues  resorted  to  by  the  heads  of  parties  to  gain 
the  suffrages  of  the  people.  We  have  also  remaining  a  small  poem  by 
Quintus  Cicero,  in  twenty-one  verses,  on  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  and 
two  epigrams  preserved  in  Burmann's  Anthology.  He  is  said  to  have 
composed  tragedies,  which  are  now  lost.  Cic.  Ep.  ail  Alt.  5,  3. — Id. 
tbid.  11,  8.— Id.  ibid.  11,  9.— Dio  Cassius,  47,  10.— Appian.  B.  C.  4, 
20. — Bdhr.  Gcsch.  Rom.  Lit.  p.  85. — Scholl.  Hist.  Lit.  Rom.  vol.  2, 
p.  141.— Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  493. 

CINNA,  Lucius  Cornelius,  a  Roman  nobleman  of  considerable  influence 
and  personal  bravery.  He  was  consul  with  Cn.  Octavius,  B.  C.  91,  but 
was  deprived  by  his  colleague  of  his  consular  authority,  and  driven  bv 
him  out  of  the  city,  because  he  had  by  force  procured  the  enactment  of 
several  injurious  laws.  Obtaining  possession  of  the  army  of  Appius 
Claudius,  he  declared  war  on  the  government,  and  called  to  his  assistance 
Marius  and  other  exiles  from  Africa.  Cinna  and  Marius  eventually  tri- 
umphed, Rome  opened  her  gates,  and  the  most  cruel  excesses  were 
committed  by  the  victors.  All  the  leading  men  of  the  party  of  Sylla 
were  put  to  death,  and  their  property  confiscated.  Cinna  and  Marius 
then  declared  themselves  consuls,  and  the  latter  died  on  the  very  first 
day  of  his  entering  upon  office.  L.  Valerius  Flaccus  succeeded  him. 
In  his  third  and  fourth  consulships,  Cinna  had  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo  for 
his  colleague,  with  whom  he  made  preparations  for  a  war  against  Sylla, 
who  was  then  engaged  in  the  operations  against  Mithridates.  During 
the  fourth  consulship  of  Cinna,  Julius  Caesar  married  his  daughter  Cor- 
nelia. Cinna  eventually,  after  raising  a  powerful  armament  against 
Sylla,  was  slain  by  a  centurion  of  his  own  army,  a  rumour  having  been 
spread  among  his  soldiers  that  he  had  put  Pompey,  then  quite  a  young 
man,  to  death.  Haughty,  violent,  always  eager  for  vengeance,  addicted 
to  debauchery,  precipitate  in  his  designs,  but  nevertheless  pursuing  them 
with  courage,  Cinna  had  passions  that  caused  him  to  aspire  to  tyranny, 
and  but  few  of  those  talents  that  would  otherwise  have  led  to  it.  Florus. 
3,  21.—  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  20.— Appian.  B.  C.  1,  64,  seqq.—  Pint.  ViL 
Syll  10.— Id.  Vit.  Mar.  II. 


*G8  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

CLAUDIUS,  Appius,  called  for  distinction'  sake  "  Minor,"  or  "  the 
younger,"  having  a  brother  of  the  same  name,  who  was  called,  for  a 
similar  reason,  "  Major"  or  "  the  elder."  He  was  praetor  in  the  year 
when  Archias  was  registered,  and  afterward  consul  with  P.  Serviliua 
Isauncus.  Cic.  pro  Arch.  5. — Pro  Plane.  21. 

CLODIUS,  Publius,  a  Roman  of  noble  birth,  but  infamous  for  the  cor- 
ruption of  his  morals.  Among  other  offences,  he  is  said  to  have  violated 
the  mysteries  of  the  Bona  Dea,  by  penetrating  into  the  house  of  Caesar, 
during  their  celebration,  disguised  in  female  attire.  He  was  led  to  the 
commission  of  this  act  by  a  guilty  attachment  for  Pompeia,  Caesar's 
wife.  Being  tried  for  this  impiety,  he  managed  to  escape  by  corrupting 
the  judges.  Clodius  caused  himself  to  be  adopted  into  a  plebeian  family, 
for  the  purpose  of  being  elected  tribune  of  the  commons,  and  while  hold- 
ing this  office  had  a  number  of  laws  passed,  favourable  to  the  people,  but 
contrary  to  the  principles  of  the  Roman  constitution.  He  caused  the 
command  of  an  expedition  against  Ptolemy,  king  of  Cyprus,  to  be  given 
to  Cato,  whom  he  detested,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  fail  in  this  enter- 
prise, and  lose  in  consequence  the  credit  and  influence  which  he  enjoyed 
at  Rome.  He  cherished  also  a  bitter  hatred  against  Cicero,  and  pro- 
cured his  banishment  from  Italy,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  violated  the 
laws  in  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  the  accomplices  of  Catiline.  He 
even  caused  his  house  to  be  demolished,  and  put  up  his  effects  at  auction, 
but  no  one  would  purchase  them.  Clodius  was  eventually  assassinated 
by  the  retinue  of  Milo,  on  an  accidental  rencontre  having  taken  place 
between  the  two,  as  Milo  was  journeying  towards  Lanuvium,  his  native 
place,  and  Clodius  was  on  his  way  to  Rome.  Cic.  Or.  post  red.  in  Sen. 
— Id.  pro  Dom.  — Jil.  de  Har.  resp. — Id.  pro  Milone. — Id.  Ep.  ad  Alt. 
1,  12.— Id.  ibid.  1,  18. 

COEPAKIDS,  Quintus,  a  native  of  Terracina,  and  accomplice  in  the 
conspiracy  of  Catiline.  He  was  preparing  to  set  out  for  Apulia,  to  rouse 
and  arm  the  slaves  against  the  state,  at  the  time  the  conspiracy  was  dis- 
covered. Having  learnt  that  the  plot  was  detected,  he  fled  from  Rome, 
before  the  officers,  seat  by  the  consuls  to  apprehend  him,  arrived  at  his 
house,  but  was  afterward  taken  and  strangled  in  prison.  Sallust.  B.  C. 
46. — Id.  ibid.  55. 

COTTA,  Lucius,  the  colleague  of  Lucius  Torquatus  in  the  consulship. 
During  his  magistracy  the  capitol  was  struck  by  lightning,  A.  U.  C. 
688.  Cic.  de  Din.  1,  12.— Id.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  8. 

CRASSUS,  Lucius  Licinius,  a  celebrated  Roman  orator,  highly  com- 
mended by  Cicero,  who  has  made  him  one  of  the  principal  interlocutors, 
in  his  dialogues  de  Oratore.  He  commenced  his  oratorical  career  at  the 
•sarly  age  of  nineteen,  when  he  acquired  much  reputation  by  his  accusa- 
tion of  Caius  Carbo  ;  and  he  not  lon^  afterward,  greatly  heightened  his 
fame,  by  his  defence  of  the  virgin  Licinia.  Another  of  the  best  speeches 
of  Crassus,  was  that  addressed  to  the  people  in  favour  of  the  law  of 
Servilius  Caepio,  restoring  in  part  the  judicial  power  to  the  senate,  of 
which  they  had  recently  been  deprived,  in  order  to  vest  it  solely  in  the 
squites.  But  the  most  splendid  of  all  the  appearances  of  Crassus  was 
the  immediate  cause  of  his  death,  which  happened  A.  U.  C.  662,  a  short 
time  before  the  commencement  of  the  civil  wars  of  Marius  and  Sylla  ; 
ind  a  few  days  after  the  period  in  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  borne  a 
>art  in  the  dialogue  De  Oratore.  The  consul  Philippus  had  declared. 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  469 

fti  one  of  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  that  some  other  advice  must  be 
resorted  to,  since,  with  such  a  senate  as  then  existed,  he  could  no  longer 
direct  the  affairs  of  the  government.  A  full  senate-house  being  imme- 
diately summoned,  Crassus  arraigned,  in  terms  of  the  most  glowing 
eloquence,  the  conduct  of  the  consul,  who,  instead  of  acting  as  the-  polit- 
ical parent  and  guardian  of  the  senate,  sought  to  deprive  its  members  of 
their  ancient  inheritance  of  respect  and  dignity.  Being  farther  irritated 
by  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  Philippus  to  force  him  into  compliance  with 
his  designs,  he  exerted,  on  this  occasion,  the  utmost  effort  of  his  genius 
and  strength  ;  but  he  returned  home  with  a  pleuritic  fever,  of  which  he 
died  seven  days  after.  This  oration  of  Crassus,  followed  as  it  was  by 
his  almost  immediate  death,  made  a  deep  impression  on  his  countrymen  ; 
who,  long  afterward,  were  wont  to  repair  to  the  senate-house,  for  the 
purpose  of  viewing  the  spot  where  he  had  last  stood,  and  where  he  fell, 
a.s  it  may  be  said,  in  defence  of  the  privileges  of  his  order. — Crassus  left 
hardly  any  orations  behind  him,  and  he  died  while  Cicero  was  still  hi  his 
boyhood  ;  yet  that  author,  having  collected  the  opinions  of  those  who 
had  heard  him,  speaks  with  a  minute,  and  apparently  perfect  intelligence 
of  his  mode  of  oratory.  He  was  what  may  be  called  the  most  orna- 
mental speaker  that  had  hitherto  appeared  in  the  Forum.  He  was  master 
of  the  most  pure  and  accurate  language,  and  of  perfect  eloquence  of  ex- 
pression, without  any  affectation,  or  unpleasant  appearance  of  previous 
study.  Great  clearness  of  exposition  distinguished  all  his  harangues,  and 
while  descanting  on  topics  of  law  or  equity,  he  possessed  an  inexhausti- 
ble fund  of  argument  and  illustration.  In  speaking  he  showed  an  un- 
common modesty,  which  went  even  the  length  of  bashfulness.  This 
diffidence  never  entirely  forsook  him  ;  and,  after  the  practice  of  a  long 
life  at  the  bar-,  he  was  frequently  so  much  intimidated  in  the  exordium 
of  his  discourse,  that  he  was  observed  to  grow  pale,  and  to  tremble  in 
every  part  of  his  frame.  Some  persons  considered  Crassus,  as  only 
equal  to  Antonius  ;  others  preferred  him  as  the  more  perfect  and  accom- 
plished orator.  Crassus  possessed  a  greater  acquaintance  with  literature, 
and  showed  off  his  information  to  the  most  advantage.  His  language 
was  indisputably  preferable  to  that  of  Antony  ;  but  the  action  and  gesture 
of  Antony  were  as  incontestably  superior  to  thoso  of  Crassus.  Dun- 
lop's  Roman  Literature,  vol.  2,  p.  215,  Land.  ed. 

CRASSUS,  M.  Licinius,  a  celebrated  Roman,  surnamed  "  the  Rich," 
on  account  of  his  great  opulence.  At  first  he  was  very  circumscribed  in 
his  circumstances,  but  by  educating  slaves,  and  selling  them  for  a  higli 
price,  he  soon  enriched  himself.  Crassus  distinguished  himself  in  the 
war  against  Spartacus,  after  which  he  was  chosen  consul  with  Pompey, 
and  on  laying  down  the  consulship  obtained  after  a  short  interval  the 
office  of  censor.  His  supposed  participation  in  the  conspiracy  of  Cati- 
line was  probably  without  any  foundation  in  truth.  What  purpose  could 
Crassus,  in  fact,  propose  to  himself,  by  entering  into  a  plot  to  burn  a 
city,  in  which  his  own  property  was  so  considerable  1  The  enmity  which 
arose  between  Cicero  and  Crassus,  in  consequence  of  the  alleged  guilt 
of  the  latter,  was  so  bitter,  that,  according  to  Plutarch,  it  would  have 
shown  itself  by  some  act  of  violence  on  the  part  of  Crassus,  had  not  his 
son  Publius,  who  was  very  intimate  with  Cicero,  prevented  him.  He 
even  prevailed  on  his  father,  eventually,  to  become  reconciled  to  the 
orator.  Crassus  became  afterward  a  member  of  the  first  triumvirate  ; 

40 


470  HISTORIC/U.    INDKX. 

and,  obtaining  Syria  for  his  province,  marched  against  the  Parthians,  by 
whom  he  was  defeated  and  slain.  Plul.  Vit.  Crass. 

CRASSUS,  P.  Licinius,  held  the  consulship  with  Cn.  Lentulus  Clodi- 
anus,  A.  U.  C.  656.  He  was  afterward  censor,  A.  U.  C.  664,  along 
with  L.  Julius  Caesar,  and  during  his  censorship  no  part  of  the  people 
were  rated  This  Crassus  was  father  of  the  preceding.  In  an  ancient 
inscription  his  praenomen  is  given  as  Marcus.  Or.  pro  Arch.  5. — Er- 
nesti,  Ind.  Hist.  s.  \. 

CCTRIUS,  Quintus,  a  Roman  of  good  family,  whose  disgraceful  ar.d  im- 
moral conduct  had  caused  his  expulsion  from  the  senate  by  the  censors. 
He  was  connected  with  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline,  but  divulged  the  secret 
to  Fulvia,  a  female  of  high  rank  but  corrupt  principles,  with  whom  he 
was  intimate.  Fulvia  communicated  the  danger  which  threatened  the 
stato  and  the  lives  of  the  citizens  ;  and  the  alarm  which  this  occasioned 
caused  the  election  of  Cicero  to  the  consulship.  Cicero  subsequently 
prevailed  upon  Curius,  through  the  means  of  Fulvia,  to  discover  to  him 
all  the  movements  of  Catiline,  and  was  thus  enabled  to  baffle  the  schemes 
of  that  daring  conspirator.  In  return  for  these  services,  rewards  were 
voted  him  from  the  public  treasury  ;  but  Caesar,  whom  Curius  had  named 
among  the  conspirators,  exerted  himself  against  the  fulfilment  of  the 
public  promise,  and  the  rewards  were  not  given.  Sallust.  B.  C.  23. — 
Pint.  Vit.  Cic.  11. 

D. 

DIDIUS,  Titus,  a  Roman,  who  although  of  lowly  origin,  rose  notwith- 
standing to  the  highest  offices  in  the  state.  In  his  praetorship  he  tri- 
umphed over  the  Scordisci.  He  was  afterward  consul,  along  with  Q.. 
Metellus,  A.  U.  C.  655.  Cic.  Or.  pro  Plane.  25.— Id.  in  Pis.  25. 

DIOGENES,  a  celebrated  philosopher  of  the  Cynic  sect,  born  in  the  third 
year  of  the  ninety-first  Olympiad,  at  Sinope,  a  city  of  Pontus.  He  was 
a  pupil  of  Antisthenes,  and  perfectly  adopted  the  principles  and  character 
of  his  master.  Renouncing  every  other  object  of  ambition,  he  deter- 
mined to  distinguish  himself  by  his  contempt  of  riches  and  honours,  and 
by  his  indignation  against  luxury.  He  wore  a  coarse  cloak  ;  carried  a 
wallet  and  a  staff;  made  the  porticoes  and  other  public  places  his  habi- 
tation, and  depended  upon  casual  contributions  for  his  daily  bread.  He 
practised  the  most  rigid  self-control,  and  the  strictest  abstinence,  expo- 
sing himself  to  the  utmost  extremes  of  heat  and  cold,  and  living  upon  the 
simplest  diet.  He  died  in  the  90th  year  of  his  age.  Diogenes  left  be- 
hind him  no  system  of  philosophy.  After  the  example  of  his  master,  he 
was  more  attentive  to  practical  than  theoretical  wisdom.  Bitfield's  Hist. 
Phil.  vol.  1,  p.  305,  seqq. 

DRUSUS,  Marcus  Living,  a  Roman  tribune  of  the  commons,  A.  U.  C 
662,  who,  among  other  ordinances,  proposed  a  law  that  the  allied  states 
of  Italy  should  be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  the  city.  Drusus  was  a 
man  of  great  eloquence,  and  of  the  most  upright  intentions  ;  but  endea- 
vouring to  reconcile  those  whose  interests  were  diametrically  opposite, 
he  was  crushed  in  the  attempt,  being  assassinated  at  his  own  house,  by 
Quintus  Varius,  as  was  thought,  and  as  Cicero  expressly  states,  although 
other  writers  omit  the  name.  The  states  of  Italy  considered  his  death  as 
the  signal  of  a  revolt,  and  endeavoured  to  extort  by  force,  what  thev 


HISTORICAL    I.YDEX.  471 

could  not  obtain  voluntarily.     In  other  words,  the  Social  war  arosn 
Veil.  Paterc.  2,  13,  seqq.—Liv.  Epit.  70.— Cic.  N.  D.  3,  33. 


ENNIUS,  a  native  of  Rudiae,  in  Calabria,  who  lived  from  A.  U.  C. 
515  to  585.  He  has  generally  received  the  glorious  appellation  oi  >Jia 
Father  of  Roman  song.  In  his  early  youth  he  went  to  Sardinia  ;  and, 
if  Silius  Italicus  may  be  believed,  he  served  in  the  Calabrian  levies,,  which, 
in  the  year  538,  followed  Titus  Manlius  to  the  war  which  he  waged  in 
that  island,  against  the  favourers  of  the  Carthaginian  cause.  After  the 
termination  of  the  campaign,  he  continued  to  live  for  twelve  years  in 
Sardinia.  He  was  at  length  brought  to  Rome  by  Cato,  the  censor,  who, 
in  550,  visited  Sardinia,  on  returning  as  quaestor  from  Africa.  At  Rome, 
he  instructed  the  patrician  youth  in  Greek,  and  acquired  the  friendship 
cf  many  of  the  most  illustrious  men  in  the  state.  Being  distinguished 
in  arms  as  well  as  in  letters,  he  followed  M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  during  his 
expedition  to  Aetolia  in  564  ;  and  in  569  he  obtained  the  freedom  of  the 
city,  through  the  favour  of  Quintus  Fulvius  Nobilior,  the  "son  of  his  for- 
mer patron,  Marcus.  He  was  also  protected  by  the  elder  Africanus. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  intemperate  in  drinking,  which  brought  on  the 
disease  called  Morbus  Articularis,  a  disorder  resembling  the  gout,  oi 
which  he  died  at  the  age  of  70.  A  bust  of  the  poet  was  placed  on  the 
family  tomb  of  the  Scipios. — To  judge  by  the  fragments  of  his  works 
that  remain,  Ennius  greatly  surpassed  his  predecessors  not  only  in  poeti- 
cal genius  but  in  the  art  of  versification.  By  his  time,  indeed,  the  best 
models  of  Greek  composition  had  begun  to  be  studied  at  Rome.  We 
find,  accordingly,  in  the  works  of  Ennius,  innumerable  imitations  of  the 
Iliad  and  Odyssey.  It  is,  however,  the  Greek  tragic  writers  whom  he 
has  chiefly  imitated ;  and  indeed  it  appears  from  the  fragments  which 
remain,  that  all  his  plays  were  rather  translations  from  the  dramas  of 
Sophocles,  on  the  same  subjects  which  he  has  chosen,  than  original  tra^e- 
dies.  Ennius  was  also  a  satirical  writer,  and  the  first  who  introduced 
this  species  of  composition  into  Rome.  His  satires,  however,  appear  to 
have  been  merely  a  kind  of  cento,  made  up  from  passages  of  various 
poems,  which  by  slight  alterations,  were  humorously  or  satirically  applied, 
and  chiefly  to  the  delineation  of  character.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted, 
that  we  possess  such  scanty  fragments  of  these  satires,  which  would 
have  been  curious  as  the  first  attempts  at  a  species  of  composition,  which 
was  carried  to  such  perfection  by  succeeding  Latin  poets,  and  which  has 
been  regarded  as  almost  peculiar  to  the  Romans.  But  the  great  work 
of  Ennius,  and  of  which  we  have  still  considerable  remains,  was  his  An- 
nals, or  metrical  chronicles,  devoted  to  the  celebration  of  Roman  exploits, 
from  the  earliest  periods  to  the  conclusion  of  the  Istrian  war.  These 
annals  were  written  by  him  in  his  old  age  ;  at  least  Aulus  Gellius  informs 
us,  on  the  authority  of  Varro,  that  the  12th  book  was  finished  by,  him 
in  his  67th  year.  We  have,  fragments  also  of  some  other  works  of  his. 
On  the  whole,  the  productions  of  Ennius  are  rather  pleasing  and  inter- 
esting, as  the  early  blossoms  of  that  poetry,  which  afterward  opened  to 
such  perfection,  than  estimable  from  their  intrinsic  beauty.  Dunlop't 
Rom.  Lit.  vol.  1,  p.  84,  seqq. 


472  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

F. 

FALCIUIUS,  Caius,  a  tribune  of  the  commons,  who  is  mentioned  in  the 
oration  for  the  Manilian  law,  as  having  been  appointed  to  a  lieutejiancy 
the  year  after  he  had  filled  the  tribuneship.  Or.  pro  M.  L.  19. 

FLACCUS,  Lucius,  was  one  of  the  praetors  during  the  consulship  of 
Cicero,  and  arrested,  by  order  of  the  latter,  in  conjunction  with  Caius 
Pomptinus,  the  retinue  of  the  Allobrogcs,  at  the  Mulvian  bridge.  He 
was  also  military  tribune,  under  P.  Scrvilius,  in  Cilicia,  and  quaestoi 
with  M.  Piso  in  Spain.  We  have  an  oration  remaining,  which  Cicero 
delivered  in  his  behalf,  when  he  was  accused  of  extortion  in  his  govern- 
ment of  Asia,  by  D.  Laelius.  He  had  ob'.ained  this  government  after 
going  through  the  quaestorship  at  home.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  2. — Pro  Place.. 
1,  &c. 

FI.ACCUS,  Marcus  Fulvius,  a  man  of  consular  rank,  who  was  charged 
with  the  execution  of  the  Agrarian  law,  proposed  by  the  Gracchi,  and 
who  seconded  the  efforts  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  to  procure  for  all  the 
Italians  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship.  Having  been  sent  against  the 
Gauls,  he  defeated  them  and  obtained  the  honours  of  a  triumph.  Four 
years  after  this,  he  was  cited  by  the  consul  Opimius,  along  with  Tiberius 
Gracchus,  to  render  an  account  of  his  conduct.  Flaccus  refused  to 
answer  the  summons,  but  seized  on  mount  Aventine.  Opimius  attacked 
him  here,  and  having  put  to  flight  his  followers,  forced  him  to  take  refuge 
in  an  old  and  neglected  public  bath,  where  he  was  slain  with  his  eldest 
son.  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  7. — Plut.  Vit.  c.  Gracch. 

FLAMININOS,  Titus  Qnintius,  a  celebrated  Roman  commander,  who 
obtained  the  consulship  A.  U.  C.  556,  before  he  was  thirty  years  old. 
Macedonia  and  the  war  with  Philip  fell  to  his  lot.  He  defeated  the 
enemy  on.  the  banks  of  the  Aous,  detached  the  Achaean  league  from  the 
party  of  Philip,  and  crowned  his  successes  by  the  victory  at  Cynosce- 
phalae,  after  which  the  king  of  Macedon  found  himself  compelled  to  give 
freedom  to  the  Greek  cities  in  Europe  and  Asia.  Fiamininus  announced 
this  intelligence,  kept  secret  till  then,  to  the  multitude  assembled  at  the 
Isthmian  games,  and  it  was  received  with  the  loudest  acclamations. 
Fiamininus  respected  the  laws,  and  adopted  the  usages  and  manners  of 
the  Greeks,  and  by  this  wise  course  of  conduct  merited  the  name  of  their 
father  and  liberator.  He  was  afterward  sent  as  ambassador  to  the  court 
of  Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia,  where  Hannibal  had  taken  refuge,  with  a 
demand  that  the  latter  should  be  put  to  death,  and  his  prudence  and  ad- 
dress contributed  not  a  little  to  remove  from  existence  a  man  who  had 
so  long  been  a  terror  to  the  Romans.  After  having  held  the  consular 
office  a  second  time,  Fiamininus  was  found  dead  in  his  bed.  Plut.  Vit. 
Flam. 

FLAVIUS,  Cneius,  the  son  of  a  freedman,  but  an  artful  and  eloquent 
man.  Livy  calls  him  Caius  Flavius,  and  makes  his  father's  name  to 
have  been  Cneius,  but  Caius  is  given  as  the  true  praenomen  by  Draken- 
Dorch  (ad  Liv.  9,  46.)  He  was  scribe  to  Appius  Caecus,  the  aedile, 
and  published,  for  the  use  of  the  people,  an  account  of  the  dies  fasti,  or 
days  on  which  legal  proceedings  could  be  had,  which  was  called  from 
him  Jus  Flavianum.  The  people  in  return  made  him  curule  aedile.  The 
mode  which  he  adopted  of  making  the  days  in  question  known  to  all,  was 
to  hang  up  to  public  view,  round  the  forum,  the  calendar  on  white  tablets. 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  473 

His  elevation  was,  of  course,  extremely  unpalatable  to  the  patricians,  not 
did  his  own  behaviour  toward  them  at  all  tend  to  diminish  this  feeling. 
To  the  great  displeasure  of  the  nobles,  he  performed  the  dedication  of 
the  temple  of  Concord,  and  the  Ponlifex  Maximus  was  compelled  to  dic- 
tate to  him  the  form  of  words,  although  he  affirmed,  that,  consistently 
with  the  practice  of  antiquity,  no  other  than  a  consul,  or  commander  in 
chief,  could  dedicate  a  temple.  Livy  says,  that  Flavius  owed  his  ap- 
pointment to  the  aedileship  to  a  faction  composed  of  the  lowest  of  3he 
people,  which  had  gathered  strength  during  the  censorship  of  Appius 
Claudius  ;  for  Appius  was  the  first  who  degraded  the  senate,  by  electing 
into  it  the  sons  of  freedmen  ;  and  when  he  found  that  no  one  allowed 
that  election  to  be  valid,  and  that  his  conduct  in  the  senate-house  had 
not  procured  him  the  influence  in  the  city,  which  it  had  been  his  principal 
object  to  attain,  he  distributed  men  of  the  meanest  order  among  the  dif- 
ferent tribes,  and  thus  corrupted  the  assemblies  both  of  the  forum  and 
campus  Martius.  To  these  men  Flavius  owed  his  preferment.  Liv. 
9,  46. 

FULVIA,  a  Roman  female  of  high  rank,  but  corrupt  principles,  who 
gave  Cicero  secret  information  of  all  the  movements  of  Catiline's  party. 
Her  informant  was  Curius.  Sallust.  B.  C.  23.  Id.  ibid.  26. 

FULVIUS,  Marcus.      Vid.  Nobilior. 

FURIUS,  Lucius,  was  consul  A.  U.  C.  617,  along  with  Sextus  Atilius 
Serranus.  He  was  distinguished  in  some  degree  by  a  taste  for  literature, 
and  Cicero  remarks  of  him,  "  perbene  Latine  locutus  est,  et  literatim 
quam  celeri."  Brut.  28. 

FURIUS,  Publius,  one  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline,  remarkable  for 
his  active  and  daring  spirit.  He  is  supposed  to  be  the  one  to  whom 
Sallust  alludes  under  the  epithet  Fcsulanus.  He  fell  fighting  among 
the  foremost,  at  the  battle  of  Pistoria,  where  Catiline  was  defeated  by 
the  forces  of  the  republic.  Sallust.  B.  C.  60. 

G. 

GABINIUS,  Aulus,  a  tribune  of  the  commons,  who  proposed  the  law  by 
which  Pompey  was  invested  with  supreme  command  in  the  war  against 
the  pirates.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  man  of  very  corrupt  and  profli- 
gate character.  For  an  account  of  the  provisions  of  this  law,  consult 
note  14,  page  82  ;  and  for  some  remarks  respecting  the  private  character 
of  Gabinius,  note  20,  page  89.  Cicero  states,  that  Gabinius  was  the 
only  one  to  whom  a  "  supplicatio"  had  not  been  allowed.  Philipp.  14,8. 

GABINIUS,  Publius,  a  Roman  of  equestrian  rank,  whom  Cicero  calls 
Cimber.  This  individual' appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  worthless 
among  the  accomplices  of  Catiline.  He  suffered  capital  punishment 
with  Lentulus  and  the  rest.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  3.-—  Sallust.  -B.  C.  55. 

GABINIUS,  Publius,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Publius  Gabiniua 
Capito,  was  praetor  A.  U.  C.  664.  After  returning  from  his  govern- 
ment of  Achaia,  he  was  accused  of  extortion  by  Lucius  Piso  and  con- 
demned. His  disgraceful  fall  destroyed  the  credit  of  his  register,  which 
his  previous  corruption  had  already  impaired.  Or.  pro  Arch.  5. — In. 
Caecil.  20. 

GALBA,  Publius  Sulpicius,  a  Roman  senator,  who  held  also  at  one 
time  the  office  of  Pontifex  Maximus.  He  was  a  competitor  >f  Cicero's 
in* 


474  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

for  the  consulship,  hut  did  not  succeed.     Or.  in   Vcrr  7. — De  Har, 
Resp.  6. — Ep.  ad,  Alt.  1,  1. — Or.  pro  Muren.  8. 

GALBA,  Servius  Sulpicius,  was  consul  along  with  Marcus  Aemilius 
Scaurus.  Cicero  speaks  highly  of  his  power,  as  an  orator,  in  arousing 
and  swaying  the  feelings  of  his  auditors.  He  was  accused  by  L.  Libo 
a  tribune  of  the  commons,  of  having  cruelly  slain  a  large  number  of  tht/ 
Lusitani,  in  his  government  of  Spain,  contrary  to  his  own  plighted  word, 
and  was  only  acquitted  by  exciting  in  his  behalf  the  commiseration  of  the 
people.  (Consult  note  14,  p.  120.)  He  was  an  ancestor  of  the  emperor 
Galba.  Cic.  de  Or.  2,  65.— Pro  Rabir.  7.— Brut.  21.— Or.  1,  53.— 
Pro  Muren.  28. — Sueton.  Gall.  3. 

GALLUS,  Caius  Acilius,  an  eminent  lawyer,  highly  praised  bv  Cicero. 
Brut.  23. — Top.  12. — Pro  Muren.  37. 

GELLIUS,  Lucius,  held  the  censorship,  A.  U.  C.  683,  along  with  Cn. 
Lentulus,  who  had  also  been  his  colleague  in  the  consulship  681.  It 
was  he  who  declared  that  a  civic  crown  ought  to  be  "voted  to  Cicero,  for 
his  preservation  of  the  republic.  Cic.  pro  Cluent.  42. — Ad  Quir.  post 
red.  7.— In  Pis.  3. 

GLABRI.O,  Manius  Acilius,  held  the  consulship  A.  U.  C.  684.  He 
was  named  as  the  successor  of  Lucullus,  in  the  government  of  Bithynia 
and  Pontus,.and  in  the  management  of  the  Mithridatic  war,  but  was  soon 
after  superseded  by  Pompey.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  person  of  very 
little  military  talent,  and  not  very  upright  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties 
as  commander.  Or.  pro.  Man.  Leg.  9. — Brut.  68. 

GLAUCIA,  Caius,  a  seditious  and  profligate  individual,  put  to  death 
while  holding  the  praetorship,  when  Marius  and  Valerius  were  consuls.. 
The  senate  had  passed  the  usual  decree,  directing  the  consuls  to  see  that 
the  republic  sustained  no  injury.  Saturninus  and  Glaucia,  who  were 
acting  in  concert,  fled  into  the  capitol,  with  a  number  of  their  followers. 
Here  they  were  besieged,  and  at  last  forced  to  yield  for  want  of  water, 
the  pipes  being  cut  off.  When  they  could  hold  out  no  longer,  they  called 
for  Marius,  and  surrendered  themselves  to  him  upon  the  public  faith. 
Marius  tried  every  art  to  save  them,  but  nothing  would  avail.  They  no 
sooner  came  down  into  the  forum,  than  they  were  all  put  to  the  sword. 
Such,  at  least,  is  the  account  of  Plutarch.  Floras,  however,  says  that 
the  people  despatched  them  with  clubs  and  stones.  Cicero  indulges  in 
some  degree  of  oratorical  exaggeration,  when  he  makes  Glaucia  to  have 
been  put  to  death  by  the  immediate  act  of  Marius.  Plut.  Vit.  Mar.  30 
— Cic.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  6.— Pro  Rab.  t.—Fior.  3,  16. 

GRACCHUS,  Tiberius  Sempronius,  father  of  Tiberius  and  Caius  Grac 
chus.  He  was  twice  consul,  and  once  censor,  aud  was  distinguished  as 
well  for  his  integrity,  as  his  prudence  and  superior  ability,  either  in  the 
senate  or  at  the  head  of  armies.  He  carried  on  military  operations  in 
Gaul  and  Spain,  and  met  with  much  success  in  the  latter  country.  He 
married  Cornelia,  daughter  of  the  elder  Africanus,  by  whom  he  had  the 
Gracchi.  Plut.  Vit.  Gracchorum. — Cic.  Brut.  20. — Prov.  Cons.  8. 

GRACCHI.  There  were  two  brothers  of  this  name,  Tiberius  Gracchus, 
and  Caius  Gracchus,  sons  of  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus,  and  of 
Cornelia,  the  daughter  of  Scipio  Africanus  Major.  Tiberius,  the  elder, 
was  of  a  mild  and  unruffled  temper,  but  Caius,  violent  and  irascible. 
The  object  of  the  two  brothers,  in  succession,  was  to  have  the  public  lands 
divided  among  the  citizens.  Appian  says,  that  the  nobles  and  rich  men. 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  475 

partly  by  getting  possession  of  the  public  lands,  partly  by  buying  up  the 
shares  of  indigent  owners,  had  made  themselves  masters  of  all  the  lands 
in  Italy,  and  had  thus,  by  degrees,  accomplished  the  removal  of  the  com- 
mon people  from  their  possessions.  This  abuse  stimulated  Tiberius 
Gracchus  to  revive  the  Licinian  law,  by  which  no  one  could  hold  more 
<han  500  jugera,  or  about  350  acres  of  land.  The  owners,  however, 
were  to  be  indemnified  for  the  land  they  had  thus  lost.  The  attempts  01 
•he  Gracchi  cost  them  their  lives.  Tiberius  was  slain  in  a  collision  be- 
'ween  his  adherents  and  the  party  of  the  nobility  headed  by  Scipio  Nasica. 
Caius  was  slain  some  years  afterward  by  the  consul  Opimius  and  his 
party.  Pint.  Vit.  Gracch. 

GRATIUS,  the  accuser  of  Archias,  probably  some  obscure  individual. 
The  earlier  reading  was  frracchus,  which  induced  Ilgen  to  think  that 
Numerius  Quinctius  Gracchus  was  meant,  who  was  tribune  of  the  com- 
mons, A.  U.  C.  697,  but  consult  note  25,  page  50. 

H. 

-» 

HERENNIUS,  Marcus,  a  public  speaker  of  only  moderate  ability,  who 
nevertheless  triumphed  over  L.  Philippus,  in  a  contest  for  the  consul- 
ship, A.  U.  C.  660.— Brut.  45.— Pro  Mure*.  17. 

HORTENSIUS,  Quintus,  an  orator  and  statesman,  whose  name  has  been 
handed  down  to  us  by  Cicero,  with  great  commendation.  He  filled  in 
succession  the  offices  of  praetor  and  consul,  and  died  B.  C.  50,  in  the 
63d  year  of  his  age.  His  first  appearance  at  the  bar  was  at  the  early 
age  of  19,  and  his  excellence,  says  Cicero,  was  immediately  acknow- 
ledged. The  imminent  perils  of  the  Social  war,  which  broke  out  in  663, 
that  is  about  four  years  after  his  fir&t  appearance,  interrupted,  in  a  great 
measure,  the  business  of  the  forum,  and  hence  we  find  Hortensius  serv- 
ing in  -this  alarming  con'est  for  one  year  as  a  volunteer,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing season  as  military  tribune.  When,  on  the  re-establishment  of 
peace  in  Italy,  in  666,  he  returned  to  Rome,  and  resumed  the  more 
peaceful  avocations  to  which  he  had  been  destined  from  his  youth,  he 
found  himself  without  a  rival.  Crassus  died  in  662,  before  the  troubles 
.of  Marius  and  Sylla ;  Antonius,  with  other  orators  of  inferior  note, 
perished  in  666,  during  the  temporary  and  last  ascendancy  of  Marius,  in 
the  absence  of  Sylla.  Sulpicius  was  put  to  death  the  same  year,  and 
Cotta  driven  into  banishment,  from  which  he  was  not  recalled  until  the 
return  of  Sylla  to  Rome,  and  his  elevation  to  the  dictatorship  in  670. 
Hcrtensius  was  thus  left,  for  some  years,  without  a  competitor ;  and, 
after  670,  with  none  of  eminence  but  Cotta,  whom  also  he  soon  outshone. 
His  splendid,  warm,  and  animated  manner,  was  preferred  to  the  calm 
and  easy  elegance  of  his  rival.  Accordingly,  when  engaged  in  a  cause 
on  the  same  side,  Cotta,  though  ten  years  his  senior,  was  employed  to 
open  the  case,  while  the  more  important  parts  were  left  to  the  manage- 
ment of  Hortensius.  He  .continued  the  undisputed  sovereign  of  the 
forum,"  till  Cicero  returned  from  his  quaestorship  in  Sicily,  in  679,  when 
the  talents  of  that  orator  first  displayed  themselves  in  full  perfection  and 
maturity.  Hortensius  was  thus,  from  666  till  679,  a  space  of-thirteen 
/ears,  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  bar ;  and  being,  in  consequence,  en- 
gaged, during  that  long  periofl,  on  one  side  or  other,  in  every  cause  of 
importance,  he  soon  amassed  a  prodigious  fortune.  He  lived,  too,  with 


476  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

a  magnificence  corresponding  to  his  wealth.  His  house  at  Rome,  which 
was  splendidly  furnished,  formed  the  centre  of  the  chief  imperial  palace, 
which  increased  from  the  time  of  Augustus  to  that  of  Nero,  till  it  nearly 
covered  the  whole  Palatine  mount,  and  branched  over  other  hills.  Be- 
sides his  mansion  in  the  capital,  he  possessed  sumptuous  villas  at  Tuscu- 
lum,  Bauli  and  Laurentum,  where  he  was  accustomed  to  give  thp  most 
elegant  and  expensive  entertainments. — Hortensius  was  praetor  in  682, 
and  consul  two  years  afterward.  The  wealth  and  dignities  he  had  ob- 
tained, and  the  want  of  competition,  made  him  gradually  relax  from  that 
assiduity  by  which  they  had  been  acquired,  till  the  increasing  fame  01 
Cicero,  and  particularly  the  glory  of  his  consulship,  stimulated  him  to 
renew  his  exertions.  But  his  habit  of  labour  had  been  in  some  degree 
lost,  and  he  never  again  recovered  his  former  reputation.  Cicero  partly 
accounts  for  his  decline  from  the  peculiar  nature  and  genius  of  his  elo- 
quence. It  was  of  that  showy  species  called  Asiatic,  which  flourished 
in  the  Greek  colonies  of  Asia  Minor,  and  was  infinitely  more  florid  and 
ornamental  than  the  oratory  of  Athens,  or  even  Rhodes,  being  full  of 
brilliant  thoughts  and  sparkling  expressions.  This  glowing  style  of 
rhetoric,  though  deficient  in  solidity  and  weight,  was  not  unsuitable  in  a 
young  man  ;  and  being  farther  recommended  by  a  beautiful  cadence  of 
periods,  met  with  the  utmost  applause.  But  Hortensius,  as  he  advanced 
in  life,  did  not  correct  this  exuberance,  nor  adopt  a  chaster  eloquence  ; 
and  this  luxury  and  glitter  of  phraseology,  being  totally  inconsistent 
with  his  advanced  age  and  consular  dignity,  caused  his  reputation  to 
diminish  with  the  increase  of  years.  His  elocution,  too,  became  event- 
ually much  impaired  by  a  constant  tooth-ache,  and  swellings  in  his  jaws, 
and  "this  complaint  became  at  length  so  severe  as  to  accelerate  his  end. 
The  speeches  of  Hortensius  suffered  greatly  by  being  transferred  to 
writing,  his  chief  excellence  consisting  in  action  and  delivery.  None  of 
his  speeches  have  come  down  to  us.  Dunlop,  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p,  222 

I. 

JULIUS.     Vid.  L.  Julius  Caesar. 

JULIA,  a  Roman  female,  of  the  house  of  the  Caesars,  but  of  a  different 
branch  from  that  whence  sprang  Julia,  the  aunt  of  Julius  Caesar,  and 
wife  6f  Marius.  She  was  first  married  to  M.  Antonius  Creticus,  by 
whom  she  had  Antony  the  triumvir  ;  and,  after  the  death  of  Creticus, 
she  was  united  to  Lentulus,  the  accomplice  of  Catiline.  The  punish- 
ment of  her  second  husband  was  the  origin,  according  to  Plutarch,  of  the 
enmity  that  prevailed  between  Mark  Antony  and  Cicero.  Plut.  Vit. 
Anton,  c.  2. 

L. 

LAECA,  Marcus  Porcius,  an  accomplice  of  Catiline's,  who,  in  the  dead 
of  night,  convened  ths  leading  members  of  the  conspiracy  at  his  own 
house,  just  before  the  discovery  of  the  plot.  He  was  a  descendant  of 
M.  Porcius  Laeca,  tribune  of  the  commons,  who  had  a  law  passed  pro- 
hibiting -magistrates  from  punishing  a  Roman  citizen  with  death,  and 
substituting  for  capital  punishment,  banishment  and  confiscation  of 
property.  Sallust.  B.  C.  27. 

I.AELIUS,  Caius,  a  Roman,  celebrated  for  his  intimate  friendship  will) 


HISTORICAL     INDEX.  477 

the  elder  Africanus,  and  which  commenced  in  early  life.  He  followed 
that  eminent  commander  in  all  his  campaigns,  and  was  the  confidant  of 
all  his  secrets.  Laelius  commanded  the  Roman  fleet  which  blockaded 
the  port  of  Carthage,  while  Scipio  pressed  the  siege  by  land  ;  and  after 
the  capture  of  the  place  he  was  presented  by  Scipio  with  a  golden  crown 
and  thirty  oxen,  besides  receiving  the  highest  encomiums  for  his  signal 
services.  He  was  afterward  elected  aedile,  and  finally  attained  to  the 
consulship,  B.  C.  190.  Lie.  26,  42.—  Id.  27,  7.— Id.  28,  23,  &c. 

LAELIUS,  Caius,  surnamed  Sapiens,  or  "  the  Wise,"  was  the  son,  or, 
according  to  some,  the  grandson  of  the  preceding,  and  equally  celebrated 
for  his  friendship  with  the  younger  Africanus.  While  praetor,  he  suc- 
cessfully prosecuted  the  war  against  Viriathus,  B.  C.  146,  and  subse- 
quently, B.  C.  140,  was  chosen  to  the  consulship.  Laelius  was  more 
eminent,  however,  for  private  virtues  and  intellectual  endowments  than 
military  abilities  ;  and  it  is  to  him  that  Cicero  assigns  the  eujogium  on 
Friendship,  in  his  dialogue  "  de  Amicitia."  Scipio  and  Laelius  were 
reported,  though  without  any  truth,  to  have  aided  Terence  in  the  compo- 
sition of  his  dramatic  pieces.  Cic.  de  Inn.  1,  7. — Id.  de  Off.  2,  11. — 
Id.  Tusc.  Disp.  5,  19. 

LENTULUS,  Cneius  Cornelius,  was  consul  with  L.  Gellius,  A.  U.  C. 
681,  and  afterward  censor  with  the  same.  He  is  described  by  Cicero 
as  producing  considerable  effect,  in  public  speaking,  by  the  management 
of  his  tones  and  look,  but  by  no  means  a  solid  or  fluent  speaker.  Cic 
in  Verr.  5,  7.— Pro  Cluent.  42. — Brut.  66. — Or.  pro  Man.'  L.  23. 

LENTULUS,  Cneius,  was  tribune  of  the  commons,  and  the  next  year 
enjoyed  a  lieutenancy.  Or.  fro  Man.  L.  19. 

LENTULUS,  Lucius,  was  praetor,  when  P.  Gabinius  was  condemned  for 
extortion.  Or.  pro  Arch.  5. 

LENTULUS,  Publius  Cornelius,  was  consul'A.  U.  C.  591,  and  subse- 
quently princeps  senatus.  He  was  the  grandfather  of  Lentulus  the 
accomplice  of  Catiline,  and  is  highly  commended  by  Cicero  for  his 
patriotism.  Or.  in  Caecil.  21. — In  Cat.  3,  5. 

LENTULUS,  Publius  Cornelius,  surnamed  Sura,  a  Roman  nobleman, 
possessed  of  some  share  of  talent,  but  extremely  corrupt  in  his  private 
character.  The  interest  of  his  family,  and  the  affability  of  his  manners, 
proceeding  from  a  love  of  popularity,  raised  him  through  the  usual  gra- 
dation of  public  honours  to  the  office  of  consul,  which  he  obtained  B.  C. 
73,  in  conjunction  with  Cn.  Aufidius  Orestis.  Expelled  from  the  senate 
o"n  account  of  his  immoral  conduct,  he  had  procured  the  praetorship,  the 
usual  step  for  being  again  restored  to  that  body,  when  Catiline  formed 
his  design  for  subverting  the  government.  Poverty,  the  natural  conse- 
quence of  excessive  dissipation,  added  to  immoderate  vanity  and  extrav- 
agant ambition,  induced  him  to  join  in  the  conspiracy.  The  soothsayers 
easily  persuaded  him,  that  he  was  the  third  one  of  the  gens  Cornelia 
destined  by  the  fates  to  enjoy  the  supreme  power  at  Rome.  L.  Gorne- 
ius  Sylla,  and  L.  Cornelius  Cinna,  had  both  attained  to  that  elevation. 
His  schemes,  however,  all  proved  abortive,  and  he  was  strangled  iu 
prison  with  the  other  conspirators  who  had  been  arrested.  Plutarch 
informs  us,  that  he  received  the  name  of  Sura,  in  consequence  of  his 
having  wasted  a  large  sum  of  public  money,  in  his  quaestorsmp,  under 
Sylla,  who,  enraged  at  his  conduct,  demanded  a  statement  of  his  accounts, 
m  the  senate,  when  Lentulus,  with  the  utmost  indifference,  declared  hn 


478  HISTORICAL    IMDEX. 

had  no  accounts  to  produce,  and  contemptuously  presented  to  him  the 
calf  of  his  leg,  {sura.)  Among  the  Romans,  particularly  among  the 
boys,  the  player  at  tennis,  who  missed  his  stroke,  presented  the  calf  of 
his  leg  to  receive  as  a  punishment  a  certain  number  of  blows  upon  it. 
Lentulus,  in  allusion  to  that  game,  acted  in  the  manner  just  described, 
which  accounts  for  the  surname,  or  rather  nickname,  of  Sura.  Such  is 
the  account  of  Plutarch  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  explanation 
be  correct,  as  regards  the  conspirator  Lentulus,  the  name  as  appears 
from  Livy  (22,  3"l,)  being  one  of  earlier  date.  Plut.  Vit.  Cic.  c.  17. — 
SallusL  B.  C.  c.  55. 

LEPIDUS,  Manius,  was  consul  with  L.  Volcatius  Tullus,  A.  U.  C.  687 
Consult  note  6,  page  6. 

LEPIDUS,  Marcus,  was  consul  with  Catulus,  A.  U.  C.  675.  Consult 
note  12,  page  34. 

LUCULLUS,  Lucius  Licinius,  a  Roman  noble,  celebrated  both  for  his 
munificence  and  military  talents.  He  distinguished  himself  at  first  by 
his  rapid  progress  in  literary  pursuits,  and  particularly  in  eloquence  and 
philosophy.  His  first  campaigns  were  made  in  the  war  with  the  Marsi, 
where  he  acquired  considerable  reputation  by  his  valour.  He  conciliated 
the  favour  of  Sylla  by  his  agreeable  disposition,  and  by  his  constancy  in 
friendship.  This  new  connexion  procured  for  him  in  succession  the 
offices  of  quaestor  in  Asia,  and  praetor  in  Africa.  In  this  latter  province 
he  won  two  naval  victories  over  Hamilcar,  and  gained  the  affections 
of  all  by  his  justice,  moderation,  and  humanity.  Raised  to  the  consul- 
ship, B.  C.  74,  and  charged  with  the  prosecution  of  the  war  against 
Mithridates,  he  commenced  by  delivering  his  colleague  Cotta,  who  was 
besieged  in  Chalcedon.  This  success  was  followed  by  a  great  victory, 
gained  over  the  forces  of  Mithridates,  on  the  banks  of  the  Granicus,  and 
by  the  reduction  of  Bithynia.  .  Similar  success  attended  the  Roman 
arms  by  sea,  and  Mithridates  stripped  of  his  former  power,  was  compelled 
to  fly  for  refuge  to  his  son-in-law  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia.  Lucullus, 
on  ascertaining  his  flight,  hastened  to  cross  the  Euphrates,  gave  battle  to 
a  numerous  army  of  the  Armenian  monarch,  and  gained  a  signal  victor}', 
although  his  own  forces  were  far  inferior  in  point  of  number  to  those  of 
the  foe.  The  capture  of  Tigranocerta,  and  the  seizure  of  the  roval 
treasures  contained  in  it,  were  the  fpuits  of  this  brilliant  success.  The 
following  year  was  marked  by  the  capture  of  Nisibis.  The  pride  and 
severity  of  Lucullus,  however,  alienated  from  him  the  affections  of  his 
soldiers,  and  proved  injurious  to  his  interests  at  home.  The  defeat  of 
Triarius,  his  lieutenant,  furnished  a  pretext  for  the  attacks  of  the  malev- 
olent, and  Pompey  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  in  the  command,  and 
to  continue  the  war  against  Mithridates.  Their  common  friends  brought 
Lucullus  and  Pompey  to  an  interview.  They  met  at  first  upon  polite 
terms,  but  soon  broke  out  into  open  variance,  and  parted  greater  enemies 
than  ever.  Lucullus  upon  this  set  out  for  Rorne,  with  but  1600  men, 
which  were  all  that  Pornpey  allowed  him  to  take  home  with  him,  in  order 
to  attend  his  triumph,  and  even  the  triumph  itself  he  obtained  with  diffi- 
culty, such  was  the  coldness  with  which  he  wa\s  received  in  the  capital. 
The  days  of  his  glory  terminated  with  this  ceremony  ;  and  he  lived  after 
this  in  complete  retirement,  without  taking  any  part  in  those  civil  disor- 
ders, which  soon  after  took  their  rise  at  Rome,  and  in  which,  if  he  had 
been  possessed  of  a  little  more  ambition,  he  might  have  taken  a  very 


-  :   **"Jr 

, »    .   ' 

_, 

HISTORICAL    INDEX,  479 

prominent  place.  He  devoted  the  remainder  of  his  days  to  literary  pur- 
suits, and  to  the  society  of  his  intimate  friends,  and  had  a  large  and  val- 
uable library,  to  which  he  took  pleasure  in  admitting  the  wise  and  learned 
of  the  day.  He  himself  wrote  with  equal  excellence  in  both  Greek  and 
Latin,  and  composed  a  history  of  the  Marsic  war,  in  which  he  had  served. 
Lucullus  was  remarkable  for  his  lavish  and  expensive  style  of  living,  the 
means  of  supporting  which  he  had  obtained  in  abundance  from  his  Asiatic 
campaigns.  He  died  at  the  age  of  67  or  68  years.  The  people  render- 
ing tardy  justice  to  his  merits,  insisted  on  burying  him  in  the  Campua 
Martius,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  his  brother  obtained  leave  to  inter 
him,  in  accordance  with  his  own  wish,  on  his  estate  at  Tusculum. 
Plut.  Vit.  LucuU. 

M. 

MAELIUS,  Spurius,  a  Roman  of  equestrian  rank,  A.  U.  C.  315,  who 
was  possessed  of  extraordinary  wealth  for  the  times  in  which  he  lived, 
and  strove  to  make  it  the  means  of  attaining  to  sovereign  power. 
Having,  through  his  connexions  and  dependants,  bought  up  a  large 
quantity  of  corn  from  Etruria,  which  very  step,  most  probably,  obstructed 
the  endeavours  of  the  magistrates  to  lower  the  price  of  provisions,  he 
began  the  practice  of  bestowing  largesses  of  corn  ;  and  haying  gained 
the  favour  of  the  commons  by  this  munificence,  he  became  the  object 
of  general  attention.  Assuming  thence  a  degree  of  consequence,  be- 
yond what  belonged  to  a  private  citizen,  he  drew  the  people  after1  hirh  in 
crowds  wherever  he  went ;  and  they,  by  the  attachment  which  they  ex- 
pressed towards  him,  encouraged  him  to  look  up  to  the  consulship  with 
a  certain  prospect  of  success.  He  was  disappointed,,  however,  in  his 
application  for  this  office,  and  T.  Quintius  Capitolinus  and  Agrippa 
Menenius  were  elected.  The  designs  of  Maelius  becoming  gradually 
known,  he  was  denounced  to  the  senate,  by  Minucius,  president  of  the 
market,  who  stated  that  arms  were  getting  collected  in  the  dwelling  of 
Maelius,  that  he  held  assemblies  in  his  house,  and  that  there  remained 
not  a  doubt  of  his  having  formed  a  design  to  possess  himself  of  absolute 
power.  On  this  information  being  received,  Lucius  Quintius  Cincin- 
natus  was  appointed  dictator,  and  the  latter  named  Caius  Servilius  Ahala. 
his  master  of.  the  horse.  The  next  day,  after  fixing  proper  guards,  the 
dictator  went  down  to  the  forum,  and  despatched  Ahala  with  a  summons 
for  Maelius  to  appear  before  him.  Maelius  declined  obeying  the  man- 
date, and  endeavoured  to  excite  the  bystanders  in  his  behalf,  who  actually 
rescued  him  from  a  lictor  sent. by  the  master  of  the  horse  to  seize  him. 
Betaking  himself  thereupon  to  flight,  he  was  pursued  and  slain  by  Ahala 
in  person,  and  the  deed  was  highly  applauded  by  the  dictator,  who  de- 
clared to  Ahala,  that  he  had  preserved  the  commonwealth.  Lie.  4,  13, 
seqq. 

MANLIUS,  Caius,  one  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline,  whom  the  latter 
Bent  into  Etruria  to  levy  troops,  and  adopt  whatever  measures  he  might 
deem  necessary  for  the  success  of  the  plot.  He  commanded  the  tight 
wing  of  Catiline's  army  in  the  final  encounter,  and  fell  fighting  with  the 
most  desperate  valour.  Manlius  had  held  a  commission  in  the  army  of 
Sylla,  under  whom  he  had  acquired  considerable  experience  as  an  officer, 
and  had  accumulated  great  wealth,  which,  however,  he  soon  squandered 


480  HISTORICAL    INDKX. 

away.     He  engaged  in  the  conspiracy  to  retrieve  his  ruined  fortunes. 
Sadust.  B.  C.  27. — Id.  ibid.  59. — Cic,  Or.  in  Cat.  1,  3. 

MANLIUS,  Cneius,  a  man  of  humble  origin,  who  is  alluded  to  by  Ci- 
cero as  having  triumphed  over  Catulus  in  an  application  for  office.  The 
orator  describes  him,  as  not  only  a  person  of  ignoble  birth,  but  also  with- 
out merit,  without  talents,  and  sordid  and  contemptible  in  private  life. 
He  was  defeated  by  the  Cimbri,  along  with  his  colleague  Caepio,  and 
was  defended  by  Antonius  when  accused  on  this  account  by  Sulpicius. 
Cic.  Or.  pro  Muren.  17. —Pro  Plane.  5. — Or.  2,  28  —  Veil.  Patcrc.  2, 
12. — Drakenborch.  ad  Liv.  Epit.  67. — Ernesti  ad  Tae.  Germ.  38. 

MARCELLUS,  Caius,  the  brother  of  Marcus  Marcellus  whom  Caesar 
pardoned.  He  was  consul  with  Cn.  Lentulus,  at  the  beginning  r>f  the 
civil  war,  and  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Marcellus  who  held  the 
consulship  along  with  Lucius  Paullus.  Cic.  Or.  pro  Marcell.  4. — Ma- 
nut,  ad  Ep.  ad  Fam.  15,  7. 

MARCELLUS,  Marcus,  an  accomplice  and  intimate  friend  of  Catiline's. 
Or.  in  Cat.  1,  8. 

MARCELLUS,  Marcus  Claudius,  held  the  consulship  with  Servius  Sul 
picius,  B.  C.  51.  He  was  remarkable  for  his  attachment 'to  republican 
principles,  and  his  uncompromising  hostility  towards  Caesar  ;  and  it  was 
he  who  proposed  to  the  senate  to  recall  that  commander  from  his  province 
in  Gaul.  After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  Marcellus  went  into  voluntary 
exile,  and  was  not  pardoned  by  Caesar  until  some  considerable  interval 
had  elapsed,  and  then  only  at  the  earnest  intercession  of  the  senate.  •  Tt 
was  on  this  occasion  that  Cicero  delivered  his  speech  of  thanks  to  Cae- 
sar. Marcellus,  however,  did  not  long  survive  to  enjoy  the  pardon  thus 
obtained,  having  been  assassinated  by  an  adherent  of  his,  P.  Magius 
Cilo.  Consult  the  concluding  note  to  the  oration  for  Marcellus,  page 
69.  Cic.  pro  Marc. — Ep.  ad  Fam.  4,  12. — Ep.  ad  Alt.  13,  10.—  Vol. 
Max.  9,  11. 

MARCELLUS,  Marcus  Claudius,  the  celebrated  opponent  of  Hannibal 
mentioned  incidentally  in  the  oration  for  the  Manilian  law,  c.  16.  He 
is  famous  for  the  check  which  he  gave  Hannibal  at  Nola,  for  the  capture 
of  Syracuse,  and  for  his  subsequent  successes  against  the  Carthaginians 
in  southern  Italy.  He  lost  his  life,  by  being  entrapped  into  an  ambus 
cade,  at  the  age  of  70,  and  in  his  fifth  consulship.  Marcellus  was  no 
less  celebrated  for  his  private  than  his  public  virtues.  Liv.  22,  35. — 
Id.  23,  14.— Id.  24,  9.—  Id.  25,  3,  &c. 

MARIUS,  Caius,  a  native  of  Arpinurn,  remarkable  for  his  military  tal- 
ents, but  still  more  for  his  cruel  and  vindictive  disposition.  Having  pre- 
served the  state  by  his  bravery,  he  afterward  brought  it  to  the  brink  of 
ruin  by  his  reckless  and  uncompromising  violence.  In  early  life  he 
was  a  ploughman,  and  wrought  for  hire.  Quitting  that  employment,  he 
entered  the  ranks  of  the  army,  and  distinguished  himself  under  Scipio 
at  the  siege  and  capture  of  Numantia.  From  the  condition  of  a  com- 
mon soldier,  he  rose  to  the  command  of  the  Roman  forces,  and  the  of- 
fice of  consul.  After  bringing  the  war  with  Jugurtba  to  a  close,  he 
defeated  in  two  encounters  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri,  slaying  an  im- 
mense number,  and  taking  a  vast  multitude  prisoners.  After  these 
victories,  his  ambitious  feelings  brought  him  into  collision  with  Sylla, 
and  a  desolating  civil  war  was  the  consequence.  To  crush  the  power 
of  his  rival,  Sylla  marched  the  troops,  which  he  bad  raised  to  carry 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  481 

on  the  war  against  Mithridates,  to  the  Roman  capital,  and  Marius  was 
obliged  to  flee.  In  his  banishment  he  underwent  uncommon  hardships, 
from  which  he  was  in  the  end  released  by  Cinna's  embracing  his  Inter- 
ests. He  then  returned  to  Rome  to  satiate  his  inhuman  resentment, 
and  butchered  many  thousands  of  the  citizens.  Tired  at  last  with  mur- 
der and  assassination,  he  and  Cinna  appointed  themselves  consuls.  But 
Marius,  worn  out  by  infirmities,  age,  and  excessive  intoxication,  to  which 
he  probably  had  recourse  in  order  to  blunt  the  stings  of  a  guilty  con- 
science, died  on  the  first  day  of  his  being  invested  with  the  consulship 
lor  the-seventh  time.  Pint.  Vit.  Mar. — Sallust.  B.  J.  63.  &c. 
-  MAXIMUS,  Quintus  Fabius,  an  illustrious  Roman,  the  well-known  op- 
ponent of  Hannibal,  and  styled  Cunctator,  from  having  saved  his  country 
by  his  wise  delay,  and  cautious  operations.-  He  is  incidentally  alluded 
to  by  Cicero  in  thjs  oration  for  the  Manilian  law,  c.  16.  Plut.  Vit.  Fab 
Max. 

MKTELLUS,  Quintus  Caecilius,  surnamed  Nutnidicus,  enjoyed  the  con- 
sulship with  M.  Junius  Silanus,  B.  C.  111.  He  obtained  Numidia  as 
his  province,  and  had  nearly  brought  the  war  against  Jugurtha  to  a  close, 
by  his  military  talents  and  incorruptible  integrity,  when  he  was  removed 
from  the  command  by  the  intrigues  of  Marius.  For  defeating  Jugurtha 
and  desolating  Numidia,  Metellus  received  the  surname  of  Numidicus, 
and  according  to  Eutropius,  (4,  27,)  a  triumph.  Sometime  after,  he  was 
summoned  to  trial  by  Saturninus,  a  tribune,  for  having  refused  to'  swear 
to  observe  the  Agrarian  law,  which  this  individual  had  carried  by  force  ; 
and,  although  all  the  good  citizens  supported  him,  he  went,  in  order  to 
prevent  any  commotion,  into  voluntary  exile  at  Rhodes.  Marius  pro- 
nounced sentence  of  banishment  against  him,  B.  C.  1O4  ;,  two  years 
after  which,  however,  he  was  honourably  recalled.  Sallust.  B.  J.  30, 
seqq.—Vell.  Paterc.  2,  9.— Aul.  Gell.  17,  2.—  Vol.  Max.  13,  8.— Cic 
pro  Arch.  3,  &c. 

METELLUS,  Quintus,  surnamed  Pius,  was  the  son  of  Metellus  Numi- 
dicus. He  served  under  his  father  in  Numidia,  and  is  alluded  to  by 
Sallust  in  his  history  of  the  Jugurthine  war.  He  obtained  the  consul- 
ship, B.  C.  89,  and  was  sent  against  Sertorius  in  Spain.  The  latter, 
however,  proved  far  superior  to  him  in  talents  and  activity,  though  Me- 
tellus occasionally  gained  some  advantages  over  him.  The  surname  of 
Pius  was'given  him  on  account  of  the  sorrow  he  testified  at  the  exilo 
of  his  father,  and  his  eager  efforts  to  have  him.  recalled.  Plut.  Vit.  Sert. 
22.— Veil.  Paterc.  2,  1,  &c.— Sallust.  B.  J.  64. 

METELLUS,  Quintus,  surnamed  Creticus,  was  consul  B.  C.  70,  along 
with  Q.  Hortensius.  On  the  expiration  of  his  consulship,  he  obtained, 
as  pro-consul,  the  island  of  Crete  for  his  province,  and  reduced  it  be- 
neath the  Roman  sway,  for  which  he  obtained  the  surname  above  men- 
tioned. He  was  honoured  besides  this  with  a  triumoh,  notwithstanding 
the  opposition  of  Pompev.  Consult  note  2,  page  8*3.  Sallust.  B.  C. 
17.— Veil.  Paterc.  2,  34.— Cic.  Or.  in  Verr.  1,  9.— Pro  Place.  13.— 
Ep.  ad  Alt.  1,  19. 

MITHRIDATES,  a  celebrated  king  of  Pontus,  in  Asia  Minor,  surnamed 
Eupator,  and  the  seventh  in  succession.  He  was  distinguished  for  his 
personal  bravery  arTd  military  talents,  and  for  the  long  resistance  which 
he  made  to  the  armies  of  Rome.  At  last,  however,  being  deserted  by 
his  allies,  betrayed  by  his  soft  Pharnaces,  and  frequently  defeated  by  the 
41 


482  HISTORICAL    IJtDEX. 

Romans,  he  was,  at  his  own  request,  slain  by  a  Gaul,  that  he  might  not 
fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  The  constitution  of  this  monarch 
was  so  fortified  by  antidotes,  of  many  of  which  he  is  said  to  have  been 
the  inventor,  that  the  strongest  and  most  active  poisons  had  no  effect 
upon  him.  The  true  form  of  the  name  appears  to  be  Mithradales,  th« 
root  being  the  appellation  of  the  solar  deity  among  the  Persians,  i.  »-. 
Mithras  or  Mithra.  Custom,  however,  has  sanctioned  the  other  forn  . 
Appian.  Bell.  Mithrid.—Plut.  Vit.  Lucull.—Id  Vit.  Syll.,  &c. 

MUMMIUS,  Lucius,  surnamed  Achaicus,  from  his  overthrow  of  tha 
Achaean  league,  and  reduction  of  Southern  Greece,  was  consul,  E.  C. 
146. .  He  was  sent  into  the  Peloponnesus,  againstthe  Achaeansdefeated 
their  general  Diaeus,  put  an  end  to  the  famous  league  which  bore  then 
name,  took  and  burnt  Corinth,  and  reduced  the  whole  of  Southern 
Greece  to  a  Roman  province  under  the  name  of  Achaia.  He  received 
the  honours  of  a  triumph,  and  the  surname  above  mentioned.  MummiuR 
is  celebrated  for  his  disinterestedness,  and  his  ignorance  of  the  fine  arts. 
He  would  not  enrich  himself  with  the  spoils  of  Corinth  ;  while  so  littlo 
acquainted  was  he  with  the  value  of  paintings  and  statues  and  other 
masterpieces  of  art  obtained  from  the  captured  city,  as  to  enjoin 
upon  those  who  were  to  convey  them  to  Rome,  that  they  should  supply 
their  places  by  others  at  their  own  expense,  in  case  these  were  lost 
f/or.2,  l6.-Vell.  Paterc.  1,  13.—  Plin.  H.  N.  34,  7.— Id.  ibid.  37,  1.— 
Pausan.  7,  24. 

M-UNATIUS,  Titus,  one  of  the  associates  of  Catiline,  described  by 
Cicero  as  -of  dissolute  habits,  and  deeply  involved  in  debt.  Or.  in  Cat. 
2,2. 

MURENA,  Lucius  Licinius,  an  eminent  Roman  general,  who  com- 
manded one  of  the  wings  of  the  army  of  Sylla,  in  the  battle  with  Arche- 
laus,  general  of  Mithridates,  near  Chaeronea,  B.  C.  87.  Sylla,  shortly 
after  this,  having  made  an  armistice  with  Mithridates,  returned  to  Rome, 
leaving  Murena  in  command  of  the  Asiatic  forces.  This  officer,  pretend- 
ing ignorance  of  the  treaty,  which  had  only  been  orally  made  between 
Sylla  and.  Mithridates,  invaded  the  territory  of  that  monarch,  and  took 
and  plundered  Comana  ;  but  was  subsequently  defeated  by  Mithridates, 
and  compelled  to  retire  into  Phrygia.  These  contests  form  in  history 
what  is  termed  the  second  Mithridatic  war.  Murena  subsequently 
obtained  a  triumph  at  Rome,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  historians,  was 
granted  him  by  Sylla  for  no  other  reason  than  to  match  it  against  the 
trophies  raised  by  Mithridates.  •  His  movements  in  Asia  certainly  do  not 
appear  to  have  entitled  him  to  one.  Appian.  B.  M.  63,  seqq, 

MURENA,  Lucius  Licinius,  son  of  the  preceding,  was  one  of  the 
lieutenants  of  Lucullus  in  Asia,  and  distinguished  himself  in  the  war 
against  Mithridates.  Not  long  after  he  stood  candidate  for  the  consul- 
ship, and  was  successful  in  his  application,  but  was  accused  of  bribery. 
Cicero  defended  him,  and  succeeded  in  procuring  his  acquittal.  Or.  pro 
Muren. 

MURENA,  Caius  Licinius,  brother  of  the  Murena  whom  Cicero  defended. 
He  was  governor  of  Transalpine  Gaul  when  Catiline's  conspiracy  broke 
out,  and  secured  a  number  of  the  malcontents,  who  were  endeavouring 
to  excite  commotions  in  his  province.  Sallust.  B.  C.  42. 


HISTORICAL  IMDEA.  483 

N. 

NATTA,  Lucius,  a  member  of  the  old  Pinarian  line,  and  step-son  to 
Murena.  He  is  praised  by  Cicero,  in  his  oration->for  that  individual ;  but 
far  different  language  is  used  by  the  orator  concerning  him,  in  one  of  his 
letters  to  Atticus.  Natta,  it  seems,  subsequently  to  the  period  of  Cicero's 
pleading  for  Murena,  was  Pontifex  Maximus,  and  dictated  the  form  of 
words,  when  Clodius  consecrated,  for  the  erection  of  a  temple,  the 
ground  on  which  Cicero's  house  had  stood.  Or.  pro  Mwren.  35. — Ep. 
ad  Alt.  4,  8. 

NAEVIUS,  Cnaeus,  a  native  of  Campania,  and  the  first  imitator  of  the 
regular  dramatic  works  which  had  been  produced  by  Livius  Andronicus. 
He  served  in  the  first  Punic  war,  and  his  earliest  plays  were  represented 
at  Rome  A.  U.  C.  519.  The  names  of  his  tragedies  are  still  preserved, 
and  a  few  fragments  of  the  pieces  themselves.  He  was  accounted, 
however,  a  better  comic  than  tragic  poet.  Naevius,  unfortunately, 
indulged,  in  the  course  of  his  productions,  in  personal  and  offensive 
sarcasms  against  some  of  the  most  distinguished  patricians  of  the  day. 
The  Metelli,  in  particular,  were  the  objects  of  his  satire  and  retaliated 
upon  the  poet  by  having  him  thrown  into  prison.  Here  he  wrote  some 
comedies,  which  were  intended,  in  some  measure,  as  a  recantation  of  his 
former  invectives,  and  he  was  accordingly  "liberated.  But  relapsing  soon 
after  into  his  former  courses,  and  continuing  to  persecute  the  nobility  in 
his  dramas  and  satires  with  implacable  dislike,  he  was  at  length  driven 
from  Rome  by  their  influence,  and  having  retired  to  Utica,  died  there, 
according  to  Cicero  in  the  year  550  ;  but  Varro  fixes  his  death  -somewhat 
later.  Besides  his  comedies,  Naevius  was  also  author  of  the  Cyprian 
Iliad,  a  translation  from  a  Greek  poem,  called  the  Cyprian  Epic.  He 
likewise  wrote  a  metrical  chronicle,  relating  chiefly  to  the  events  of  the 
first  Punic  war.  Dunlop,  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  1,  p.  74;  seqq. 

NICOMEIJES,  king  of  Bithyma,  and  the  third  of  the  name,  succeeded 
his  father,  Nicomedes  2d,  B.  C.  92.  He  was  at  first  dethroned  by 
Socrates,  his  brother,  and  then  by  Mithridates,  who  protected  Socrates. 
The  Romans,  however,  re-established  him  in  his  dominions.  Having  in 
his  turn  attacked  the  king  of  Pontus,  he  was  defeated,  and  driven  once 
more  from  his  dominions,  but  was  replaced  upon  the  throne  by  Sylla. 
He  governed  for  the  space  of  ten  years  after  this,  and  then  died  without 
issue,  leaving  the  Roman  people  his  heirs.  Appian.  B.  M. — Floras.  3, 
5. — Justin.  38,  3. — Sueton.  Vit.  Jill.  2. —  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  4. 

NOBILIOR,  Marcus  Fulvius,  was  praetor  in  Spain,  A.  U.  C.  558,  and 
carried  his  arms  as  far  as  the  Tagus,  making  himself  master  of  Toletum, 
until  then  regarded  as  impregnable.  Being  appointed  to,  the  consulship 
in  the  year  565,  he  was  intrusted  with  the  war  in  Greece.  Having  with 
the  aid  of  the  Epirots  taken  the  city  of  Ambracia,  considered  as  the  key 
of  the  neighbouring  country  of  Aetolia,  he  compelled  the  Aetolians  to 
sue  for  peace,  which  was  only  granted  them  on  condition  of  their  giving 
up  to  the  Romans  all  the  cities  and  territories,  which  they  had  conquered 
since  the  consulship  of  Flarnininus  ;,  of  paying  the  expenses  of  the  war  ; 
of  sending  forty  hostages,  and  of  engaging  to  have  no  other  friends  and 
enemies  than  those  of  Rome.  Two  years  after  this,  he  was  accused 
before  the  senate  of  having  inflicted  injuries  on  the  allies  of  the  Roman 
people,  but  his  only  reply  to  the  charge  was  to  demand  a  supplicatw  and 


484  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

triumph,  which  were  actually  awarded  him.  He  was  appointed  censor, 
A.  U.  C.  575,  with  Aemilius  Lepidus,  his  mortal  enemy,  and  consented 
for  the  good  of  the  state  to  become  reconciled  to  him.  Liv.  33,  42. — 
-Id.  35,  7.— Id.  37,  3,  &c. 

O. 

OCTAVIUS,  Cneius,  a  partisan  of  Sylla's,  who  held  the  consulship 
A.  U.  C.  667,  and  drove  out  his  colleague  Cinna  from  the  city.  Consult 
note  8,  page  34. 

OPIMIUS,  Lucius,  a  Roman  nobleman,  who  held  the  consulship  with 
C.  Fabius  Maximus  Allobrogicus,%nd  who,  while  in  that  office,  over- 
powered Caius  Gracchus,  the  advocate  of  the  Agrarian  law.  No  fewer 
than  three  thousand  persons  were  slain  on  this  occasion,  according  to 
Plutarch,  and  along  with  Gracchus  perished  M.  Fulvius  Flaccus,  a  man 
of  consular  dignity.  Opimius  subsequently  allowed  himself  to  be  bribed 
by  Jugurtha,  and  being  brought  to  trial  for  this  offence,  was  condemned, 
and  went  into  banishment  at  Dyrrhachium,  where  he  died  in  great  pov- 
erty.— The  name  of  this  individual  has  also  descended  to  later  times  in 
another  way.  The  wine  made  during  his  consulship  was  remarkable  for 
having  attained  to  a  very  great  age,  and  was  called  Vinum  Opimianurn. 
There  appears  to  have  been  an  uncommon  vintage  during  the  year  in 
which  he  was  consul.  Cicero  states  that  he  tasted  some  Opimian  wine 
seventy-five  years  after  ;  and  Pliny  informs  us,  that  it  was  still  to  be 
found  when  he  wrote,  at  the  distance  of  two  hundred  years,  and  that  it 
had  the  appearance  of  candied  honey.  Cic.  pro  Plane.  69. — Pro  Sezt. 
l22.—Sallust.  B.  J.  IQ.—  Vell.  Paterc.  2,  Q.—Plut.  Vit.  Gracck.  17. 
— Plin.  H.  N.  14,  4. — Henderson's  Hist.  Anct.  and  Mod  wines,  p.  69, 
seqq. 

OTHO,  Lucius  R'nsc  >us,  was  tribune  of  the  commons  during  the  con- 
sulship of  Cicero,  aiiJ  had  a  law  passed  by  which  seats  were  set  apart 
for  the  equites  at  the  public  spectacles.  On  his  appearance  in  the  thea- 
tre, after  this  ordinance  had  been  made,  a  serious  disturbance  ensued, 
the  knights  applauding,  and  the  people  hissing  him  :  Cicero,  on  being 
informed  of  the  tumult,  hastened  to  the  spot,  and,  calling  out  the  people 
to  the  temple  of  Bellona,  he  so  calmed  them  by  the  magic  of  his  elo- 
quence, that,  returning  immediately  to  the  theatre,  they  clapped  their 
hands  in  honour  of  Otho,  and  vied  with  the  knights  in  giving  him  demon- 
strations of  respect.  Plut.  Vit.  Cic. — Dunlop.  Rom.  Lit.  vol.  2,  p.  332 

P. 

PAULLUS,  Lucius  Aemilius,  more  commonly  called  Panllus  Aemilius, 
a  celebrated  Roman  commander,  was  the  son  of  L.  Aemilius  Paullus, 
who  was  slain  at  Cannae.  He  rendered  himself  famous  by  his  victories, 
and  was  surnamed  Macedonians,  from  his  conquest  of  Macedonia.  He 
distinguished  himself,  from  early  youth,  by  his  zeal  for  military  discipline, 
and  it  was  to  his  valour  and  skill  that  the  Romana  owed  the  great  suc- 
cess v»hich  attended  their  arms  in  Spain,  during  his  praetorship,  B.-C. 
190,  when  he  was  employed  in  reducing  some  of  the  revolted  tribes  of 
that  country.  Being  elected  consul,  B.  C.  182,  he  reduced  the  Ligu- 
rians,  and  obtained  a  triumph.  Having  failed,  however,  in  a  second 
•pplication  for  the  consulship,  he  for  a  long  time  renounced  public  affairs 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  485 

entirely,  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  education  of  his  children.  But 
in  the  year  168,  B.  C.,  he  was,  almost  in  spite  of  himself,  elected  consul 
a  second  time,  and  was  sent  against  Perses,  king  of  Macedonia.  Al- 
though now  sixty  years  of  age,  he  nevertheless  prosecuted  the  war  with 
the  greatest  vigour,  and,  at  the  decisive  battle  of  Pydna,  destroyed  the 
power  of  Perses,  and  overthrew  the  empire  of  Mace'don.  His  triumph, 
at  Rome,  was  a  most  brilliant  one,  and  not  the  least  remarkable  object 
in  it  was  Perses  himself,  led  along  as  a  prisoner,  and  accompanied  by 
the  members  of  his  family.  The  conquest  of  Macedonia  enriched  the 
Roman  treasury  to  such  a  degree,  that  the  people  were  exempted  from 
taxation,  and  continued  so  until  the  .consulship  of  Hirtius  and  Pansa 
Paullus  Aemilius  alone  remained  poor  in  the  midst  of  so  much  wealth, 
having  merely  appropriated  to  his  own  use  the  library  of  the  fallen  mon- 
arch. Elevated  some  time  after  to  the  dignity  of  censor,  he  conducted 
himself  in  that  office  with  the  greatest  moderation.  His  death,  which 
happened  B.  C.  158,  was  the  signal  for  general  mourning,  not  only  among 
the  Romans,  but  the  inhabitants  also  of  the  countries  which  he  had  con- 
quered. Paullus  Aemilius  had  by  his  first  wife  Papiria,  whom  he  sub- 
sequently repudiated,  two  sons,  one  of  whom  was  adopted  into  the 
Fabian  family,  and  the  other  by  the  son  of  Aftjcanus  Major.  By  his 
second  wife  he  had  two  other  sons,  the  sudden  death  of  whom  gave  the 
Romans  a  strong  proof  of  the  firmness  of  his  character.  He  saw  the 
elder  one  expire  five  days  before  his  triumph,  and  the  younger  three  days 
after.  Plul.  Vil.  Paul.  Aemil.—Lir).  34,  45.— Id.  35,  10.— Id.  37,  46 
— Id.  39,  32,  &c. 

PAULLUS,  Lucius,  mentioned  in  the  oration  for  Murena,  c.  14,  the 
same  with  the  preceding. 

PERPERNA,  Marcus,  a  Roman  proscribed  by  Sylla.  He  passed,  upon 
this  into  Spain,  and  became  one  of  the  lieutenants  of  Sertorius,  but  be- 
coming jealous  of  the  glory  of  that  commander,  and  irritated  at  playing 
only  a  secondary  part  himself,  he  conspired  against  him  and  assassinated 
him  at  a  banquet.  Being  taken  prisoner  after  this,  he  was  put  to  death 
by  Pompey.  Plut.  Vit.  Sert. —  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  30. 

PERSES,  king  of  Macedonia.  He  was  the  son  of  Philip  V.,  by  a  con 
cubine,  and  therefore  inferior  to  Demetrius,  the  legitimate  son  of  tha' 
monarch.  By  a  false  accusation,  however,  he  induced  the  monarch  ti. 
put  Demetrius  to  death.  Philip,  on  being  informed  of  the  truth,  re- 
solved to  disinherit  Perses,  and  secure  the  crown  to  his  younger  son 
Antigonus  ;  but  his  own  death,  which  happened  soon  after,  frustrated 
his  design.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Perses,  on  coming  to  the.  throne, 
was  to  put  Antigonus  to  death,  both  because  he  had  been  intended  aa 
successor  to  Philip,  and  because  it  was  through  him  that  the  innocence 
of  Demetrius  was  made  known.  Becoming  involved,  however,  in  war 
with  the  Romans,  he  was  conquered,  and  stripped  of  his  kingdom  by 
Paullus  Aemilius,  who  ed  him  in  triumph  through  the  streets  of  Rome. 
He  was  afterward  sent  as  prisoner  to  Alba,  where  he  ended  his  days.' 
The  Romans  treated  him  with  more  kindness  than  he  deserved,  allowing 
him  to  retain  his  attendants,  money,  &c.  With  Perses' fell  the  Mace- 
donian empire.  He  was  the  twentieth  monarch,  reckoning  in  succession 
from  Caranus,  the  first  king  of  the  country.  Liv.  31,  28. — Id.  38,  5.— 
Id.  39,  23.— Justin.  32,  2.— Id.  33,  12.— Veil.  Paterc.  1,  9,  seqq.— 
Tacit  Ann.  4,  55.— Florus.  2,  12.—  Plut.  Vit.  Paull.  Aeiml 

41* 


486  HISTORICAL     liNDEX. 

PHILIPPOS,  Lucius,  a  distinguished  Roman  orator,  considered  tne  best 
of  his  time  after  Crassus  and  Antonius.  In  applying  for  the  consulship, 
ho  was  defeated  by  M.  Herennius,  a  man  of  low  origin  and  inferior  char- 
acter. He  afterward,  however,  obtained  the  consulate  in  conjunction 
with  Sextus  Julius  Caesar.  In  his  consulship,  he  opposed  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  tribune  Drusus,  and  sided  with  the  equites.  Mention  has 
already  been  made,  under  the  article  Crassus,  of  his  having  inveighed 
against  the  senate,  and  been  replied  to  with  great  power  and  eloquence. 
by  that  orator.  Cic.  Brut.  30.— Pro  Rabir.  7.— Or.  1,  7.— Or.  3,  1.— 
Pro  Maml.  L.  21,  &c. 

PHILIPPUS,  the  5th  of  the  name,  king  of  Macedonia,  became  embroiled 
in  a  war  with  the  Romans,  by  allying  himself  to  Hannibal,  who  was  then 
in  Italy.  The  consul  Laevinus  was  charged  with  the  war  against  htm, 
and  having  surprised  him  near  Apollonia,  caused  him  to  flee,  and  de- 
stroyed his  fleet  by  fire.  This  defeat  was  followed  by  a  peace  of  but 
short  continuance.  The  Romans  having  learnt  that  Philip  had  furnished 
succours  to  Hannibal,  declared  war  anew  against  him,  a  contest  which  is 
known  in  history  as  the  second  Macedonian  war,  the  previous  one  hav- 
ing been  H,he  first.  Philip  lost  successively  the  battles  of  Astacus,  Aous, 
and  Cynoscephalae,  the  last  of  which  was  decisive  in  its  nature,  and 
compelled  him  to  sue  for  peace.  This  was  only  granted  him  on  the 
most  humiliating  conditions.  Domestic  sorrows  came  to  increase  the 
chagrin  occasioned  by  these  disasters.  The  merits  of  Demetrius,  one 
of  his  sons,  excited  the  jealousy  of  Perses,  his  eldest  offspring,  but  ille- 
gitimate in  origin.  Perses  accused  the  young  prince  to  his  father  of 
having  designs  on  the  crown.  Philippus  lent  a  credulous  ear  to  the 
charge,  and  destroyed  Demetrius  by  poison.  But  he  soon  became  con- 
vinced of  the  treachery  of  Perses,  and  to  punish  him,  resolved  to  bestow 
the  crown  on  Antigonus,  his  younger  son,  when  a  sudden  death  carried 
him  off,  and  frustrated  his  well-meant  intention.  He  ended  his  days, 
B.  C.  179,  in  the  42d  year  of  his  reign,  and  was  succeeded  by  Perses. 
Liv.  22,  33.— Id.  24,  40.— Id.  26,  22.— Id.  27,  30,  &c.—Val,  Max.  4, 
8. — Justin.  23,  3. — Id.  29,  1,  &c. — Pint.  Vit.  Flamin. — Pausan.  7.  8. 
—Oros.  4,  20. 

PHILUS,  Lucius  Furius,  a  Roman  distinguished  for  the  advances  he 
had  made  in  learning  and  philosophy.  Consult  note  18,  page  123,  and 
compare  Cic.  de  Am.  4,  7,  19. 

Piso,  Caius  Caipurnius,  Cicero's  son-in-law.  He  neglected  the 
quaestorship  of  Pontus  and  Bithynia,  in  order  to  have  more  time  to  de- 
vote to  the  interests  and  safety  of  his  father-in-law.  He  is  praised  as  a 
good  speaker,  in  the  Brutus,  78.  Compare  Or.  ad  Quir.  post  red.  3. — 
In  Senat.  15. 

Piso,  Cneius,  a  Roman  of  good  family,  but  profligate  and  needy.  The 
urgency  of  his  wants,  uniting  with  the  depravity  of  his  disposition,  insti- 
gated him  to  any  measures,  which  had  for  their  object  the  convulsion  of 
the  state,  as  the  only  remedy  which  could  free  him  from  his  difficulties 
and  embarrassments.  He  readily  entered  into  the  conspiracy  of  Cati 
line,  and,  in  the  execution  of  the  plot,  he  was  to  be  at  the  head  of  an 
army  to  hold  the  Spaniards  in  subjection.  The  design  transpired,  and 
necessarily  prevented  its  execution.  Soon  after,  although  only  quaestor, 
he  obtained  the  government  of  Hither  Spain,  with  the  authority  of  pro- 
praetor, by  the  interest  of  Crassus,  who  wished  to  set  him  up  in  opposi- 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  487 

t.on  to  Pompey.  The  senate  assented,  in  order  to  have  so  dangerous 
a  ciit'/en  at  a  distance  front  the  seat  of  government.  Some  of  the  Span- 
ish cavalry,  however,  who  formed  part  of  his  train,  assassinated  him 
soon  after  his  arrival  in  that  country.  Sallust.  B.  C.  18,  seqq. 

PLOTICS,  Lucius,  a  Roman  poet,  contemporary  with  Marius,  whose 
praises  he  sang.  He  is  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  same  with  the 
Plotius  who  was  born  at  Lugdunum,  and  who  was  the  first  that 
taught  rhetoric  at  Rome  in  the  Latin  language.  In  this  he  was  very 
successful,  and  had  Cicero  among  his  hearers.  Or.  pro  Arck.9. — 
Sueton.  Clar.  Kkd.  V.—  Quinl'd.  2,  4,  42.— 11.  9,  3,  143. 

POMPKIUS,  Cneius,  son  of  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  and  the  well- 
known  opponent  c.f  Caesar.  His  earlier  movements,  down  to  the 
period  of  the  Mithridatic  war,  have  been  so  fully  detailed  in  the  notes 
to  the  oration  on  the  Manilian  law,  as  not  to  need  recapitulation 
here.  A  sketch  of  his  character  will  be  found  in  the  dialogue  on  the 
life  and  writings  of  Cicero. 

POMPEIUS,  Quintus,  surnamed  Nepos,  an  individual  of  humble  origin, 
the  son,  according  to  Plutarch,  of  a  flute-player.  He  attained,  however, 
to  the  highest  honours  of  the  state,  and  was  consul,  A.  U.  C.  612,  and 
afterward  censor  with  Metellus  Macedonians.  Or.  pro  Muren.  7. — In 
Verr.  5,  70.— de  Off.  3,  30.— Brut.  76.—  Plutarch.  Apophth.  r  200.— 
(Op.  cd.  Reiske,  vol.  6,  p.  755.) 

POMPTINUS,  Caius,  a  praetor  during  Cicero's  consulship.  He  was  one 
of  the  officers  appointed  by  the  latter  to  arrest  the  Allobrogian  ambassa- 
dors and  their  retinue.  On  the  expiration  of  his  praetorship,  Pomptinus 
obtained  the  government  of  Gallia  Narbonensis,  defeated  the  Allobroges, 
who  had  revolted,  and  reduced  their  country  to  tranquillity,  for  which  he 
was  honoured  with  a  triumph.  Cicero  employed  him  as  one  of  his  lieu* 
tenants  in  the  government  of  Cilicia,  where  he  distinguished,  himself  by 
his  bravery.  SaUust.  B.  C.  45. — Cic.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  2. — Pro  Flacc. 
40.— de  prov.  Cons.  13.— Die  Cassius,  37,  47.— Id.  39,  65.— Ep.  ad 
Fam.  15,  4,  &c. 

POSTOMIUS,  Cneius,  one  of  the  assistant  accusers  (subscriptores) 
against  Murena,  and  an  unsuccessful  applicant  for  the  praetorship  in  the 
consulate  of  Cicero.  Or.  pro  Muren.  27. 

PUBLICIUS,  one  of  the  dissolute  companions  of  Catiline.  Or.  in  Cat. 
2.2. 

R. 

Roscius.     Vid.     Otho. 

Roscius,  Quintus,  a  celebrated  Roman  actor,  from  his  surname  Gallus 
supposed  to  have  been  a  native  of  Gaul,  north  of  the  Po,  although  edu- 
cated in  the  vicinity  of  Lanuvium  and  Aricia.  His  acting  is  highly  com- 
mended by  Cicero,  who,  according  to  Plutarch,  studied  the  art  of  gestic- 
ulation under  him.  Valerius  Maximus  informs  us,  that  Roscius  prac- 
tised with  the  utmost  care  the  most  trifling  gesture  which  he  was  to 
make  in  public,  and  Cicero  relates,  that,  though  the  house  of  this  actoi 
was  a  kind  of  school  where  good  performers  were  trained,  yet  Roscius 
declared  that  he  never  had  a  pupil  with  whom  he  was  completely  satis- 
fied. Roscius  died  about  62  B.  C.  Cic.  pro  Q.  Rose.  7.—N.  D.  1,  23 
—Utvin.  1,  36.— Pro  Arch.  8.— Fa/.  Max.  8,  7.—Macrob.  2,  10. 


488  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

S. 


S,  Lucius,  a  tribune  of  the  commons,  and  violent  partisan 
of  Marius,  who  abetted  him  in  his  numerous  misdeeds.  It  was  Satur- 
uinus  who  proposed  the  agrarian  law,  for  refusing  to  take  the  oath  pre- 
scribed by  which,  Metellus  was  sentenced  to  banishment.  He  it  was 
also  that  hired  assassins  to"  take  away  the  life  of  Caius  Memmius,  when 
the  latter  was  seeking  the  consulship  B.  C.  102.  Memmius  fell  u  ne'er 
repeated  strokes  by  the  bludgeons  of  these  miscreants,  in  open  assembly  ; 
and  the  motive  of  Salurninus  in  causing  the  deed  to  be  perpetrated  wae 
an  apprehension  lest  Memmius  wonld  oppose  him  in  his  evil  career.  At 
last,  however,  strong  measures  were  taken  against  him.  He  was  driven 
into  the  capital  with  his  adherents  (vid.  Glauciii)  where  he  was  com- 
pelled to  Surrender.  On  coming  down  into  the  forum  he  was  put  to 
death.  Pint.  Vit.  Mar.  30.—  Or.  in  Cat.  4,  2.—  Or.  in  Cat.  1,  2. 

SCAURUS,  Marcus  Aemilius,  a  Roman  nobleman,  of  great  ability,  who 
held  the  consulship  with  M.  Caecilius  Metellus,  B.  C.  116.  He  tri- 
umphed over  the  Carni  ;  and  made  the  road  from  Placentia  to  Parma, 
hence  called  the  Aemilian  Way.  He  had  the  honour  of  being  appointed 
Princeps  Senatus,  and  would  have  ranked  in  history  with  the  very  first 
characters  of  the  Roman  state,  had  not  his  splendid  talents  been  tarnished 
by  cupidity.  Pliny  agrees  with  Sallust  in  giving  the  unfavourable  side 
of  the  picture.  On  the  other  hand,  Cicero  highly  extols  his  virtues, 
abilities,  and  achievements.  It  is  more  than  probable,  that  Sallust 
endeavours  to  depreciate  the  merits  of  Scaurus,  because  the  latter  was  a 
member,  and  strong  advocate  for  the  power,  of  the  nobility  ;  while  Cicero, 
on  the  other  hand,  strives  for  this  same  reason  to  exalt  his  character. 
The  truth  undoubtedly  lies  between  either  extreme.  Scaurus  afterward 
held  the  office  of  censor,  and  the  consulship  a  second  time.  His  name 
often  occurs  in  the  writings  of  Cicero,  who  speaks  in  great  praise  of  a 
work  of  his,  in  three  books,  recording  the  principal  occurrences  and 
transactions  of  his  life.  The  orator  considers  it  equal  to  Xenophon's 
Cyropaedia.  Sallust.  B.  J.  15.—  Cic.  de  Of.  1,  22.—  Brut.  29.—  Plin. 
H.  N.  33,  1.  —  Quintil.  5,  12.—  Vol.  Max.  3,  7,  8.—  Cic.  pro  Muren.  7. 

SCIPIO,  Publius  Cornelius,  surnamed  Africanus  Major,  the  celebrated 
conqueror  of  Hannibal,  in  the  battle  of  Zama.  He  is  only  alluded  to 
Incidentally  by  Cicero,  in  the  course  of  this  volume. 

SCIPIO,  Publius  Cornelius,  surnamed  Aemilianus  from  having  been 
the  son  of  Paullus  Aemilius,  adopted  into  the  Scipio  line.  'He  is  also 
Known  by  the  additional  agnomen  of  Africanus  Minor,  from  his  having 
destroyed  the  city  of  Carthage,  which  ended  the  third  Punic  war.  He 
was  likewise  the  conqueror  of  Numantia. 

SCIPIO  NASICA,  Publius  Cornelius,  son  of  Scipio  Nasica,  surnamed 
Corculum,  and  grandson  of  the  Nasica,  who  was  pronounced  the  mosl 
virtuous  man  in  Rome.  He  held  the  consulship  with  D.  Brutus,  A.  U.  C 
615,  and  had  a  very  stormy  period,  having  come  into  collision  with  the 
tribunes  of  the  commons,  and  been  imprisoned  by  them  along  with  hi* 
colleague.  His  private  character  stood  so  high  in  the  estimation  of  the 
people,  that  he  was  the  first  and  probably  the  only  Roman  ever  chosen 
Pontifex  Maximus  without  being  present  at  the  time  of  election.  While 
holding  this  latter  dignity,  he  took  an  active  part  against  the  operations 
of  the  Gracchi,  and  headed  the  body  of  the  nobility  b\  whom  Tibenus 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  489 

was  slain.  Some  even  ascribed  the  death  of  the  tatter  to  Nasica's  own 
hand.  The  partisans  of  the  aristocracy  exalted  the  deed,  while  their 
opponents  regarded  it  as  nothing  else  but  an  act  of  open  murder.  So 
highly  was  the  fury  of  the  multitude  excited,  that  Nasica  could  no  longer 
appear  in  public  without  being  exposed  to  their  invectives  and  even 
menaces.  A  public  prosecution  was  threatened,  and  as  sovereign  pontiff 
also  he  was  regarded  by  his  enemies  as  having  been  guilty  of  sacrilege. 
The  senate,  justly  alarmed  for  a  man,  whom  they  considered  a  benefactor 
to  the  stale,  found  themselves  obliged  to  remove  him  from  Italy  This 
again  was  a  violation  of  the  pontifical  duties,  since  no  pontifex  maximus 
could  ever  leave  Italy.  Nasica  was  sent,  however,  into  Asia,  under  the 
pretext  of  appeasing  seme  troubles  which  had  been  excited  in  Pergamus 
by  Aristonicus.  He  did  not  live  long  in  this  honourable  exile,  but  died 
of  chagrin  A.  U.  C.  622.  Cicero  bestows  on  him  the  highest  eulogiums, 
and  declares  that  the  best  citizens  regarded  hiitf  as  the  deliverer  of  his 
country.  Velleius  Paterculus  also  praises  him  for  having  preferred  the 
interests  of  his  country  to  the  ties  of  consanguinity,  Tiberius  having  been 
his  own  cousin.  Cic.  Brut.  22. — Or.  in  Cat.  1,  1. — Pro  Dom.  34. — 
De  Am.  12.— De  Off.  1,  22.^-Pro  Place.  3l.—Liv.  Epit.  55.—Plin. 
H.  N.  7,  12.—  Val.  Max.  9,  14,  3.—  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  3, 1. 

SCIPIO,  Lucius  Cornelius,  surnamed  Asiaticus,  elder  brother  of  Afri- 
canus Major,  enjoyed  during  life  a  degree  of  glory,  which  appears  to  have 
been  i:i  reality  but  little  more  than  a  reflection  from  the  brilliant  character 
of  the  conqueror  of  Hannibal.  According  to  Polybius,  Lucius  Scipio 
was  not  a  favourite  with  the  people,  but  the  historian  is  silent  respecting 
the  cause.  He  served  under  his  brother  in  Spain,  and  the  tender  union 
which  existed  between  them,  does  more  honour  perhaps  even  to  the  elder 
than  the  younger  brother,  since  it  shows  how  little  susceptible  the  heart 
of  Lucius  was  of  any  feeling  of  jealousy,  toward  one  so  far  his  superior 
although  younger  in  years.  After  distinguishing  himself  in  Spain,  he 
obtained  the  praetorship  A.  U.  C.  561,  (B.  C.  194,)  and  the  consulate 
A.  U  C.  564.  In  this  latter  magistracy  he  was  sent  against  Antiochus, 
the  senate  having  given  him  the  charge  of  this  war,  on  his  brother  Afri- 
canus  promising  to  go  with  him  as  his  lieutenant.  Africanus,  however, 
soon  after  .his  arrival  in  Asia,  was  taken  ill ;  or  more  probably,  being 
desirous  not  to  rob  his  brother  of  any  share  in  the  glory-which  he  per- 
ceived was  to  be  easily  won  against  the  present  enemy,  he  affected  indis- 
position, and  remained  at  a  distance  from  the  camp.  Lucius,  thus  left 
alone  to  command  the  Roman  army,  advanced  against  the  king,  attacked 
him  in  the  post  he  had  chosen,  and  in  a  decisive  victory,  dispersed  his 
numerous  forces.  This  battle  ended  the  war,  and  Lucius  on  his  return 
was  honoured  with  a  triumph  and  the  surname  of  Asialicus.  After  the 
death  of  Africanus,  he  was  violently  assailed  by  some  of  the  tribunes  of 
the  commons,  particularly  Cato  and  Petilius,  and  charged  with  having- 
extorted,  or  else  received,  for  his  own  private  benefit,  large  sums  of 
money  from  Antiochus  and  his  subjects.  In  vain  he  protested  his  inno- 
cence ;  he  was  fined  four  millions  of  sesterces,  ordered  to  be  led  to  prison, 
and  was  now  in  the  act  of  being  conducted  thither,  when  Sempronius. 
Gracchus,  the  father  of  the  Gracchi,  who  was  then  tribune,  interposed 
his  authority,  and  obtained  his  release.  His  effects,  however,  were  sold, 
but  the  comparatively  small  sum  obtained  from  them  was  a  triumphant 
answer  to  the  charge  made  against  him.  After  this,  the  conqueror  of 


490  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

Antiochus  passed  nto  the  obscurity  of  private  life,  until  at  last  he  wag 
sent  as  arbitrator  to  settle  a  difference  which  had  arisen  between  Eurrre- 
nes  and  Seleucus.  On  his  return,  the  people,  ashamed  of  their  former 
severity,  bestowed  such  recompenses  upon  him,  that  he  was  enabled,  at 
his  own  expense,  to  celebrate  games  in  honour  of  his  victory  over  Antio- 
chus. The  year  of  his  death  is  unknown.  Or.  pro  Muren.  14. — De 
prov.  cons.  8.— Brut.  47.— Phil.  11,  l.—Plin.  H.  N.  33,  11.— Lit.  37, 
58.— Id.  38,  55.— Id.  39.  44. 

SERTOklus,  Quintus,  a  celebrated  Roman  commander.  He  distin- 
guished himself  at  first  at  the  bar,  but  soon  .quitted  this  profession  to 
follow  the  career  of  arms.  Sertorius  made  his  first  campaign  under 
Caepio,  against  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  and  acted  against  the  same 
enemy,  under  Marius.  Entering  Rome,  at  a  subsequent  period,  with  this 
latter  commander,  he  could  not  but  condemn  his  conduct,  when  he  saw 
him  fill  the  city  with  carnage  and  desolation.  The  acts  of  Sylla,  in  like 
manner,  met  with  his  severest  censure.  Proscribed  by  this  latter  indi- 
vidual, he  fled  to  Spain,  about  78  B.  C.,  and  maintained  his  authority 
for  a  long  time  in  that  country  by  his  valour  and  address.  Here  he  soon 
found  himself  surrounded  by  a  numerous  body  of  Romans,  whom  the 
cruelty  of  Sylla  had  driven  from  home.  In  imitation  of  the  government 
established  at  Rome,  he  formed  a  senate  out  of  these  illustrious  exiles, 
and  presided  over  it  in  capacity  of  consul.  Every  effort  was  also  made 
by  him  to  civilize  the  native  tribes,  public  schools  were  established,  and 
the  young  Spaniards  of  the  higher  class  of  families  were  instructed  in  all 
the  arts  of  Greece  and  Rome.  In  order  to  strengthen  his  ascendancy 
over  the  lower  orders,  he  called  in  the  aid  of  superstition,  and  pretended 
to  have,  in  a  white  fawn,  which  he  said  had  been  given  him  by  Diana,  a 
sure  means  of  cornmunieatioh  with  the  gods,  and  the  organ  of  their  will. 
The  Romans,  alarmed  at  the  progress  made  by  Sertorius,  exerted  their 
utmost  endeavours  to  overthrow  his  r<>wer.  Four  armies,  however,  sent 
in  succession  against  him,  were  defeated,  and  even  Pompey  himself  had 
birt  little  of  which  to  boast.  Metellus  also,  who  had  been  despatched  to 
co-operate  with.  Pompey  found  himself  foiled  and  baffled,  and  though 
after  uniting  their  forces,  they  succeeded  in  defeating  Sertorius  at  Sagun- 
tum,  yet  a  short  time  after,  he  was  as  powerful  and  active  an  opponent 
as  ever.  Mithridates,  of  Pontus,  now  formed  a  league  with  Sertorius, 
by  which  'he  engaged  to  supply  him  with  3000  talents  and  forty  galleys, 
and  to 'cede  to  him  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia.  Their  plan  was  to  attack 
the  empire  simultaneously  on  the  east  and  west.  This  treaty  inspired 
the  Romans  with  fresh  alarm,  and  the  most  vigorous  efforts  were  made 
to  crush  the  enemy  in  Spain.  Private  treachery,  however,  was  more 
successful  than  their  arms,  and  the  assassination  of  Sertorius  by  the  hand 
of  Perperna,  one  of  his  own  officers,  delivered  Rome  from  one  of  her 
most  formidable  foes.  Sertorius  merits  the  greatest  praises  for  his  dis- 
interestedness and  love  of  justice,  and  in  military  talents  deserves  to  be 
ranked  above  all  his  contemporaries.  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  29,  seq. — Flor. 
3,  21.— Fa/.  Max.  1,  2.—Plut.  Vit.  Sert.,  &c. 

SERVILIUS,  Caius,  Vid.  Ahala. 

SERVILIUS,  Publiuf.  surnamed  Isauricus,  from  his  conquest  of  Isauria, 
neld  the  consulship  B.  C.  79.  He  was  one  of  the  advocates  of  tha 
Manilian  law.  Or.  pro  Mtinil.  L.  23. — In  Verr.  1,  21. — Agr.  2,  19. 

SEXTIUS,  Publius,  was  quaestor  to  the  consul  Antonius  in  Macedonia. 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  491 

Sextiua  also  filled  the  office  of  tribune,  and  while  acting  in  this  capacity 
was  very  instrumental  in  procuring  Cicero's  recall  from  banishment.  An 
accusation  was  afterward  brought  against  him,  which  was  in  fact  a  con- 
sequence of  his  interposition  in  favour 'of  the  illustrious  exile  ;  for,  when 
about  to  propose  his  recall  to  the  people,  he  was  violently  attacked  bj 
the  Clodian  faction,  and  left  for  dead  in  the  street.  His  enemies,  how- 
ever, though  obviously  the  aggressors,  accused  him  of  vie  fence  and  ol 
exciting  a  tumult.  Against  this  charge  he  was- defended  by  Cicero  in 
»ne  of  the  longest  and  most  elaborate  of  his  harangues ;  which  has 
moreover  come  down  to  our  times.  Or.  in  Cat.  1,  8. — Ep.  ad  Fam.  1, 
9. — Or.  pro  Sext. 

SILANUS,  Decimus  Junius,  held  the  office  of  consul  with  Licinius 
Murena,  B.  C.  64.  They  succeeded  Cicero  and  Antonius.  Being  con- 
suls elect,  when  the  case  of  Catiline  and  his  associates  came  before  the 
senate,  Silanus  was  asked  his  opinion  first,  respecting  the  punishment 
of  those  who  had  been  arrested,  and  was  in  favour  of  their  being  put  to 
death.  Subsequently,  however,  he  embraced  the  opinion  of  Tiberius 
Nero,  who  was  for  strengthening  the  guards  and  adjourning  over  the 
debate  to  another  day.  -  Sallust.  B.  C.  50. 

SILVANUS,  the  author  of  the  Plautian  law.      Vid.  Legal  Index. 

STATILIUS,  Lucius,  one  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline.  Or.  in  Cat. 
3,3.  > 

SYLLA,  Lucius  Cornelius,  a  Roman  nobleman,  who  served  at  first 
under  Marius.  His  activity  and  address  contributed  greatly  to  bring  the 
Jugurthine  war  to  a  successful  termination.  Marius  became,  at  last,  jeal- 
ous of  Sylla's  merit,  and  hence  originated  that  quarrel  between  them 
which  was  productive  of  the  most  enormous  cruelties,  and  contributed  to 
the  final  extinction  of  Roman  liberty.  Being  sent  to  Asia,  to  restrain  the 
power  of  Mithridates,  though  under  a  different  pretext,  he  proved  him- 
self both  a  brave  soldier  and  an  able  general.  On  his  return,  he.  dis- 
played his  military  talents  to  great  advantage  in  the  Social  war.  So 
strongly  were  his  soldiers  attached  to  him,  that  when  two  tribunes  were 
sent  to  take  command  of  his  army,  and  give  it  to  Marius,  they  stoned 
them  to  death.  Marius,  in  revenge,  put  Sylla's  friends  in  the  city  to  the 
sword,  upon  which  the  latter  marched  to  Rome,  and  compelled  Marius  to 
flee.  The  horrid  proscription  now  began.  A  price  was  set  upon  the 
head  of  Marius,  but  he  effected  his  escape.  Sylla  then  set  out  against 
Mithridates,  defeated  his  armies  vmder  different  generals,  and  concluded 
a  peace  with  him  on  very  advantageous  terms.  Marius  and  Cinna  rrav- 
ing  butchered  many  of  Sylla's  friends  at  Rome,  he  returned  to  Italy  to 
avenge  their  deaths.  On  his  arrival,  his  conduct  was  marked  by  clem- 
ency and  moderation  ;  but  no  sooner  were  his  enemies  wholly  within  his 
power,  than  he  committed  the  most  enormous  and  barbarous  acts  of 
cruelty.  To  aggrandise  himself,  to  exalt  the  patricians,-  and  to  glut  his 
desire  of  revenge  upon  his  enemies,  induced  Sylla  to  assume  the  reins 
of  absolute  government.  He  corrected  the  abuses  introduced  by  popular 
and  unprincipled  demagogues,  restored  the  ancient  laws,  and  enacted 
many  that  were  salutary  and  beneficial.  Still,  tyranny  marked  his  whole 
conduct,  and  rendered  his  administration  a  scene  of  terror,  by  his  per- 
sonal enmities  and  insufferable  despotism*  Desire  of  revenge  was  a 
stronger  passion  in  the  mind  of  Sylla  than  love  of  power.  After  glutting 
his  vengeance  with  the  blood  of  thousands,  and  governing  with  despotic 


492  HISTORICAL    INDEX. 

authority  for  three  years,  he  resigned  the  reins  ol  power,  and  lived  un- 
disturbed as  a  private  citizen.  He  died  in  great  torment  of  the  morbus 
pedicularis,  in  the  60th  year  of  his  age,  about  78,  B.  C.  The  perpetual 
intoxication  to  which  he  had  recourse,  to  avoid  the  horrors  of  a  guilty 
conscience,  contributed  to  has'ten  his  death.  Plut.  Vit.  Syll. 

SYLLA,  Cornelius  Faustus,  son  of  the  preceding,  followed  the  party 
of  Pompey,  joined  Cato  in  Africa  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  and  was 
put  to  death  by  Caesar  after  the  battle  of  Thapsus.  Liv.  Epit.  114.  — 
Cic.  in  Vat.  23.—  Plin.  If.  N.  19,  I. 

SULPICIUS,  Caius,  held  the  praetorship  while  Cicero  was  consul.  Or. 
in  Cat.  3,  3. 

SDLPICIUS,  Servius,  an  eminent  Roman  lawyer,  the  accuser  of  Mu- 
rena,  and  his  competitor  in  suing  for  the  consulship.  He  was  afterward 
consul  with  M.  Marcellus,  and  on  laying  down  this  office  obtained  the 
government  of  Achaia.  In  the  civil  contest  he  sided  with  Caesar.  We 
have  an  elegant  epistle  of  his  remaining,  in  which  he  seeks  to  console 
Cicero  for  the  loss  of  his  daughter  Tullia.  Or.  pro  Muren.  3.  —  Ep.  ad 
Fam.  8,  6.  —  Ibid.  4,  3,  seq.  —  Ep.  ad  Alt.  9,  19,  &c. 

SULPICIUS,  Servius,  son  of  the  preceding,  and  one  of  the  assistant 
accusers  of  Murena.  He  was  tribune  of  the  commons,  A.  U.  C.  706. 
Or.  pro  Muren. 

T. 


S,  a  Greek  historian,  a  native  of  Mitylene,  very  intimate 
with  Pornpey,  whose  life  he  wrote,  and  who  on  his  account  granted  great 
privileges  to  the  Mityleneans.  It  was  in  accordance  with  the  advice  of 
Theophanes,  that  Pompey  betook  himself  to  Egypt,  after  the  battle  of 
Pharsalia.  Or.  pro  Arch.  10.  —  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  18.  —  Pint.  Vit.  Pomp. 
—  Tacit.  Ann.  6,  18.- 

TIGRANES,  king  of  Armenia,  B.  C.  95  —  60,  of  the  family  of  Artaxia, 
and  son-in-law  of  Mithridates  the  Great.  He  was  defeated  by  Lucullus, 
and  his  capital  taken.  Tigranes  subsequently  obtained  peace  from  Pom- 
pey on  the  most  humiliating  terms.  Or.  pro  Manil.  L.  2.  —  Vol.  Max. 
5,  1.—  Veil.  Paterc.  2,  33.—  Justin.  40,  I.—  Plut.  Vit.  Lucull.—Id. 
Vit.  Pomp. 

TONGILIUS,  one  of  the  dissolute  accomplices  of  Catiline.  Or.  in 
Cat.  2,  2. 

TORQUATUS,  Lucius,  was  consul  with  Cotta.  A.  U.  C.  689.  He  oo- 
tained  the  province  of  Macedonia,  through  the  aid  of  Cicero,  and  was 
honoured  by  the  senate  with  the  title  of  Imperator.  Or.  in  Cat.  3,  8.  — 
Agr.  2,  17.—  In  Pis.  19,  &e. 

TP.IARIUS,  one  of  the  lieutenants  of  Lucullus,  in  the  Mithridatic  war. 
Being  informed,  on  one  occasion,  of  the  approach  of  Lucullus,  and  being 
desirous  of  seizing  the  victory  which  he  thought  perfectly  secure,  he 
hazarded  and  lost  a  great  battle.  Above  seven  thousand  Romans  were 
killed,  among  whom  were  a  hundred  and  fifty  centurions  and  twenty-four 
tribunes.  Mithridates  likewise  took  his  camp.  Plut.  Vit.  Lucull.  35. 

TUBEEO,  Quintus  Aelius,  nephew  on  the  half-sister's  side  to  Africanus 
the  younger.  He  was  attached  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Stoic  sect,  and 
displayed  his  firmness  on  one  occasion,  in  deciding  against  Africanus, 
when  a  case  in  which  that  illustrious  individual  was  a  party,  had  como 


HISTORICAL    INDEX.  493 

before  him  as  judge.  He  signalized  himself  also  by  his  zeal  against 
Caius  Gracchus,  and  prepared  some  harangues  against  him.  Or.  pro 
Mureti.  36. — Consult  note  20,  page  127,  and  note  3,  page  128 

U. 

UMBRENUS,  Publius,  a  freedrnan,  who  engaged  in  the  conspiracy  of 
Catiline,  and  endeavoured  to  prevail  opon  the  ambassadors  of  the  Allo- 
ftroges  to  take  part  in  that  affair.  He  was  committed  to  prison  on  the 
4iscovery  of  the  plot,  and  most  probably  punished  with  death.  Sallust. 
B.  C.  40. 

V. 

VOLTURCIUS,  Lucius,  one  of  the  accomplices  of  Catiline,  who  under- 
took, along  with  C.  Cornelius,  to  murder  Cicero  at  his  own  house.  The 
consul  was  apprised  of  his  danger  by  Curius,  through  Fulvia,  and  they 
were  refused  admittance.  Sallust  calls  Vargunteius  a  senator,  whereas 
Cicero  says  they  were  both  knights.  Vargunteius,  probably,  though  a 
senator,  was  of  equestrian  origin.  Sallust.  B.  C.  28. — Or.  in  Cat.  1,  4 

Z. 

ZENO,  the  famous  founder  of  the  Stoic  sect,  was  born  at  Citium,  in 
Cyprus.  He  came  to  A  thens  when  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and  first 
attended  the  lectures  of  Crates  the  Cynic.  He  afterward  passed  to  the 
schools  of  Xenocrates  and  Diodorus  Chronus,  and  finally  to  that  of  Po- 
lemo.  Having  made  himself  master  of  the  tenets  of  others,  Zeno  deter- 
Hiined  to  become  the  founder  of  a  new  sect.  The  place  which  he  made 
choice  of  for  his  school,  was  called  the  Poectie,  (IL>i<c<A';)  or  "  Painted 
Porch,"  a  public  portico  so  called  from  the  pictures  of  Polvgnotus  and 
other  eminent  painters  with  which  it  was  adorned.  This  portico,  which 
was  the  most  famous  in  Athens,  was  called,  by  way  of  excellence,  £TO«, 
or  "  the  Porch,"  and  hence  the  followers  of  Zeno  were  called  Stoics, 
i.  e.  "  men  of  the  porch."  Zeno  lived  to  the  extreme  age  of  ninety- 
eight,  and  at  last,  in  consequence  of  an  accident,  voluntarily  put  an  end 
to  his  life.  As  he  was  walking  out  of  his  school,  he  fell  down,  and  broke 
one  of  his  fingers  ;  upon  which  he  was  so  much  affected  with  a  conscious- 
ness of  infirmity,  that,  striking  the  earth,  he  said,  ''  Why  am  I  thus  im- 
portuned 1  I  obey  thy  summons  ;"  and  immediately  went  home  and 
strangUid  himself.  He  died  B.  C.  264. — The  Stoic  philosophy  was  as 
it  were  af  heterogeneous  origin,  its  founder  having  attended  upon  many 
emint'ii  preceptors,  and  having  compiled  his  system  out  of  their  various 
^o.net"  Cicero  says,  that  Zeno  was  not  so  much~an  inventor  of  new 
«nirJoi»  is  of  new  terms.  Enfield.  Hist.  PhUo*.  vol.  1,  p.  315,  seqtf. 

42 


GEOGRAPHICAL  INDEX. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  INDEX. 


A. 

A.CHAIA,  I.  A  country  of  the  Peloponnesus,  lying  along  the  Smua 
Corinthiacus,  to  the  north  of  Elis  and  Arcadia.  It  gave  name  to  the 
famous  Achaean  league,  of  later  Grecian  history .-^-11.  A  Roman  prov- 
ince, embracing,  besides  Achaia  proper,  all  the  rest  of  the  Peloponnesus, 
together  with  all  the  country  north  of  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  excepting 
Thessaly,  Epirus  and  Macedonia.  This  province  was  formed  after  the 
fall  of  Corinth  and  the  destruction  of  the  Achaean  league. 

AEGAEUM  MARE,  that  part  of  the  Mediterranean  which  lay  between 
Greece  and  Asia  Minor ;  now  the  Archipelago.  The  modern  name 
appears  to  be  formed  from  Egio  Pelago,  which  is  itself  a  corruption  of 
Aiyaior  iri\ayas. 

AETOLIA,  a  country  of  Greece,  to  the  east  of  Acarnania.  Aetolia  first 
began  to  acquire  a  degree  of  importance  among  the  other  states  of 
Greece,  after  having  repelled  the  formidable  Gallic  irruption,  when  these 
barbarians  had  penetrated  into  its  territories.  It  is  rarely,  however,  that 
history  has  to  record  achievements,  or  acts  of  policy,  honourable  to  the 
Aetolians.  Unjust,  rapacious,  and  without  faith  or  religion,  they  attached 
themselves  to  whatever  side  the  hope  of  gain  and  plunder  allured  them. 
The  Aetolians  are  memorable  in  Grecian  history  for  having  afforded  the 
Romans,  by  their  alliance,  the  first  opportunity  of  interfering  in  the  affairs 
of  Greece.  They  perceived  their  error  when  it  was  too  late,  and  fell 
with  the  rest  of  their  countrymen  under  the  yoke  of  Rome. 

ALLOBROGES,  a  people  of  Gaul,  between  the  Isara,  or  Isere,  and  the 
Rhodanus,  or  Rhone,  in  the  country  answering  to  Dauphintl,  Piedmont, 
and  Savoy.  Their  chief  city  was  Vienna,  now  Vienne,  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhodanus,  thirteen  miles  below  Lugdunum,  or  Lyons.  They 
were  reduced  beneath  the  Roman  sway  by  Fabius  Maximus,  who  was 
hence  honoured  with  the  surname  of  Allobrogicus.  Their  name  is  said  to 
mean  "  Highlanders,"  from  At,  "  high,"  and  Broga,  "  land."  (Thierry, 
Hist,  des  Gauloig,  vol.  2,  p.  168,  seqq. — Adelung,  Mithridates,  rol. 
2,  p.  50.) 

A  MISUS,  a  city  of  Pontus,  on  the  coast  of  the  EuT  jie,  northwest  from 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Iris.     It  was  founded  by    .  colony  of  Milesians, 
was  the  largest  city  in  Pontus  next  to  Siuope  and  was  made  by  Phar- 
naces  the  metropolis  of  his  kingdom.     It  is  now  called  Samsoun. 
4S~  42* 


498  GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX. 


,  a  celebrated  city  of  Syria,  built  by  Seleucus  Nicator,  .n 
memory  of  his  father  Antiochus,  and  deriving  its  name  from  him.  It  was 
situate  on  the  river  Orontes,  about  twenty  miles  from  its  mouth,  and  was 
equidistant  from  Constantinople  and  Alexandria,  being  about  700  miles 
from  each.  It  is  now  Antakia,  and  has  suffered  severely  in  modem 
times  from  earthquakes. 

APENNINI,  a  large  chain  of  mountains,  branching  off  from  the  roan- 
time  Alps,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Genoa,  running  diagonally  from  the 
Ligurian  gulf  (Gulf  of  Genoa)  to  the  Adriatic,  in  the  vicinity  of  Ancona, 
thence  continuing  nearly  paraUp)  with  the  latter  gulf,  as  far  as  the  pro- 
montory of  Garganus,  and  again  inclining  to  the  Mare  Inferum,  till  it 
finally  terminates  in  the  promontory  of  Leucopetra  at  Rhegium.  The 
Apennines  may  be  equal  in  length  to  670  miles. 

APPII  FORUM,  Vid.  Forum  Appii. 

APPIA  VIA,  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Roman  roads,  both  on  account 
of  its  length,  and  the  difficulties  which  it  was  necessary  to  overcome  in 
its  construction.  It  was  hence  called  the  "  Queen  of  the  Roman  Ways," 
Regina  Viarum,  (Stat.  Sylv.  2,  2.)  According  to  Livy  (9,  29)  it  was 
made  by  the  censor  Appius  Caecus,  and  at  first  was  only  laid  down  as 
far  as,  Capua,  a  distance  of  about  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  miles.  From 
Capua  it  was  subsequently  carried  on  to  Beneventum,  and  finally  to 
Brundisium,  when  this  port  became  the  great  place  of  resort  for  those 
who  were  desirous  of  crossing  over  into  Greece  and  Asia  Minor.  This 
latter  part  of  the  Appian  way  is  supposed  to  have  been  constructed  by 
the  consul  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  grandson  of  Caecus,  A.  U.  C.  504, 
and  to  have  been  completed  by  another  consul,  of  the  same  family,  thirty- 
six  years  after.  According  to  Eustace,  such  parts  of  the  Appian  Way, 
as  have  escaped  destruction,  show  few  traces  of  wear  and  decay  after  a 
a  duration  of  two  thousand  years  and  upward.  The  same  writer  states 
the  average  breadth  of  the  road  in  question  at  from  18  to  22  feet. 
(Eustace,  Class.  Tour.  vol.  3,  p.  177.) 

ARMENIA,  a  large  country  of  Asia,  answering  nearly  to  the  modern 
Turcomania  ;  lying  southeast  of  mount  Caucasus,  and  comprehending 
the  Turkish  pachalics  of  Erze  Roum,  Kars,  and  Van,  and  also  the  Per- 
sian province  of  Iran  or  Erivan.  It  was  a  rough,  mountainous  country, 
having  Caucasus  in  part  for  its  northern  boundary,  and  being  traversed 
by  branches  of  mount  Taurus.  The  climate  was  cold,  the  soil  only 
moderately  fertile,  and  better  fitted  for  grazing  than  for  agriculture.  — 
Armenia  Minor  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates,  and  formed  origi 
nally  part  of  Cappadocia. 

ASIA,  one  of  the  divisions  of  the  ancient  world.  The  name  was  ap- 
plied by  Homer,  and  Herodotus,  to  a  district  of  Lydia  watered  by  the 
Cayster.  As  their  geographical  knowledge  of  the  continent  increased, 
the  Greeks  extended  the  appellation  to  the  whole  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
eventually  to  the  other  extensive  countries  of  the  east.  When  the  Ro- 
man writers  refer  to  Asia,  specially,  they  mean  the  Roman  province  in 
Asia  Minor,  containing  Mysia,  Lydia,  Caria,  and  Phrygia. 

AURELIA  VIA,  a  Roman  road,  which  followed  the  whole  length  of  the 
Etrurian  and  Ligunar  coasts,  and  led  into  Gaul  by  the  Alpes  Maritimae. 
It  was  made  by  the  consul  Aurelius,  about  605  A.  U.  C.,  and  from  him 
was  called  Via  Aurelia.  It  seems  to  have  been  laid  down  in  the  first 
'nstance  from  Rome  to  Pisa,  from  which  point  it  was  subsequently  con 


GEOGRAPHICAL     INDEX.  499 

tinued  under  the  name  of  the  Via  Aemilia,  by  the  consul  Aemilius 
Scaurus,  as  far  as  Vada  Sabata :  here  it  left  the  coast,  and  led  as  far  as 
Dertona,  now  Tortona.  At  a  later  period,  however,  it  was  carried  along 
the  coast  to  the  Maritime  Alps,  and  even  beyond  them  into  Gaul  as  far 
as  Arelate,  now  Aries  ;  when  the  name  of  Via  Aurelia,  as  we  find  from 
the  Itinerary  of  Antoninus,  was  commonly  used  to  designate  the  route 
between  that  city  and  Rome.  Cramer's  Ana.  Italy,  vol.  1,  p.  35,  seq<j 
-Compare  GdVs  Rome  and  its  Vicinity,  vol.  2,  p.  68. 

B 

BITHYNIA,  a  country  of  Asia  Minor,  bounded  on  the  north  by  tne 
Euxine,  on  the  south  by  Phrygia,  on  the  east  by  Paphlagonia  and  part 
of  Galatia,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Propontis  and  Mysia.  It  was  a  well- 
watered  and  fruitful  country.  The  earlier  name  was  Bebrycia ;  the 
Bithyni,  from  Thrace,  gave  it  the  appellation  of  Bithynia. 

BOSPORUS,  a  name  given  in  ancient  geography  to  two  straits,  known 
as  the  Thracian  Bosporus,  and  Cimmerian  Bosporus.  The  former  of 
these  is  now  the  straits  of  Constantinople ;  and  the  latter  the  straits  of 
Jenicali.  The  name  is  thought  to  indicate  the  passage  of  agricultural 
knowledge  from  east  to  west,  (0oSs  vopos,  i.  e.  "  the  passage  of  the  ox.") 

BRUNDISIUM,  a  celebrated  city  on  the  coast  of  Apulia,  in  the  territory 
of  the  Calabri.  By  the  Greeks  it  was  called  Bpevrfctov,  a  word  which  in 
the  Messapian  language  signified  a  stag's  head,  from  the  resemblance 
which  its  different  harbours  and  creeks  bore  to  the  antlers  of  that  animal. 
The  advantageous  situation  of  its  harbour,  for  communicating  with  the 
opposite  coast  of  Greece,  naturally  rendered  Brundisium  a  place  of  great 
resort,  and  it  soon  became  a  formidable  rival  to  Tarentum.  In  Roman 
times  it  was  the  usual  place  of  embarkation  for  Greece  and  Asia.  Here 
the  Appian  Way  ended.  The  modern  name  of  the  place  is  Brindisi. 

C. 

CAIETA,  a  town  and  harbour  of  Latium,  southeast  of  the  promontory 
of  Circeii.  The  Roman  poets  fabled  that  Caieta,  nurse  of  Aeneas,  was 
buried  here,  whence  the  name  of  the  place.  According  to  Strabo,  how- 
ever, it  comes  from  a  Laconian  term,  na'Carra,  denoting  a  hollow  or  cav- 
ity, in  allusion  perhaps  to  a  receding  of  the  shore  in  this  quarter.  It  is 
now  Gaeta.  The  harbour  of  Caieta  was  considered  one  of  the  finest  and 
most  :ommodious  in  Italy. 

CAMPUS  MARTIUS,  a  large  plain  without  the  city  of  Rome,  where 
martial  sports  and  exercises  were  performed,  and  assemblies  of  the  people 
often  held.  At  the  present  day  it  forms  the  principal  situation  of  modern 
Rome,  and  according  to  modern  authorities  lies  at  the  foot  of  the  Pin- 
cian,  Quirinal,  and  Capitoline  hills.  Burgess,  Antiquities  of  Rome,  vol. 
1,  p.  59. 

CAPPADOCIA,  a  country  of  Asia  Minor,  bounded  on  the  north  by  Ga- 
latia and  Pontus,  east  by  the  Euphrates,  south  by  Cilicia,  and  west  by 
Phrygia.  Its  eastern  part  was  called  Armenia  Minor.  The  Cappado- 
cians  were  regarded  as  of  a  dull  and  submissive  disposition,  and  their 
anoral  character  did  not  rank  very  highly. 

CARTHAGO,  a  celebrated  commercial  city  of  Africa,  and  the  rival,  for 


500  GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX. 

a  long  period,  of  the  Roman  power.  It  was  founded  by  a  colony  from 
Tyre,  according  to  the  common  account,  B.  C.  878.  The  Greeks  called 
it  Kap^i;Jc.j>',  and  the  inhabitants  ~K.ap^rjS6vioi.  The  name  of  the  city  in 
Punic  was  Carlhada,  or  Carlha  Hadath,  i.  e.  "  the  new  city,"  in  con- 
tra-distinction  perhaps  to  the  old  or  parent  city  of  Tyre.  Carthage  was 
situate  on  a  peninsula,  in  the  recess  of  a  spacious  bay,  formed  by  the 
promontory  Hermaeum,  now  Cape  Bon,  on  the  east,  and  that  of  Apollo, 
Cape  Zibb,  on  the  west.  The  river  Bagradas  flows  into  the  bay,  be- 
tween the  remains  of  Utica  and  the  peninsula.  The  modern  name  of  this 
river  is  the  Meierda.  Being  an  inundating  stream,  like  the  Nile,  it  has 
caused  many  changes  in  the  bay.  The  circuit  of  Carthage  was  23  miles, 
and  when  it  was  set  on  fire  by  the  Romans,  at  the  close  of  the  third 
Punic  war,  it  burnt  for  seventeen  days.  ,  Julius  Caesar  planted  a  small 
colony  on  t,he  ruins  of  Carthage.  Augustus  sent  three  thousand  men 
thither,  and  built  a  city  at  a  small  distance  from  the  spot  on  which  the 
ancient  place  had  stood,  thus  avoiding  the  ill  effects  of  the  imprecations, 
which  had  been  pronounced  by  the  Romans,  according  to  custom,  at  the 
time  of  its  destruction,  against  those  who  should  rebuild  it.  This  later 
Carthage  was  taken  by  Genseric,  A.  D.  439,  and  it  was  for  more  than  a 
century  the  seat  of  the  Vandal  power  in  Africa.  It  was  at  last  destroyed 
by  the  Saracens,  during  the  caliphate  of  Abdel  Melek,  towards  the  end 
of  the  seventh  century,  and  but  very  few  traces  of  it  now  remain. 

CHII,  the  natives  of  the  island  of  Chios,  now  Scio.  It  was  situate  in 
the  Aegean  sea,  between  Lesbos  and  Samos,  off  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor, 
and  was  probably  once  connected  with  the  main  land,  from  which  it  is 
separated  by  a  strait  only  three  leagues  wide.  The  wine  of  this  island 
was  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  ancients  ;  its  marble  also  was  in  much 
repute.  Modern  Scio,  until  the  late  dreadful  ravages  of  the  Turks,  con- 
tained 115,000  inhabitants,  nearly  all  Greeks,  and  was  the  best  cultivated 
and  most  flourishing  island  in  the  Archipelago. 

CILICIA,  a  country  of  Asia  Minor,  on  the  seacoast,  south  of  Cappa 
docia  and  Lycaonia.  It  was  surrounded  inland  by  steep  and  rugged 
mountains,  so  that  a  few  men  might  defend  it  against  a  whole  army,  there 
being  but  three  narrow  passes  leading  into  it.  The  country  was  divided 
into  rugged  and  level  Cilicia,  (Trachea  and  Campestris.)  The  former 
was  subsequently  considered  as  a  termination  of  Isauria.  The  latter 
was  one  of  the  most  fruitful  provinces  of  Asia,  excepting  the  western 
part,  which,  however,  though  barren,  was  famed  for  its  horses.  Cilicia 
was  the  main  seat  of  the  formidable  piratical  power,  which  was  finally 
crushed  by  Pompey,  after  having  afforded  so  much  trouble  to  the  Ro- 
mans and  been  the  occasion  of  so  much  disgrace  to  them. 

CIMBKI,  a  German  nation,  supposed  to  have  been  descended  from  the 
Asiatic  Cimmerians,  and  occupying  what  was  called  Chersonesus  Cim- 
brica,  now  Jutland.  About  113,  B.  C.,  the  Cimbri,  leaving  their  terri- 
tories, which  were  both  narrow  and  barren,  and  being  joined  by  the 
Teutones,  or  rather  by  several  German  nations,  under  this  general  name, 
moved  through  the  intervening  countries,  entered  and  overran  Gaul,  and 
defeated  four  Roman  armies  in  succession.  Marius  at  last,  Jn  his  second 
consulship,  was  chosen  to  carry  on  the  war.  He  met  the  Teutones  at 
Aquae  Sextiae,  in  Gaul,  and  after  a  bloody  engagement,  left  20,000  of 
the  enemy  dead  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  took  90,000  prisoners.  The 
Oiinbri,  who  had  formed  another  army,  had  already  penetrated  into  It?'v 


GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX.  501 

where  they  were  met  at  the  river  Athesis,  by  Marius  and  his  colleague 
Catulus,  a  year  after.  An  engagement  ensued,  and,  if  we  believe  an- 
cient accounts,  140,000  were  slain.  Those  who  escaped  the  sword  of 
Marius  settled  in  that  part  of  the  Alps  called  Sette  Commune,  where  their 
descendants  still  retain  the  Teutonic  language,  and  a  traditional  account 
of  their  origin.  They  keep  themselves  quite  separate  from  the  surround- 
ing states,  by  which  means  they  have  preserved  the  language  of  their 
ancestors,  in  a  great  degree,  uncorrupted.  The  late  king  of  Denmark 
visited  these  Alpine  Cimbrians,  and  readily  conversed  with  them  when 
both  parties,  speaking  their  native  language  understood  each  other. 

COLCHIS,  a  country  of  Asia,  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean. It  is  now  in  part  Mingrelia.  According  to  Strabo,  it  was  a 
productive  country.  Its  linen  manufacture  was  in  high  repute.  Colchis 
was  famous  for  the  expedition  of  the  Argonauts,  and  for  having  been  the 
native  country  of  Medea. 

COLOPHONII,  the  inhabitants  of  Colophon,  a  city  of  Ionia,  near  the  sea, 
northwest  of  Ephesus.  The  Colophonians  were  famed  for  their  cavalry, 
and  so  excellent  in  fact  were  they,  that  they  generally  turned  the  scale 
on  the  side  on  which  they  fought,  and  hence  the  proverb,  K0Xa^u»a  im- 
nOlvai,  "  to  add  a  Colophonian,"  i.  e.  to  put  the  finishing  hand  to  an 
affair.  This  was  one  of  the  places  that  claimed  to  have  given  birth  to 
Homer. 

COMANA,  a  town  of  Pontus,  on  the  Iris,  south  east  of  Arnasea,  now 
Almons.  There  was  another  place  of  the  same  name  in  Cappadocia,  ou 
the  Sarus,  now  El  Bostan.  Both  were  famous  for  temples  of-  Bellona, 
but  especially  the  latter  of  the  two,  Strabo  makes  the  goddess  wor- 
shipped at  these  places  to  have  been  Venus  ;  and  Procopius,  the  Tauric 
Diana.  The  temple  of  the  Cappadocian  Comana,  which  was  famed  for 
its  riches,  was  plundered  by  Mark  Antony.  Each  place  is  said  to  have 
had  6000  ministers,  of  both  sexes,  and  the  high  priest  was  next  in  au- 
thority to  the  monarch  of  the  land,  and  was  generally  a  member  of  tlw 
royal  family. 

CORINTHUS,  a  celebrated  city  of  Greece,  situate  on  the  isthmus  of  the 
same  name.  Commanding  by  its  position  the  Ionian  and  Aegean  seas, 
and  holding  as  it  were  the  keys  of  the  Peloponnesus,  Corinth,  from  the 
pre-eminent  advantages  of  its  situation,  was  already  the  seat  of  opulence 
and  the  arts  while  the  rest  of  Greece  was  sunk  in  comparative  obscurity 
and  barbarism.  The  arts  of  painting  and  sculpture  attained  to  the  high- 
est perfection  here,  and  rendered  this  city  the  ornament  of  Greece,  until 
it  was  stripped  by  the  rapacity  of  its  Roman  conquerors.  After  its  over  • 
throw  by  Mummius,  Corinth  remained  for  many  years  in  ruins,  unti" 
Julius  Caesar,  not  long  before  his  death,  sent  a  numerous  colony  thither 
by  which  it  was  once  more  raised  from  its  fallen  state.  It  became  sub- 
sequently once  more  a  large  and  flourishing  city. — Corinth  was  famed 
for  its  harbours,  of  which  it  had  three,  Lechaeum  on  the  Corinthian  gulf, 
and  Cenchreae  and  Schoenus  on  the  Saronic. — This  city  was  celebrated 
for  what  was  termed  the  "  Corinthian  brass,"  a  metallic  mixture  nearly 
resembling  aurichalcum.  The  common  account  is,  that  when  Corinth 
was  destroyed  by  the  Romans,  all  the  metals  that  were  in  the  city  melted 
and  mixed  together  during  the  conflagration,  and  formed  the  composition 
in  question.  Klaproth  and  others  very  properly  reject  the  whole  accoun 
as  fabulous. 


502  GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX. 

CORDUBA,  now  Cordova,  a  city  of  Hispania  Baetica,  on  the  river  Baetis. 
It  was  the  native  place  of  both  the  Senecas  and  of  Lucan. 

GRETA,  now  Candia,  one  of  the  largest  islands  of  the  Mediterranean, 
lying  to  the  south  of  all  the  Cyclades.  Crete  was  famous  for  its  code 
of  laws,  the  gift  of  Minos,  from  which  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus  were 
closely  copied.  The  private  character  of  the  Cretans,  however,  was  any 
thing  but  fair,  and  they  were  chargeable  with  the  grossest  immorality 
and  the  most  hateful  vices. 

CYZICUS,  a  city  of  Mysia,  situate  on  an  island,  or  according  to  others 
the  neck  of  a  peninsula.  It  was  a  very  flourishing  commercial  place,  and 
is  called  by  Florus  the  Rome  of  Asia.  The  coinage  of  this  city  was 
very  famous,  and  the  Kv^ixrivtn  ararijpes  were  so  beautifully  executed  that 
they  were  deemed  a  miracle  of  art.  Cyzicus  is  famous  for  its  siege  by 
Mithridates,  which  Lucullus  compelled  him  to  raise.  It  continued  a 
place  of  importance  until  a  late  period  ;  now,  however,  it  is  only  a  heap 
of  uninhabited  ruins. 


D. 

DELOS,  a  celebrated  island  in  the  Aegean  sea,  nearly  in  the  centre  of 
the  Cyclades,  and  the  natal  place  of  Apollo  and  Diana.  It  was  fabled  to 
have  been  originally  a  floating  island,  moving  to  and  fro  beneath  the 
surface  of  the  sea,  until  Neptune  ordered  it  to  appear  above  the  waves, 
and  remain  firmly  fixed,  in  order  to  receive  the  offspring  of  Latona  who 
was  about  to  become  a  mother.  Hence  the  name  Delos,  from  <?;;Aoy, 
"manifest."  The  fable  evidently  points  to  a  volcanic  origin  for  the 
island.  After  the  Persian  war,  the  Athenians  established  at  Delos  the 
treasury  of  the  Greeks,  and  ordered  that  all  meetings  relative  to  the  con- 
federacy should  be  held  there.  An  order,  however,  that  was  not  long 
acted  upon.  In  the  tenth  year  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  not  being  satis- 
fied with  the  purifications  which  the  island  had  previously  undergone,  in 
obedience  to  an  oracle,  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  contest,  the  same  power 
removed  the  entire  population  to  Adramythium,  where  they  obtained  a 
settlement  from  the  Persian  satrap  Pharnaces.  They  were  restored  to 
their  homes,  however,  after  the  battle  of  Amphipolis,  as  the  Athenians 
ascribed  their  ill  success  in  the  war  to  the  anger  of  the  god,  on  account 
of  their  treatment  of  the  Delians.  This  island  became  a  place  of  great 
commercial  importance  after  the  destruction  of  Corinth,  as  the  merchants 
who  had  frequented  that  city  then  withdrew  to  this  island,  which  afforded 
great  facilities  for  carrying  on  trade,  on  account  of  the  convenience  of 
its  port,  its  advantageous  situation  with  respect  to  the  coasts  of  Greece 
and  Asia  Minor,  as  well  as  from  the  great  concourse  of  people  who 
resorted  thither  during  the  period  of  the  stated  festivals.  It  fell  in  im- 
portance and  prosperity,  however,  during  the  Mithridatic  war,  for,  on  the 
occupation  of  Athens -by  the  generals  of  Mithridates,  they  sent  troops  to 
Delos,  and  committed  the  greatest  devastations,  in  consequence  of  the 
inhabitants  having  gone  over  to  the  Romans.  After  this  calamity  it 
femained  in  an  impoverished  and  deserted  state.  The  town  of  Delos 
was  situate  in  a  plain,  watered  by  the  little  river  Inopus.  The  island  is 
now  called  Ddo  or  Sdillc,  and  is  so  covered  with  ruins  as  to  admit  of 
.ittle  or  no  culture 


GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX.  503 

E. 

ECBATANA,  the  ancient  capital  of  Media,  now  Hammcdan.  The* 
editions  of  Cicero  had  {pro  Manil.  L.  4,)  Ecbatanis,  until  Matthiae, 
Orellius,  and  others  substituted  ac  litcr&s.  Consult  note  23,  page  73. 

ETRURIA,  a  large  country  of  Italy,  lying  north  and  west  of  the  Tiber. 
The  origin  of  the  Etrurian  nation  is  unknown,  although  many  erroneously 
suppose  the  basis  of  the  population  to  have  been  Celtic.  Their  civiliza- 
tion came  in  with  the  Tyrrheni,  who  appear  to  have  been  a  branch  of  tho 
Pelasgic  race,  and  to  have  migrated  from  the  shores  of  Lydia,  whence, 
according  to  Mu'ller,  they  were  driven  out  by  the  great  Ionic  migration. 
The  Etrurians  appear  to  have  been  quite  distinct  from  the  Greeks  in  both 
language  and  religion.  They  excelled  in  the  knowledge  of  augury  and 
sacrificial  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  the  Romans,  in  these  respects,  did 
little  more  than  borrow  from  them.  Etruria  was  divided  into  twelve 
states,  each  independent  of  the  other,  though  united  in  a  common  con- 
federacy, but  as  this  union  was  far  from  being  a  strong  one,  the  want  of 
a  closer  bond  contributed  very  materially  to  their  final  subjugation  by  the 
Romans. 

EURIPUS,  a  narrow  strait  dividing  Euboea  from  the  main  land  of 
Greece,  and  remarkable  for  the  fluctuation  of  its  waters.  Several  of  the 
indent  writers  have  reported  that  the  tide  in  this  strait  ebbed  and  flowed 
j=even  times  in  the  day,  and  such  too  was  the  popular  belief.  From  this 
rapid  movement  of  the  current,  the  Euripus  derived  its  ancient  name, 
<e»,  bene,  and  fiivTi*,  jiacw.)  Livy's  account,  however,  is  the  more 
rational.  "  A  more  dangerous  station  for  a  fleet,"  observes  this  writer, 
"  can  hardly  be  found  ;  besides  that  the  winds  rush  down  suddenly  and 
with  great  fury  from  the  high  mountains  on  either  side,  the  strait  itself 
of  the  Euripus  does  not  ebb  and  flow  seven  times  a  day,  at  stated  hours  ; 
but  the  current  changing  irregularly,  like  (he  wind,  from  one  point  to 
another,  is  hurried  along  like  a  torrent  tumbling  from  a  steep  mountain, 
so  that,  night  or  day,  ships  can  never  lie  quiet."  (itr.  28,  6.)  This 
strait  is  now  called,  by  a  corruption  of  the  ancient  name,  the  straits  of 
Xcgroponlc,  through  the  modern  Greek  mode  of  pronunciation,  (Evripo, 
Egripo,  Negroponte,)  at  least  such  is  the  common  opinion.  The  last 
change  from  Egripo  to  Negroponte  appears  to  owe  its  origin  to  a  nautical 
source,  just  as  mariners  sometimes  call  the  Archipelago  the  "  Arches," 
and  Corunna  in  Spain,  "  the  Groin.'' — Hobhouse  who  visited  the  Euri- 
ous,  compares  it  to  a  mill-race. 

F. 

FESCLAE  or  FAESULAE,  now  Fiesdi,  a  town  of  Italy,  in  Etruria,  south- 
cast  of  Pistoria.  Here  Catiline  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion.  The 
Goths,  when  they  entered  Italy,  under  the  consulate  of  Stilico  and  Au- 
relian  were  destroyed  in  the  vicinity  of  this  place.  In  modern  times  i« 
is  rather  a  ullage  than  a  town. 

FORUM  APPII,  a  town  of  Latium,  on  the  Appian  Way,  about  23  mm.* 
from  Aricia,  and  16  from  Tres  Tabernae.  It  is  mentioned  by  St.  Paul 
in  the  account  of  his  journey  to  Rome,  (Acts  28,  15,)  and  is  also  well 
known  as  Horace's  second  resting  place  m  his  journey  to  Brundisium. 
D'Anville  places  the  site  at  the  modem  Borgo  Lungo  near  Treponti 


504  GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX. 

FORUM  AuKEi.ii,  or  AURELIUM,  a  town  of  Etruria,  above  Tarquinn, 
on  the  Aurelian  way,  now  Montcdto. 

G. 

GALLIA,  an  extensive  country  of  Europe,  lying  between  the  Rhine,  tho 
Alps,  the  Mediterranean,  the  Pyrenees  and  the  ocean.  It  was  more  ex- 
tensive, therefore,  to  the  north  and  east  than  modern  France.  The  name 
Galli,  given  to  the  inhabitants  by  the  Roman  writers,  is  the  Celtic  term 
Gael,  Latinized.  The  Greeks  called  them  KtXrai,  and  their  country 
Kc\Tixii  and  FaA.mu. 

GALLIA  CITERIOR,  called  also  Gallia  Cisalpina,  a  name  given  by  the 
Romans  to  that  part  of  Italy,  which  lay  between  the  Alps,  and  the  rivers 
Rubicon  and  Macra.  It  was  occupied  by  various  Gallic  tribes,  which 
had  poured  over  the  Alps  into  this  extensive  tract  of  country.  Livy 
assigns  to  these  migrations  the  date  of  600  B.  C.  ;  but  in  ail  probability 
they  were  much  earlier. 

GALLIA  TRANSALPINA,  Gaul  beyond  the  Alps,  or  Gaul  Proper. 

GALLICUS  AGER,  a  name  applied  by  Cicero  to  Cisalpine  Gaul,  espe- 
cially that  part  of  it  from  which  the  Galli  Senones  had  been  driven  ou» 

,  H. 

HERACLEA,  a  city  of  Lucania,  in  lower  Italy,  situate  between  the 
Aciris  and  Siris.  It  was  founded  by  a  colony  of  Tarentines,  after  the 
'lestruction  of  the  ancient  city  of  Siris,  which  stood  at  the  mouth  of  the 
latter  river,  (B.  C.  428.)  This  city  is  rendered  remarkable  in  hislory, 
as  having  been  the  seat  of  the  general  council  of  the  Greek  states.  An- 
tiquaries seem  to  agree  in  fixing  its  site  at  Policoro. 

HISPANIA,  an  extensive  country,  forming  a  kind  of  peninsula,  in  the 
southwestern  part  of  Europe.  It  was  divided  into  Hispania  Cilerior  and 
Ulterior.  Hispania  Citerior  was  also  called  Tarraconensis,  from  Tar- 
raco,  now  Tarragona,  its  capital,  and  extended  from  the  foot  of  tiie 
Pyrenees  to  the  mouth  of  the  Durius,  (now  Douro,)  on  the  Atlantic 
shore,  comprehending  all  the  north  of  Spain,  together  with  the  south,  as 
far  as  a  line  drawn  below  Carthago  Nova  (now  Carthagena)  and  con- 
tinued in  an  oblique  direction  to  the  river  Durius,  passing  by  Salamantica, 
now  -Salamanca.  H;apania.  Ulterior  was  divided  into  two  provinces. 
Baetica,  in  the  south  of  Spain,  between  the  Anas,  (now  the  Guadiana.,) 
and  Citerior ;  and  above  it  Lusitania,  corresponding  in  a  great  measure, 
to  modern  Portugal.  Baetica  answers  to  modern  Andalusia. 

I. 

ILLYRICUM  MARE,  that  part  ojf  the  Adriatic  which  washes  the  shores 
of  Illyricum. 

ISAURIA,  a  country  of  Asia  Minor,  north  of,  and  adjacent  to  Pisidia. 
The  inhabitants  were  a  rude  mountaineer  race,  remarkable  for  the  vio- 
lence and  rapine  which  they  exercised  against  their  neighbours.  P. 
Servilius  derived,  from  his  reduction  of  this  people,  the  surname  of  Isau- 
ricus.  A  conformity  in  ihe  aspect  of  the  country,  which  was  rough  and 
mountainous,  caused  Cilicia  Trachea,  in  a  subsequent  age,  to  have  the 


GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX.  505 

name  of  Isauria  extended  to  it.  and  it  is  thus  denominated  in  the  notices 
of  the  eastern  empire 


LANCVICM,  a  town  of  Latium,  about  16  miles  from  Rome,  situate, 
according  to  Strabo,  to  the  right  of  the  Appian  Way,  and  oa  a  hill  com 
manding  an  extensive  prospect  towards  Antium  and  the  sea.  Lanuvium 
seems  to  have  been  treated  with  more  moderation  than  the  other  Latin 
towns,  when  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans  ;  for,  instead  of  being 
punished,  the  inhabitants  were  made  Roman  citizens,  and  their  privileges 
and  sacred  rights  were  preserved,  on  condition  that  the  temple  and  wor- 
ship of  Juno  Sospita,  which  were  held  in  great  veneration  in  their  city, 
should  be  common  to  the  Romans  also.  Lanuvium  then  became  a  mu- 
nicipium,  and  it  remained  ever  faithful  to  the  Romans,  particularly  in  the 
second  POnic  war.  Murena  was  a  native  of  this  place,  and  so  also  was 
Milo,  the  antagonist  of  Clodius.  The  famous  comedian  Roscius  was 
also  born,  or,  according  to  others  educated,  near  it.  The  ruins  of  La- 
nuvium still  bear  the  name  of  Civita  Lavinia,  or  Citta  delta  Vigna. 

LOCKI,  a  city  of  Magna  Graecia,  or  Southern  Italy,  near  the  Zephy- 
nan  promontory,  at  the  lower  extremity  of  Bruttium,  and  founded  by  a 
colony  of  Locrians  from  Greece.  This  city  was  mainly  indebted  for  its 

G asperity  and  fame  to  the  institutions  of  its  great  legislator  Zaleucus. 
is  laws,  which,  according  to  the  assertion  of  Demosthenes,  continued 
in  full  force  for  the  space  of  200  years,  are  said  to  have  been  a  judicious  se- 
lection from  the  Cretan,  Lacedaemonian,  and  Areopagitic  codes,  to  which 
however,  were  added  several  original  enactments.  From  its  greater 
proximity  to  Sicily,  Locri  appears  to  have  been  involved  in  the  politics 
of  that  country  at  a  more  early  period  than  the  other  Italian  cities,  and 
at  one  time  fell  under  the  tyrannical  sway  of  the  younger  Dionysius,  who 
gave  loose  here  to  all  the  vicious  propensities  of  his  nature.  It  suffered 
severely  also  from  Pyrrhus,  whose  cause  it  had  deserted  for  that  of  the 
Romans  ;  but  the  heaviest  blow  it  received  was  in  the  time  of  the  second 
Punic  war.  Having  followed  the  example  of  the  other  Greek  colonies 
in  siding  with  Hannibal,  it  again  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  who 
left  in  it  a  garrison  under  the  command  of  Q.  Pleminius.  The  conduct 
of  this  officer  and  his  troops  towards  the  inhabitants  of  Locri,  seems  to 
have  far  surpassed  in  licentiousness  and  wanton  cruelty  all  that  the  rage 
of  an  enemy  could  have  inflicted  on  a  conquered  city.  He  was  at  length 
recalled,  and  ended  his  days  in  prison. 

M. 

MASSILU,  a  celebrated  colony  of  the  Phoceans,  on  the  Mediterranean 
coast  of  Gau!.  now  Marseilles.  It  became  at  an  early  period  a  powerfu. 
and  flourishing  city,  and  was  famed  for  its  extensive  commerce.  The 
most  prosperous  period  in  its  history  would  seem  to  have  been  the  inter- 
val from  the  fall  of  Carthage,  with  which  city  it  had  frequent  collisions 
to  the  commencement  of  the  contest  between  Caesar  and  Pompey.  This 
city  was  always  the  firm  ally  of  Rome.  It  suffered  severely  in  the  civL 
wars  from  its  attachment  to  the  party  of  Pompey,  being  compelled  to 
sustain  a  severe  siege,  in  which  its  fleet  was  destroyed  ;  and,  after  sur 

43 


506  GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX. 

rendering,  to  pay  s  heavy  exaction.  Massilia  became  afterward,  in 
the  days  of  Augustus,  famous  as  a  seat  of  science,  and  the  rival  of 
Athens. 

MISENUM,  a  town  and  harbour  of  Campania,  on  the  promontory  of  the 
same  name.  In  the  reign  of  Augustus  it  became  one  of  the  first  nava. 
stations  of  the  Roman  empire,  being  intended  to  guard  the  coasts  of 
the  Tuscan  sea.  Pliny  the  elder  was  stationed  here,  as  commander 
of  the  fleet  at  the  time  of  the  great  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  in  which  he 
perished. 

MONS  SACER,  a  low  range  of  sandstone  hills,  extending  along  the  right 
bank  of  the  Anio,  and  about  three  miles  distant  from  Rome.  It  is  cele- 
brated in  history  for  the  secession  that  was  made  to  it  by  the  Roman 
people. 

MULVIUS  PONS,  now  Ponte  Molle,  one  of  the  bridges  over  the  Tiber. 
It  was  built  by  M.  Aemilius  Scaurus,  from  a  corruption  of  whose  nornen 
(Aemflius,)  the  appellation  Mulvius  is  thought  to  have  originated.  At 
this  bridge  commenced  the  Via  Flaminia,  which  led  from  Rome  to 
Ariminnm.  Situated  at  a  little  distance  from  the  city,  surrounded  by 
vilias,  and  places  of  public  resort,  it  became  the  rendezvous  of  nightly 
revellers  and  debauchees  in  the  licentious  age  of  Nero.  The  battle  be- 
tween Constantino  and  Maxentius,  which  decided  the  fate  of  Rome  and 
the  empire,  was  also  fought  in  this  quarter. — The  Ponte  Molle  is  reared 
upon  four  arches  of  Travertine  stone,  and  is  about  350  feet  in  length.  It 
was  so  entirely  rebuilt  (A.  D.  1450)  by  Pope  Nicholas  V.,  that  it  cannot 
be  said  any  thing  ancient  now  remains  to  be  seen  ;  indeed,  the  old  bridge 
was  probably  a  few  paces  farther  up  the  river,  and  some  vestiges  of  the 
foundations  may  be  discovered  when  the  waters  are  very  low.  Burgess, 
Topography  and  Antiouities  of  Rome,  vol.  2,  p.  227. 

N. 

NEAPOLIS,  a  celebrated  city  of  Campania,  on  the  Sinus  Crater,  now 
Naples,  or,  in  Italian,  Napoli.  Its  earlier  name  is  said  to  have  been 
Parthenope,  from  a  siren  who  was  cast  upon  the  shore  in  this  quarter; 
and  the  appellation  of  Neapolis  appears  to  have  been  given  to  it  when  a 
colony  of  Cumaeans  settled  here,  and  so  changed  the  aspect  of  the  city 
as  to  give  rise  to  the  name  Neapolis,  i.  e.  New  City.  Many,  however, 
think  that  the  Cumaeans  founded  it  in  the  first  instance.  Neapolis  was 
famed  for  the  beauty  of  its  situation,  and  its  inhabitants  were  marked  by 
all  the  indolence  and  luxury  of  Grecian  manners. 

NUMANTIA,  a  town  of  Spain,  near  the  sources  of  the  river  Durius,  cel- 
ebrated for  the  brave  resistance  which  it  made  against  the  Romans  for 
the  space  of  1 4  years.  It  was  built  upon  an  eminence  of  no  great  height, 
between  two  branches  of  the  Durius,  and  surrounded  by  a  very  thick 
wood  on  three  sides.  One  path  alone  led  down  into  the  plain,  and  this 
was  defended  by  ditches  and  palisades.  The  great  length  of  time  it 
withstood  the  Romans,  may  be  easily  accounted  for,  by  its  difficult  situ- 
ation, and  the  circumstance  of  its  circuit  being  so  large,  that  within  it 
were  even  pastures  for  cattle.  This  place  was  at  last  reduced  by  Scipio 
Africanus  Minor,  the  conqueror  of  Carthage.  The  remains  of  Numantia 
may  be  still  seen  near  Puenle  dc  Garay. 


GEOGRAPHICAL     INDEX.  507 

,  a  country  of  Africa,  cast  of  Mauretania,  and  corresponding, 
hi  a  great  measure,  to  the  modern  Algiers. 

O. 

OSTIA,  a  celebrated  town  and  harbour,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber.  It 
was  the  port  of  Rome,  and  its  name  even  now  remains  unchanged, 
though  few  vestiges  are  left  of  its  former  importance.  All  historians 
agree  in  ascribing  its  foundation  to  Ancus  Martius.  When  the  Romans 
began  to  have  ships  of  war,  Ostia  became  a  place  of  great  importance, 
and  a  fleet  was  constantly  stationed  there  to  guard  the  mouth  of  the 
Tiber.  The  place,  however,  was  taken  by  the  pirates  during  their  ascen- 
dancy in  the  Mediterranean,  and  Cicero  alludes  to  the  circumstance  with 
great  indignation  in  his  oration  for  the  Manilian  law.  Ostia  was  thirteen 
mites  from  Rome.  Great  changes,  however,  have  taken  place  sines 
ancient  times,  and  the  port  of  Ostia  is  now  two  miles,  or  nearly  so,  from 
the  sea.  The  cause  of  this,  in  a  great  measure,  seems  to  be,  that  the 
extreme  flatness  of  the  land  does  not  allow  the  Tiber  to  carry  off  the 
great  quantities  of  earth  and  mud  brought  down  by  its  turbid  waters,  and 
the  more  that  is  deposited,  the  more  sluggishly  it  flows,  and  thus  the 
shore  rises,  the  sea  recedes,  and  the  marshes  extend. 

P. 

PALATINUS  MONS,  a  celebrated  hill,  the  largest  of  the  seven  on  which 
Rome  was  built.  It  was  upon  this  that  Romulus  laid  the  first  foundation 
of  the  capital  of  Italy,  in  a  quadrangular  form,  and  here  also  in  a  later 
age  dwelt  Augustus  and  the  succeeding  emperors.  On  this  same  hill 
too  stood  the  famous  Palatine  library.  The  Palatium  was  secured,  on 
account  of  its  importance,  by  a  nightly  guard  during  the  alarm  attendant 
upon  the  first  rumours  of  Catiline's  conspiracy. 

PAMPHYLIA,  a  province  of  Asia  Minor,  lying  along  the  sea  from  Lycia 
to  Cilicia,  and  having  Pisidia  to  the  north.  The  inhabitants  are  said  to 
have  been  an  intermixture  of  the  mountaineer  races  of  the  interior  with 
Phoenicians  and  Greeks,  and  the  latter  are  reported  to  have  settled  here 
after  the  overthrow  of  Troy,  under  the  guidance  of  Amphilochus  and 
Calchas.  Under  the  Syrian  dynasty,  this  country  made  part  of  the  king- 
dom of  Syria  ;  it  then  became  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus  ;  and 
was  finally  absorbed  in  the  Roman  empire.  The  pirates  had  several 
castles  along  the  coast,  which  were  all  destroyed  by  Pompey. 

PICENUS  ACER,  another  name  for  Picenum,  a  district  of  Italy,  east 
and  southeast  of  Umbria.  The  inhabitants  were  of  Sabine  origin.  Their 
co.untry  was  considered  one  of  the  most  fertile  parts  of  Italy,  and  the 
produce  of  its  fruit-trees  was  particularly  esteemed. 

PONS  MULVIUS,  Vid.  Mulvius  Pons. 

PONTUS,  a  country  of  Asia  Minor,  bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Eux- 
ine,  on  the  south  by  Cappadocia,  on  the  west  by  Galatia  and  Paphla- 
gonia,  and  on  the  east  by  Armenia.  This  country  was  originally  a  part 
of  Cappadocia,  and  a  satrapy  of  the  Persian  empire.  A  son  of  Darius 
Hystaspis,  Artabazes,  held  this  satrapy  as  a  vassal,  with  the  right  to 
transmit  it  as  an  inheritance  to  posterity.  Its  rulers,  however,  eventually 
made  themselves  independent  of  any  foreign  control,  and  under  Mithri- 


508  GEOGRAPHICAL    IiNUKX. 

dates  VI.,  surnamed  Eupator,  Pontus  attained  to  a  high  degree  of  glory, 
»nd  extended  its  arms  far  and  wide  over  lower  Asia  and  Greece,  until 
reduced  by  the  Roman  arms. 

PRAFNESTE,  now  Palestrina,  an  ancient  city  of  Latium,  southeast  of 
Rome.  Strabo  makes  the  intervening  distance  twenty-five  miles  (200 
stadia  ;)  but  the  Itineraries  give  more  correctly  twenty-three  miles.  Its 
citadel  is  described  by  Strabo  as  remarkable  for  its  strength  of  position, 
and  Catiline  therefore  attempted  to  seize  upon  it,  but  was  frustrated  by 
Cicero.  Praeneste  was  famed  for  its  temple  of  Fortune. 

R. 

REATE,  an  old  Sabine  town,  on  the  river  Velinus,  a  branch  of  the  Nar. 
Its  modern  name  is  Rieti.  Reate  was  only  a  praefecture  in  Cicero's 
time.  In  the  days  of  Suetonius,  however,  it  held  the  rank  of  a  munici- 
pium.  It  was  famed  for  its  breed  of  mules.  The  valley  of  the  Velinus, 
in  which  this  place  was  situated,  waa  so  delightful  as  to  merit  the  appel- 
lation of  Tempe,  in  imitation  of  the  beautiful  vale,  of  the  same  name,  in 
Thessaiy. 

RHEGIUM,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  and  flourishing  cities  of  Magna 
Graecia,  at  the  extremity  of  the  peninsula,  and  in  the  territory  of  the 
Bruttii.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  founded  nearly  700  B.  C.,  by  a 
party  of  Zancleans  from  Sicily,  together  with  some  Chalcidians  from 
Euboea,  and  Messenians  from  the  Peloponnesus.  Its  name  is  supposed 
to  allude  to  the  great  catastrophe  by  which  Sicily  was  broken  off,  in  early 
days,  from  Italy.  ('Pfiytov  a  priywjii  frango.)  Some,  however,  consider 
the  name  of  the  place  as  of  Oscan  origin.  The  modern  appellation  is 
Reggio. 

RHOETEUM,  a  promontory  of  Troas,  on  the  shore  of  the  Hellespont,  in 
a  northeast  direction  nearly  from  Sigaeum.  On  the  sloping  side  of  it  the 
body  of  Ajax  was  said  to  have  been  buried,  and  the  tumulus  that  stands 
there  was  thought  to  mark  the  spot.  Between  this  promontory  and  that 
of  Sigaeum  was  the  position  of  the  Graecian  camp.  According  to  Leake, 
Palaeo  Castro,  near  the  Turkish  village  of  It-gelmes  marks  the  probable 
site  of  Rhoeteum. 

RUDIAE,  a  city  of  Italy,  in  the  territory  of  the  Calabri,  and  below 
Brundisium.  It  was  rendered  famous  by  being  the  birthplace  of  Ennius 
The  remains  of  this  place  are  still  known  by  the  name  of  Ruge. 

S. 

SILAMINII,  the  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Salamis,  who  are  mentioned 
by  Cicero  as  among  the  number  of  those  that  claimed  to  have  had  Homer 
born  among  them.  Salamis  lay  in  the  Sinus  Saronicus,  opposite  Eleusia 
m  Attica,  and  the  intervening  strait  was  famous  for  the  naval  conflict  be- 
tween the  Greeks  and  the  Persians.  It  is  now  called  Colouri,  which  is 
also  the  name  of  its  principal  town. 

SAMOS,  an  island  in  the  Aegean  sea,  off  the  lower  part  of  the  coast 
of  Ionia,  and  nearly  opposite  the  Trogilian  promontory.  The  intervening 
strait  «vas  about  seven  stadia.  Samos  was  the  most  important  and  pow- 
erful island  of  the  lonians.  It  was  the  birthplace  of  Pythagoras,  and 
claimed  also  to  be  the  natal  place  of  Homer, 


GEOGRAPHICAL     INDEX.  509 

SICILIA,  a  well-known  island  in  the  Mediterranean,  separated  from 
Italy  by  the  Fretum  Siculum,  or  straits  of  Messina.  Its  triangular  shape 
gave  it  the  name  of  Trinacria  and  Triquetra,  (rp^s-a/cpai,  and  rpcts-Mpat.) 
The  promontory  nearest  Italy  was  called  Pelorum,  now  Cape  Faro.  The 
one  to  the  south  of  this  was  Pachynum,  now  Passaro ;  and  the  remain- 
ing one,  Lilybaeum,  now  Boeo.  This  last,  however,  is  in  truth,  not  a 
mountain-promontory,  but  a  low,  flat  point  of  land,  rendered  dangerous 
to  vessels  by  its  sand-banks  and  concealed  rocks.  Sicilia  derived  its 
name  from  the  ancient  Siculi,  who  came  into  this  island  from  Latium. 

SIGAETJM,  a  celebrated  promontory  of  Troas,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Scamander.  The  modern  name  is  Cape  Jenischehr,  or,  as  it  is  more 
commonly  pronounced,  Cape  Janissary.  The  promontories  of  Sigaeum 
and  Rhoeteum  formed  the  limits,  on  either  side,  of  the  station  of  the 
Grecian  fleet.  Achilles,  Patroclus,  and  Antilochus  were  buried  on  Si- 
gaeum, and  three  large  tumuli,  or  mounds  of  earth,  are  supposed  to  marie 
their  tombs  ;  though,  from  a  passage  of  Homer  (Od.  24,  75,  segq.)  it 
would  seem  that  one  mound  or  tomb  covered  the  ashes  of  all  three. 

SINOPE,  a  city  of  Paphlagonia,  on  the  eastern  coast,  and  a  little  below 
its  northern  extremity.  It  was  the  most  important  city,  in  a  commercial 
point  of  view,  on  the  shores  of  the  Euxine,  and  was  founded  by  a  Mile  • 
sian  colony  at  a  very  early  period,  even  prior  it  is  said  to  the  rise  of  the 
Persian  empire.  The  situation  of  Sinope  was  extremely  well  chosen. 
It  was  built  on  the  neck  of  a  peninsula  ;  and  as  this  peninsula  was  se- 
cured from  any  hostile  landing  along  its  outer  shores  by  high  cliffs,  the 
city  only  needed  defending  on  the  narrow  isthmus  connecting  it  with  the 
main  land,  while  at  the  same  lime  it  had  two  convenient  harbours  on 
either  side.  Sinope  soon  increased  in  wealth  and  power,  and  became 
possessed  of  a  dependant  territory,  which  reached  as  far  as  the  Halys. 
Its  flourishing  condition  of  course  excited  envy,  and  it  was  frequently 
besieged  by  the  neighbouring  satraps  of  Paphlagonia  and  Cappadocia.  It 
was  at  last  reduced  by  Pharnaces,  and  became  the  residence  of  the  mon- 
archs  of  Pontus,  until  Lucullus  took  it  from  the  last  Mithridates.  It 
suffered  severely  on  this  occasion,  and  the  Roman  commander  stripped 
it  of  many  fine  statues,  and  valuable  works  of  art.  Sinope  was  the  birth- 
place of  the  Cynic  Diogenes.  Its  modern  name  is  Sinub,  and  it  is  still 
one  of  the  most  important  cities  along  this  coast. 

T. 

TARENTUM,  (in  Greek  Tapas-avrof,)  now  Taranto,  a  celebrateu  city 
of  Lower  Italy,  situate  in  the  northeastern  angle  of  the  Sinus  Tarentinus, 
and  in  the  territory  of  Messapia  or  lapygia.  Placed  in  the  centre,  as  it 
were,  it  obtained  the  whole  commerce  of  the  Adriatic,  Ionian,  and  Tus- 
can seas.  The  adjacent  country  was  fertile  in  grain,  and  fruit,  the  pas- 
tures were  excellent,  and  the  flocks  afforded  a  very  fine  wool.  Its  navy 
also  was  superior  to  that  of  any  other  Italian  colony.  Luxury,  however, 
the  sure  concomitant  of  wealth,  eventually  undermined  all  this  fabric  of 
power  and  greatness,  and  Tarentum  passed,  after  a  long  struggle,  under 
the  yoke  of  the  Romans,  although  upheld  for  a  time  by  the  talents  and 
energies  of  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus. 

TENEDOS,  a  small  but  fertile  island  of  the  Aegean,  opposite  the  coast 
of  Troas,  at  the  distance  of  about  12  miles  from  Sigaeum,  and  56  milet 
43* 


510  GEOGRAPHICAL    INDEX. 

north  from  Lesbos.  It  was  here  that  the  Grecian  fleet  were  said  to  have 
concealed  themselves,  the  more  effectually  to  make  the  Trojans  believe 
that  they  had  returned  home  without  finishing  the  war.  Tenedos  de- 
clined in  power  after  the  fall  of  Troy,  and  became  subject  to  the  city  of 
Alexandrea  Troas,  on  the  continent.  The  position  of  Tenedos,  so  near 
the  mouth  of  the  Hellespont,  has  always  rendered  it  a  place  of  impor- 
tance in  both  ancient  and  modern  times. 

TIGRANOCERTA,  the  capital  of  Armenia,  built  by  Tigranes.     It  was 
situate  to  the  east  of  the  Tigris,  on  the  river  Nicephorius,  and,  according 
to  Tacitus,  stood  on  a  hill  surrounded  by  that  river.     Lucullus  took  it 
luring  the  Mithridatic  war,  and  found  in  it  immense  riches.     The  mw* 
an  Sered  on  the  Chabur,  indicates  the  ancient  site. 

TKUTONES,  Vid.  Cimbri. 


LEGAL  INDEX. 


LEGAL  INDEX. 


Lttx  AEBUTIA,  proposed  by  the  tribune  Aebutius,  but  at  what  time  :t 
oncertain.  It  prohibited  the  proposer  of  a  law  concerning  any  charge  or 
power,  from  conferring  that  charge  or  power  on  himself,  his  colleagues, 
or  relations.  Agr.  2,  8. 

Leges  AGRARIAE,  Vid.  Lex  SEMPEONIA. 

Leges  ANNALES,  laws  fixing  the  ages  for  enjoy  ing  different  offices.  A 
law  was  passed  for  this  purpose,  A.  U.  C.  573,  which  had  been  proposed 
by  L.  Villius,  a  tribune  of  the  commons,  whence  he  obtained  the  sur- 
name of  Annalis,  which  descended  to  his  family.  (Liv.  40,  44. — Ma- 
nut,  de  leg.  c.  6.)  There  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  some  regulation 
on  the  subject,  even  before  the  Villian  law,  (Liv.  25,  2,)  but  the  partic- 
ular ages  for  particular  offices  were  not  designated,  as  in  this  law  ;  it  was 
only  settled  how  old  a  person  must  be  before  he  could  begin  to  be  an 
applicant  for  office  generally.  (Duker,  ad  Liv.  1.  c.)  The  years  fixed 
by  the  Villian  law  were  as  follows :  for  the  quaestorship,  31  ;  for  tho 
aedileship,  37  ;  for  the  praetorship,  40  ;  and  for  the  consulship,  43. 
This  estimate  is  founded  upon  Cicero's  movements,  who  obtained  these 
offices  at  the  periods  just  mentioned,  and,  as  he  himself  informs  us,  each 
in  its  proper  year,  (suo  anno,)  L  e.  as  soon  as  k  could  be  obtained  by 
law. — Another  Lex  Annahs  was  introduced  by  M.  Pinarius  Rusca,  a 
tribune  of  the  commons,  (Cic.  de  Oral.  2,  65,)  but  nothing  is  known  of 
its  provisions. — These  laws  are  also  called  Leges  Annariae  by  Festus, 
and  Lampridius.  Vit.  Comm.  c.  2. 

Lex  AURELIA,  ( judiciaria)  by  L.  Aurelius  Cotta,  praetor,  A.  U.  C. 
683.  It  ordained  that  judices,  or  what  we  would  call  jurymen,  should 
oe  chosen  from  the  senators,  equites,  and  tribuni  aerarii.  These  last 
were  officers  chosen  from  the  plebeians,  who  kept  and  gave  out  the  money 
.or  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  army. — The  history  of  this  law  is  as 
Allows  :  The  Judices  at  first  were  chosen  from  the  senators,  until,  on 

count  of  the  corruption  of  that  order,  Caius  Gracchus  brought  in  a  law 
( Vid.  Lex  SEMPRONIA,)  by  which  the  right  of  acting  as  judices  was  taken 
from  the  senators  and  given  to  the  eqtiites.  The  latter,  however,  in- 
dulged in  great  harshness  and  actual  unfairness,  towards  the  members 
of  the  senate  who  happened  to  be  accused  before  them,  especially  if  they 
nad  opposed,  either  in  the  senate,  or  during  some  provincial  magistracy, 
any  of  the  unreasonable  demands  of  the  publicani  of  the  day.  (Cic.  m 
513 


514  LEGAL    INDEX. 

Verr.  1,  13.)  In  every  other  respect,  however,  they  judged  with  great 
impartiality.  The  Livian  and  Plautian  laws  were  therefore  enacted,  by 
which  it  was  ordained  that  judices  should  be  chosen  in  common  from 
among  both  senators  and  equites.  But  these  statutes  were  found  inef- 
fectual to  remedy  the  evil,  and  Sylla,  therefore,  by  one  of  the  Leges 
Corneliae,  took  away  the  right  of  judging  from  the  equestrian  order  and 
restored  it  to  the  senate.  Not  even  after  this,  however,  was  there  com- 
plete fairness  in  judging.  The  lower  orders  complained  of  the  existing 
state  of  things,  and  the-.efore,  through  fear  lest  some  seditious  tribune 
might  make  this  matter  a  handle  for  exciting  sedition,  Gotta  proposed  the 
Aurelian  law.  Compare  Cic.  Phil,  r,  8. — Agr.  .1,8. 


Lex  CALPURNIA,  by  C.  Calpurnius  Piso,  A.  U.  C.  686,  when  he  and 
M'.  Acilius  Glabrio  were  consuls.  Ic  was  aimed  against  bribery  in  su- 
ing for  office,  which  had  become  very  marked  and  open.  Some  idea  of 
its  provisions  m;iy  be  obtained  from  the  language  of  Cicero,  in  the  oration 
for  Murena,  (c.  32)  "  Si  merccde  corrupti  ohmam  candidalis  issent,"  &c. 
The  reference  to  be  sure  is  to  a  senates-consult  um,  but  Cicero  adds  a 
little  farther  on,  "  Hifactum  sit,  (sc.  hujusmodi  quid,)  quin  contra  legen* 
sit,  dubit.are  nemo  po/es/.— -This  law  is  sometimes  called  Lex  Aalia-Cal- 
jmrnia,  from  the  names  of  both  consuls,  but  Cicero  merely  styles  it  Lex 
Calpurnia.  It  was  subsequently  abrogated  by  a  senate s-consultum 
(Pro  Corn,  frugm.  1,  p<.  631. — Ascon.  ad  loc.)  It  is  alluded  to  by  Sal- 
lust.  B.  C.  18.  .  Compare  Dio  Cass.  36,  and  VOL.  Lex  TULLIA. 

Lex  CARBONIS  et  SILVANI,  Vid.  Lex  PLAUTIA. 

Lex  CORNELIA,  (judiciaria)  by  L.  Cornelius  Sylla.  It  took  away 
from  the  equites  the  right  of  being  judices,  and  restored  it  to  the  senate 
Consult  remarks  under  Lex  ADRELIA. 

Lex  CORNELIA,  (de  venejiciis,')  by  the  same.  It  was  aimed  in  the 
first  instance  at  those  guilty  of  secret  assassination,  and  then  at  those 
who  took  away  the  life  of  another  by  .poison,  false  accusation,  &c.  The 
law  Ordained  that  these  should  be  regarded  as  "  quaesliones  capitales," 
and  the  punishment  was  to  be  banishment  and  confiscation  of  property 
Consult  Cic.  pro  Cluent,  56,  and  Sigonius,  de  Judiciis,  2,  31. 

Lex  CORNELIA,  (testQmentaria)  by  the  same,  against  those  who  forged 
or  altered  wills.  As  it,  however,  contained  other  provisions  against 
various  kinds  of  false  und  dishonest  conduct,  it  is  sometimes  called  Lex 
Cornelia  de  /also.  For  example  it  was  aimed  also  at  those  who  debased 
or  counterfeited  the  public  coin.  J.  Paulli.  recept.  sentcntiarum  L.  V. 
Tit.  25. 

Lex  CORNELIA, ~(de  liber  tinorum  suffragiis,)  by  Cornelius  a  tribune  of 
the  commons.  This  law  was  the  same  with  the  Manilian.  (Vid.  Lex 
MANILIA  de  sujfragiorum  confusione.)  In  other  words,  the  accuser  of 
Cornelius  alleged,  that  the  Manilian  law  had  been  passed  by  the  joint  ou- 
t-ration and  efforts  of  him  and  Manilius. 

F. 

Lex  FABIA,  (de  niimcro  sectatorum)  limiting  the  number  of  scctatvrt* 
lhat  attended  candidates,  when  canvassing  for  anv  office.  A  large  attend- 


LEGAL    INDEX.  5i?S 

ance  was  forbidden  oy  this  law,  as  coining  under  the  head  of  "  ambitus.'" 
It  was  never  a  popular  statute,  for  the  people  could  be  deterred  by  n» 
penalties  from  this  mode  of  expressing  their  regard  for  a  candidate.— 
The  sectntores,  who  always  attended  candidates,  were  distinguished  from 
the  salittatores,  who  only  waited  on  them  at  their  houses  in  the  morning, 
'and  then  went  away  ;  and  from  the  deductores,  who  also  went  down  witn 
them  to  the/orum  and  Campus  Martins. 

G. 

Lex  GABINIA,  by  Aulua  Gabimus,  about  conferring  on  Pompey  th» 
management  of  the  war  against  the  pirates.  For  an  account  of  its  pro- 
visions, consult  note  14,  page  82. 

J. 

Lex  JULIA,  (de  mart  land  is  ordinibus,)  this  was  the  famous  law  of  Au- 
gustus, for  the  encouragement  of  matrimony,  offering  rewards  to  those 
who  should  enter  the  married  state,  and  imposing  a  penalty  on  those  who 
should  remain  in  a  life  of  celibacy.  It  met  with  great  opposition,  accord- 
ing to  Suetonius,  (Oct.  34,)  and  Augustus  was  compelled  to  soften  down 
its  most  obnoxious  features,  and  then  allow  an  exemption  from  its  pro- 
visions for  three  years.  At  the  expiration  of  this  period,  a  still  farther 
exemption  of  two  years  vyas  granted,  and  at  length  the  law  went  into  full 
operation  A.  U.  C.  757.  It  was  re-modelled,  however,  into  the  Lex 
PAPIA-POPPAEA,  A.  U.  C.  762.  Sueton.  Oct.  89.—Liv.  Epii.  59. — Horaf., 
Carm.  Sacc.  17,  scqq. — Propert.  2,  6,  1. — Dio  Cass.  56,  10.  Consult 
remarks  under  Lex  PAPIA-POPPAEA. 

L. 

Lex  LAETORIA,  (contra  circumscriptores  adolescentum,)  against  the 
defrauding  of  minors,  passed  A.  U.  C.  490.  It  ordained  that  no  one 
under  25  years  of  age'could  make  a  legal  bargain,  fixing  therefore  tne 
limit  of  minority  at  that  period  of  life.  Hence  it  was  also  called  Lex 
QCJINAVICENNARIA.  (Plaut.  Pseud.  1,  3,  68.)  It  was  proposed  by  M. 
Laetorius  Plancianus,  tribune  of  the  commons.  Cic.  de  Off.  3,  15. — Id. 
N.  D.  3,  39. — Sueton.  Lib.  Praet.  ap.  Prise,  lib.  18. — Hemecc.  Ant. 
Rom.  1,  23,  6,  p.  198,  ed.  Haubold. 

Lex  LICINIA,  by  L.  Licmius  Crassus,  the  orator,  similar  in  its  provis- 
ions to  the  Aebutiau  law.  Apr.  2,  8. — Pro  Dom.  20. 

Lex  LICINIA,  (tie  amhitu  et  de  sodalitiis,)  passed  in  the  consulship 
of  Cn.  Pompeins  and  M.  Licmius  Crassus,  A.  U.  C.  698.  It  wa» 
enacted  against  bribery  and  the  assembling  of  societies  or  companies  for 
the  purpose  of  canvassing  for  office.  In  a  trial  for  this  crime  the  accuser 
was  allowed  to  name  the  jurymen  from  the  people  in  general.  Or.  pro 
"lane.  15. — Id.  ibid.  17. — Sigonius,  de  Judinis,  2,  30,  p.  650,  et  658 

M. 

Lex  MANILIA,  (de  libertinorum  suffrtigtis,)  proposed  by  C.  Manilius 
;he  tribune,  who  also  introduced  the  law  giving  Pompey  charge  of  the 


M6  LEGAL    INDEX. 

war  against  Mithndates.  An  account  of  the  provisions  of  this  statute 
respecting  the  votes  of  freedmen  will  be  found  under  note  17,  page  116. 
Lex  MANILTA,  by  the  same  Manilius,  giving  the  charge  of  the  Mithri- 
datic  war  to  Pompey.  (Or.  pro  Man.  L.  29.)  The  Manilian  law, 
according  to  Plutarch,  gave  Pompey  all  the  provinces  and  forces  under 
Lucullus,  and  added  likewise  Bithynia,  which  was  at  that  time  governed 
by  Glabrio.  It  directed  him  to  carry  on  the  war  against  Mithridates  and 
Tigranes,  for  which  purpose  he  was  also  to  retain  his  naval  command. 
This  was  subjecting,  at  once,  the  whole  Roman  empire  to  one  man.  Ff 
the  provinces,  which  the  Gabinian  law  did  not  give  him,  viz.,  Phrygia 
Lycaonia,  Galatia,  Cappadocia,  Cilicia,  the  upper  Colchis,  and  Armenia, 
were  granted  by  this  ;  together  with  all  the  forces  which,  under  Lucull-io; 
had  defeated  Mithridates  and  Tigranes.  Plut.  Vit.  Pomp.  30. 


LEX  PAPIA-POPPAEA,  (de  maritandis  ordinibus,)  proposed  by  the  con- 
suls Papius  and  Poppaeus,  at  the  desire  of  Augustus,  A.  U.  C.  762.  Its 
object  was  to  enforce  and  enlarge  the  Julian  law,  and  to  promote  popu 
lation,  and  repair  the  desolation  occasioned  by  the  civil  wars.  This  statute, 
like  the  Julian  ordinance,  proposed  certain  rewards  for  marriage,  and 
penalties  against  celibacy.  Whoever  in  the  city  had  three  children,  in 
the  other  parts  of  Italy  four,  and  in  the  provinces  five,  was  entitled  to 
certain  privileges  and  immunities.  Hence  the  famous  jus  trium  lii/ero- 
rum,  so  often  mentioned  by  Pliny,  Martial,  and  other  ancient  writers. 
The  privileges  of  having  three  children  were,  an  exemption  from  the 
trouble  of  guardianship,  a  priority  in  bearing  offices,  and  a  treble  propor- 
tion of  corn.  Those  who  lived  in  celibacy  could  not  succeed  to  an  inher- 
itance, except  of  their  nearest  relations,  unless  they  married  within  100 
days  after  the  death  of  the  testator  ;  nor  receive  an  entire  legacy.  And 
what  they  were  thus  deprived  of  fell  as  an  escheat  to  the  exchequer  or 
prince's  private  purse.  (Heinecc.  Antiq.  Rom.  1,  25,  7,  scqq.) 

Lex  PAPIA.  bv  C.  Papius,  tribune  of  the  commons.  A-  U.  C.  688.  It 
ordained  that  all  foreigners  should  be  expelled  from  Home,  and  that  the 
allies  of  the  Latin  name  should  return  to  their  respective  cities.  (Cic. 
pro  Arch.  5.—  Pro  Balb.  23.—  Ep.  ad  Alt.  4,  14.—  De  Off.  3,  11.) 

Lex  PAPIRIA,  the  same  with  the  Lex  PLAUTIA. 

Lex  PLAUTIA,  or  PLOTIA,  (judiciaria,)  proposed  by  M.  Plautius  Sil- 
vanus,  and  C.  Papirius  Carbo,  both  tribunes  of  the  commons  at  the 
time.  The  provisions  of  this  law  are  given  in  the  oration  for  Archias, 
(c.  4.)  It  was  passed  A.  U.  C,  664. 

Lex  PORCIA,  by  M.  Porcius  Laeca,  tribune  ot  the  commons,  A.  U.  C. 
556,  that  no  one  should  bind,  scourge  or  kill  a  Roman  citizen,  but  that 
the  alternative  of  exile  be  allowed  him.  Manutius  errs  in  assigning  this 
law  to  M.  Porcius  Cato.  the  censor. 


QUAESTIONES.  The  praetor  urlanus  and  praetor  peregrinus  dispensed 
justice  only  in  private  or  less  important  causes.  But  in  public  cases  and 
those  of  any  magnitude,  the  people  either  judged  themselves,  or  appointed 
persons,  one  or  more,  to  preside  at  the  trial,  who  were  called  quaesitores, 
or  quaestores,  and  whose  authority  lasted  only  till  the  trial  was  over 


LEGAL    INDEX.  517 

But  A.  U.  C.  604,  it  was  determined,  that  the  praetor  urbanus  and  prae- 
tor peregnnus  should  continue  to  exercise  their  usual  jurisdictions  ;  and 
that  the  four  other  praetors  should,  during  their  magistracy,  also  remain 
in  the  city,  and  preside  at  public  trials  ;  one  at  trials  concernfng  extor- 
tion ;  another  concerning  bribery  ;  a  third  concerning  crimes  committed 
against  the  state ;  and  a  fourth  about  defrauding  the  public  treasury. 
These  were  called  Quacstiones  Perpeluae,  because  they  were  annually 
assigned  to  particular  praetors,  who  always  conducted  them  for  the  whole 
year,  according  to  a  certain  form  prescribed  by  law  ;  so  that  there  was 
no  need,  as  formerly,  of  making  a  new  law,  or  of  appointing  extraordi- 
nary inquisitors  to  preside  at  them,  who  should  resign  their  authority 
when  the  trial  was  ended.  But  still,  when  any  thing  unusual  or  atro- 
cious happened,  the  people  or  senate  judged  about  the  matter  themselves, 
or  appointed  inquisitors  to  preside  at  the  trial ;  and  then  they  were  said 
extra  ordinem  quaerere :  as  in  the  case  of  Clodius,  for  violating  the  sacred 
rites  of  the  Bono,  Dea ;  and  of  Milo,  for  the  murder  of  Clodius. — Sylla 
increased  the  number  of  the  quaestiones  perpetuae,  by  adding  those  de 
falso,  concerning  forgers  of  wills,  &c.,  and  coiners  of  base  money  ;  de 
sicariis  et  veneficis,  about  such  as  killed  with  a  weapon  or  poison  ;  and 
de  parricidis ;  on  which  account  he  created  two  additional  praetors 

R. 

Lex  ROSCIA,  (theatralis,)  by  L.  Roscius  Otho,  determining  the  fortune 
of  the  equites,  and  appointing  them  certain  seats  in  the  theatre.  By  this 
law  fourteen  rows  of  seats,  immediately  behind  the  senators,  were  appro- 
priated to  the  knights.  .This  ordinance  excited  a  great  tumult  in  the 
theatre  on  the  first  appearance  of  its  proposer  after  the  law  bad  been 
passed.  Consult  Historical  Index,  s.  v.  Otho. 

S. 

Lex  SEMPRONIA,  (Agraria,')  by  Tiberius  Gracchus,  A.  U.  C.  620,  that 
no  one  should  posses?  more  than  500  acres  (jugera)  of  land  ;  and  that 
three  commissioners  should  be  appointed  to  divide  among  the  poorer 
people  what  any  one  had  above  that  extent.  This  is  the  famous  Agra- 
rian law,  which  cost  its  proposer  his  life.  It  was  in  fact  little  more  than 
a  revival  of  the  Licinian  law  of  Stolo.  This  ordinance  was  passed,  but 
never  carried  into  effect.  (Pint.  Vit.  Gracch. —  Veil.  Patcrc.  2,  2. — 
Liv.  Epit.  58.) 

Lex  SEMPRONIA,  ( judiciaria,)  by  Caius  Gracchus,  that  the  judices 
should  be  chosen  from  among  the  equites,  and  not  from  the  senators,  as 
formerly.  Consult  remarks  under  Lex  AURELIA. 

Lex  SEMPRONIA,  (de  libertate  cieium,)  by  the  same,  that  sentence 
should  not  be  passed  on  the  life  of  a  Roman  citizen,  without  the  order  of 
the  people.  This  was  merely  declaratory  of  one  of  the  laws  of  the  twelve 
fables.  (Pro  Rob.  c.  4.— In  Verr.  5,  63.— In  Cat.  1,  11.) 

T. 

Lex  TITIA,  (de  quaestoribus,)  by  C.  Titius,  tribune  of  the  commons, 
A.  U.  C  448,  about  doubling  the  number  of  quaestors,  and  that  thev 
should  determine  their  provinces  by  lot.     (Or.  pro  Muren.  €.) 
44 


518  LEGAL    INDEX. 

Lex  TULLIA,  (de  amhtu,)  by  M.  Tullius  Cicero,  A.  U.  C.  690,  adding 
to  the  former  punishments  against  bribery.  Previously  to  the  passage 
of  this  law,  if  persons  were  convicted  on  trial  of  having  employed  bribery 
in  suing  for  office,  they  were  deprived  of  that  office,  in  case  they  had 
obtained  it,  and  their  competitors  who  accused  them  were  nominated  in 
their  place.  They  were  also,  besides  being  fined,  declared  incapable  of 
bearing  any  office  for  the  time  to  come,  or  of  appearing  in  the  senate,  by 
the  Calpurnian  and  other  laws  ;  and  now  by  the  Tullian  law  banishment 
for  ten  years  was  added.  It  was  also  ordained  by  this  same  statute,  that 
no  one  should  exhibit  shows  of  gladiators  for  two  years  before  he  stood 
candidate  for  any  office,  unless  that  task  was  imposed  upon  him  by  the 
testament  of  a  friend.  (Dio  Cuss.  37,  29. — Cic.  in  Vat.  15. — Pn 
Muren.  32,  seqq.) 

V. 
Z*x  VII.LIA,  Vid.  Leges  ANNALKB 


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